Tuesday, January 31, 2006

UNHCR Officials Visit Cheam Channy in Prison

MP Cheam Channy at his court appearance during his sham trial

Better Living Condition at Military Prison For Cheam Channy


Voice of America

30/01/2006

Opposition party officials claim Monday that the living condition for Mr. Cheam Channy in the military prison is better since he is allowed to get information, such as through the radio, and television.

Opposition Sam Rainsy party's (SRP) secretary Eng Chhay Eang says that Mr. Cheam Channy, SRP legislator can listen to the radio, read newspapers, and watch television in his cell.

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) high ranking officials took some flowers and a color television to Mr. Cheam to make life a little easier for him.

Mr. Cheam's lawyer Kaet Khy thanks the UNHCR officials for their attention.

Support the Request to Grant AMNESTY to the Cambodian MP CHEAM CHANNY


To the kind attention of: Members of Parliament who
have joined the Transnational Radical Party for 2006

Rome, January 30, 2006

Dear Colleague,

We write you to ask you endorse the attached letter-appeal, promoted by the Transnational Radical Party, addressed to the King of Cambodia Norodom Sihamoni and the Prime Minister Hun Sen, to grant amnesty to a Cambodian MP, Hon. Cheam Channy. Over the last few months, Hon. Cheam Channy, has been deprived of his Parliamentary immunity and put on trial before a military court, which convicted him to seven years in jail.

We have personally endorsed this letter and we wholeheartedly hope that other MPs will endorse it in the next hours, before a delegation of MPs who are also TRP members will go to visit Cheam Channy in prison.

With my best wishes

Marco Pannella (signed)
President of the Senate of the Transnational Radical Party, Member of the European Parliament

Emma Bonino (signed)
Member of the European Parliament


To the king and urgent attention of

His Majesty, the King of Cambodia Norodom Sihamoni

His Excellency, the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia, Hun Sen

Rome, January, 2006

His Majesty, Excellency,

Today, we write you as members of several National Parliaments and the European Parliament and of the Transnational radical Party, in a moment in which the democratic institutions of the Kingdom of Cambodia risk to lose their capacity to protect the fundamental freedoms and rights of Cambodians.

Over the last few months, we have followed with attention and trepidation the judicial initiatives that have led to the arrests of numerous representatives of civil society organizations and of the Sam Rainsy Party. The legitimacy of these trials, mostly triggered by defamation lawsuits lodged by members of the Government and the Parliamentary majority following statements of political criticism, has been questioned by many Cambodian and international NGOs, and by the international institutions that monitor the rule of law in Cambodia, including the United Nations.
Today we call on you, in particular to underline the gravity of the situation for the Sam Rainsy MP Cheam Channy, who has been accused by the Cambodian authorities of planning a violent riot, which last 9 August, led to his conviction to seven years in jail. Hon. Cheam Chany was stripped of his Parliamentary immunity and put on trial before a military court, considered by many international observers not sufficiently independent from the executive, which did not guarantee the right to a fair trial.

In support of this opinions, also the UN Working Group on Arbitray Detentions(WGAD) considered the trail of Cheam Channy and , as reported by the International Federation on Human Rights, stated that " that the Cambodian Military Court had no jurisdiction over Cheam Channy, a civilian and Member of Parliament for Kampong Cham province." Furthermore the WGAD stressed that " No evidence of the possession of arms or the plotting of any violent act was presented, and the trial judge refused to permit defense witnesses to testify or to allow the defense to cross-examine prosecution witnesses."

Finally, the WGAD found that Cambodia was in breach of its obligations under international human rights law, declaring that "the deprivation of liberty of Mr Cheam Channy is arbitrary being in contravention with Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights" (to which Cambodia is a state party).

Majesty, Excellency,

Pursuant to article 27 of the Cambodian Constitution " The King shall have the right to grant partial or complete amnesty." The power to grant amnesty is one of the power of the King and should exercised when he deems necessary to correct or remedy decisions of the judiciary which do not respond to the sense of justice that they represent. The case of Cheam Channy in our opinion falls into the situation described above

For these reasons we call on the King of Cambodia and the Prime Minister to make sure that amnesty would be granted as soon as possible to our colleague Cheam Channy.

With our best wishes

Marco Pannella (signed)
President of the Senate of the Transnational Radical Party, Member of the European Parliament

Emma Bonino (signed)
Member of the European Parliament

Monday, January 30, 2006

The winners of the Senate election: Hun Sen's business cronies

"An election campaign is very costly. Businessmen helped the party.
In return, they are expecting something back in return." - Thun Saray of Adhoc NGO


Phnom Penh
Television Kampuchea
29 Jan 06

Cambodia's national television in Khmer, TVK, carries at the end of its 1200 GMT newscast on 29 January 2006 a report read by Tep Nitha, an official of the National Election Committee [NEC], announcing the "official results" of the 22 January 2006 election in which a total of 57 Cambodian senators were elected in eight zones. Four political parties took part in the election, namely:
  1. Cambodian People's Party [CPP] the senior partner in the Cambodian coalition government;
  2. FUNCINPEC [National United Front for An Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia], the junior partner in the coalition government;
  3. Sam Rainsy Party [SRP], Cambodia's opposition party; and
  4. Khmer Democratic Party.
The following is the official results of the senatorial election as announced by the NEC. Names of Prime Minister Hun Sen's business cronies are highlighted in red.

Zone 1: Phnom Penh Municipality (six seats)
CPP

  • Chea sim
  • Sim ka
  • Chea chet
  • Poum Sichan, Mrs.

SRP

  • Kong Koam

FUNCINPEC

  • Pok Kosal

Zone 2: Kampong Cham ( eight seats)
CPP

  • Uk Bun-chhoeun
  • Tit Ream
  • Chuk Chim, Mrs.
  • Van Mat
  • Chhit Kim-yean

SRP

  • Van Sivoeun

FUNCINPEC

  • Peou Sitthi
  • Men Mali, Mrs.

Zone 3: Kandal (five seats)
CPP

  • Tep Ngorn
  • Ti Borasi, Mrs
  • Ti Kong Triv
  • Lav Meng Khin

FUNCINPEC

  • Sisowath Chivoan Monireak, Samdech

Zone 4: Battambang, Banteay Meanchey, Siemreab, Oddar Meanchey, Pailin (10 seats)
CPP

  • Sek Sam-iet
  • Chhea Thang
  • Kang Chan
  • Uk Kong
  • Suon Loun
  • Put Chuop
  • Chhat Loeung
  • Hong Tua-hay

FUNCINPEC

  • Ung Huot
  • Chea Kim

Zone 5: Takeo, Kampot, Kep (seven seats)
CPP

  • Peng Pat
  • Toch Sak
  • Kok An
  • Put Khov
  • Mong Retthy
  • Ung Ti

FUNCINPEC

  • Khlot Torng-Pkha, Mrs.


Zone 6: Prey Veng, Svay Rieng (seven seats)
CPP

  • Mean Sam-An, Mrs.
  • Chan Phin
  • Men Sarun
  • Chey Saphon
  • Chea Son
  • Kim Nang

FUNCINPEC

  • Norodom Chakkrapong, Samdech

Zone 7: Kampong Speu, Kampong Chhnang, Pothisat, Koh Kong, Sihanoukville (eight seats)
CPP

  • Lak On, Mrs.
  • Um Sarit
  • Ruos Sreng
  • Thong Chan
  • Kong Sareach
  • Li Yong-Phat
  • Lay-i Piset

FUNCINPEC

  • Thoam Bun-Srun


Zone 8: Kampong Thom, Preah Vihear, Krachech, Stoeng Treng, Rotanakiri, Mondolkiri (six seats)
CPP

  • Yang Sem
  • Soey Kev
  • Som Sopha
  • Boeuy Koet
  • Prum Sot, Mrs.

FUNCINPEC

  • Pao Bun-Sroeu

Hun Sen: "if you are rude, the court will summon you"

Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge commander, is well known
for his ruthlessness - a behavior often adopted by Khmer Rouge cadres.

Cambodian PM again attacks foreign critics of defamation arrests

Agence France Presse

Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen hit out again at foreign opponents of a spate of defamation arrests, saying he had the right to protect himself against his critics.

His outburst at a university graduation ceremony came days after the US Senate passed a resolution demanding his government "immediately cease and desist from its systematic campaign to undermine democracy, the rule of law, and human rights".

"Every person has the right to ask the law to protect him when he is defamed," Hun Sen said.

"Please outsider, before you talk, please see the law clearly."

Defamation is a criminal offense in Cambodia but there have been calls for this to be changed.

The United States has been the most vocal foreign critic of recent defamation arrests in Cambodia, which Washington says is a bid by the government to crush dissent.

The senate resolution includes a long list of incidents which allegedly show Hun Sen "blatantly violated basic democratic principles", including the jailing of opposition lawmaker Cheam Channy for seven years and the assassination of labour leader Chea Vichea.

The resolution, co-sponsored by Senator Mitch McConnell who has called for a regime change in Cambodia and Myanmar, also makes mention of the arrests of several key democracy advocates that sparked this latest round of sparring between Hun Sen and the international community.

The premier last week ordered defamation charges to be dropped against Kem Sokha and Pa Nguon Teang of the US-backed Cambodian Center for Human Rights, as well as journalist Mam Sonando and union boss Rong Chhun.

All had been arrested for their opposition to a border agreement with Vietnam that critics say cedes too much territory to Cambodia's eastern neighbour.

The surprise move drew praise from the US and United Nations, but a Cambodian judge and even the government's lawyers said last week investigations continue and the cases will not be dismissed.

In an apparent warning to his critics, who were released on bail earlier in January, the premier said Monday defamation trials could go forward if the row continues.

"My suggestion is to ... just postpone (court proceedings) to keep the situation quiet," he said.

"Just let things go quietly, but if you are rude, the court will summon you, so there will be another problem."

Cambodian PM Reverses Position on Lawsuits

Many fear Cambodia is drifting toward dictatorship under
Hun Sen, a one-time Khmer Rouge commander.


Associated Press

Cambodia's prime minister on Monday said he has been unable to honor his pledge to drop defamation suits against four of his critics because the court refused to allow it.

Prime Minister Hun Sen's comments marked yet about-face in a high-profile case that has drawn international and domestic attention. Just a week ago, Hun Sen said he would drop charges against four prominent human rights activists and would tell judges and his lawyers to withdraw the suits.

But in a speech to graduate students Monday, Hun Sen said the court had replied to his request by saying it was "impossible" to withdraw the lawsuits since the activists had already been charged and legal investigations were already under way.

"Suspension is possible only if the case has not yet entered its investigation phase," Hun Sen said. "So neither suspension nor withdrawal (of the cases) is possible."

The four — radio journalist Mom Sonando, union leader Rong Chhun and human rights activists Kem Sokha and Pa Nguon Tieng — had been set to stand trial over their alleged criticism of a border demarcation pact Hun Sen signed with Vietnam in October.

Hun Sen began defamation proceedings against them — and several other people who have since fled the country to avoid arrest — after they allegedly accused him of ceding Cambodian land to Vietnam.

Domestic and international rights groups criticized the decision to prosecute the activists, which came amid a wider government crackdown on dissent. Many fear Cambodia is drifting toward dictatorship under Hun Sen, a one-time Khmer Rouge commander who came into power three years ago.

In a concession to critics, Hun Sen agreed earlier this month to order the four released from prison on bail pending trial. Then, last week he said he would drop the suits entirely after the activists had written thank you letters to him for being released on bail.

The decision to drop the lawsuits drew praise from U.S. Ambassador to Cambodia Joseph Mussomeli, who said last week: "We are very happy with what has happened. It's something the international community should applaud."

After the murderous Khmer Rouge years, and the 1980s under a communist regime installed by neighboring Vietnam, a 1993 election offered the hope for democracy taking root.

However, in 2003 the government banned all public demonstrations on the pretext of keeping order. Last month, a court sentenced self-exiled opposition leader Sam Rainsy to 18 months in prison for accusing Hun Sen of being behind a 1997 grenade attack on peaceful demonstrators in Phnom Penh and other allegations.

NGOs' Letter to The King to Pardon Mr. Sam Rainsy

Khemara Sok
Voice of America
Phnom Penh, Cambodia
27/01/2006

NGOs' officials appeal to King Sihamoni to pardon opposition party's officials and activists who were charged and sentenced, according to Cambodia National Research Organization CNRO's director Dr. Heang Rithy's letter.
In the letter Dr. Heang asks the king to grant him an audience so that he can inform the king about injustice in the Cambodian society.
Dr. Heang did not specify what issues he will tell the king. Opposition party's leader Sam Rainsy was sentenced to 18 months in prison for criticizing the government of corruption.
There is no reaction from King Sihamoni about Dr. Heang's request yet, but the palace officials say that the king has sent a letter to Prime Minister Hun Sen to consider pardoning the opposition party officials.

U.S. must help craft future as clout shifts to Asia, official says

Christopher Hill,
U.S. assistant secretary of state for
East Asia and Pacific affairs(Photo AFP)

Ambassador talks policy in San Diego
By David E. Graham
UNION-TRIBUNE STAFF WRITER
January 29, 2006
On a stop in San Diego after negotiating political thickets with North Korea and in Cambodia, the U.S. assistant secretary of state for East Asia said political power is shifting from Europe to Asia, and “our country needs to be engaged there.”
“The century of Asia is this time truly upon us,” Ambassador Christopher R. Hill said Friday afternoon.
For two centuries U.S. political alliances with Europe predominated, but growing prosperity and political influence are giving Asia, particularly China, greater clout.
“We need to be out there helping to shape the future,” said Hill, a career foreign service officer.
He was in town to speak Friday night at the University of San Diego's Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace & Justice, where he reviewed American policy in the region.
While acknowledging differences with China on some issues, including human rights, he said China will be engaged in the world everywhere the United States is and “we need to understand them.”
In Cambodia a couple of weeks ago, Hill asked Prime Minister Hun Sen for and received the release of four human rights activists jailed for criticizing him.
It's clear to me Cambodia faces some very serious challenges,” Hill said in the interview. Hun Sen has brought charges over recent months against several people, including a journalist, a union leader and an opposition political figure, who criticized the prime minister. His actions have led diplomats and other analysts to wonder if the country, racked 30 years ago by the Khmer Rouge, is becoming a one-party state.
Hill described the situation as “a very definite concern.”
Hill said that after some involved discussion, Hun Sen said he would release the four activists as “a gift” to Hill, and he did, and days later dropped the charges.
“It was the first time I'd ever received a gift of that kind,” Hill said.
He urged continual engagement with Cambodia in hopes it does not drift the way of neighboring Myanmar, a military dictatorship. He said the rulers of Myanmar, also known as Burma, continue to lack interest in working with the United States.
He said he is encouraged by Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim country, where sentiment toward the United States improved after American tsunami aid. He said Vietnam is embracing a market economy, including Western companies.
Hill, the lead U.S. negotiator in the talks about North Korea's nuclear weapons program, met in Beijing this month with North Korean officials about restarting the talks. The negotiations, hosted by China and also involving Japan, Russia and South Korea, might resume in February.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said last week that the United States wants to resume “immediately,” but North Korea has resisted because of other U.S. policies.
Hill said a key is whether incentives the United States has offered are “truly what they want.”
It might be that they are not, and Kim Jong Il's government wants nuclear weapons and to be isolated. Even if some believe Kim Jong Il is beyond reason, people should not disregard the possibilities the talks could succeed, Hill said.
Before returning to Washington today, Hill said he planned to see his Bowdoin College roommate, Robert Hoehn, of Hoehn Motors, and “hang out with Bob.”
Married with three children, Hill is a former U.S. ambassador to Poland, Macedonia and South Korea. He also speaks Polish, Serbo-Croatian, Macedonian and Albanian.

Sunday, January 29, 2006

Om Yen Tieng: "[US S. Res. 353] resolution is out of date"

Translated from Cambodian by KI-Media

Om Yen Tieng responds to US Senate

27 January 2006
Sok Serey
Radio Free Asia


The adviser to Prime Minister Hun Sen [Mr. Om Yen Tieng] provided his reaction on Friday 27 January to the US Senate Resolution on the government of Cambodia. He indicated that the resolution did not provide justice nor did it reflect the actual situation in Cambodia which has changed recently. Therefore, the resolution is already out of date.

The reaction of the senior adviser came after it was learnt that the US Senate had passed the Senate Resolution S. Res. 353 on Wednesday night expressing its concerns on the undermining of liberty, democracy, and justice in Cambodia.

Mr. Om Yen Tieng, the senior adviser to Prime Minister Hun Sen said: “The evolution of the situation in Cambodia was not grasped by these [US] senators on time, this is why their resolution is out of date.”

According to information RFA had gathered, the US Senate resolution contains 6 important points:

(1) it affirms the support and respect of the United States for the welfare, human rights, and dignity of the people of Cambodia;

(2) it calls on Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Government of Cambodia to immediately cease and desist from its systematic campaign to undermine democracy, the rule of law, and human rights in Cambodia;

(3) it calls on Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Government of Cambodia to immediately release all political prisoners and drop all politically motivated charges against opponents of the government;

(4) it calls on Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Government of Cambodia to demonstrate through words and deed the government's commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and human rights in Cambodia;

(5) it calls upon the King of Cambodia to play a more active and constructive role in protecting the constitutional rights of all Cambodian citizens; and

(6) it urges international donors and multilateral organizations, including the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and the United Nations, to hold Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Government of Cambodia fully accountable for actions that undermine the investment of international donors in the democratic and economic development of Cambodia.

In reaction to this resolution, Mr. Om Yen Tieng, the senior adviser to Prime Minister Hun Sen declared: “We, Cambodia, used to be victims, moreover we are victims of all sort of accusations. The main point is that we did [all this] in order to bring actual stability and development to the people of Cambodia.”

The Senate Resolution S. Res. 353 was brought up the US Senate following the arrest of the five human right activists and government critics, and their subsequent release on bail.

Earlier on, an opposition Member of Parliament [Cheam Channy] was arrested and sentenced to jail, while other opposition figures fled the country to evade arrest by the authorities.

Saturday, January 28, 2006

The victim who survived a Khmer Rouge prison

By GEOFFREY YORK
Saturday, January 28, 2006 Posted at 3:16 AM EST
Globe and Mail Update (Canada)
Phnom Penh — For 12 days and 12 nights, the Khmer Rouge tortured Chum Mey with horrific brutality. They clubbed him with sticks, broke his fingers, pulled out his toenails with pliers and knocked him unconscious with electric shocks.
He was a sewing-machine repairman who could not understand why the Khmer Rouge had arrested him. He had no idea what awaited him in the anonymous-looking former school building in Phnom Penh — until he saw the blood on the floor of his cell. It was the notorious S-21 torture prison.
His interrogators ordered him to confess that he was an agent of the CIA and the KGB — even though he had never heard of either organization. To stop the torture, he confessed to everything they wanted. He narrowly escaped being sent to the killing fields, where an estimated 16,000 prisoners from S-21 were slaughtered. And then, as the Khmer Rouge retreated to the jungle, they shot and killed his wife and daughter.
Mr. Mey, one of the few survivors of S-21, has waited patiently for justice for more than 27 years. But next month, the United Nations will send officials to Cambodia to help prepare trials for the masterminds of the killing fields. The trials are likely to begin this year, with former Khmer Rouge leaders facing possible genocide charges for killing an estimated 1.7 million people from 1975 to 1979.
The 75-year-old survivor still cannot quite believe that the trials will finally happen. “Is it true?” he keeps asking a visiting journalist.
“If a trial happens, I'll be happy,” he says. “But I still think it might not happen. I've been waiting a long time for this trial. They've talked about it many times, but it never seemed to happen.”
Only 14 people are believed to have survived the torture cells of S-21. Of that tiny group, almost all are now dead. Mr. Mey is one of only three who are still alive. Today, he lives a meagre existence with his six children in a small house in Phnom Penh. “Life is hard,” he says. “If I don't go to work, I don't have money to live.”
What hurts him most today is the disbelief that he hears from younger Cambodians who were born after Pol Pot's regime was toppled. In his own neighbourhood, young people are unaware of the Khmer Rouge and its reign of terror.
“We don't believe it,” they tell him. “We've never seen any Khmer Rouge. What is the Khmer Rouge?”
He doesn't want the trials as a form of vengeance. He wants a trial that will educate Cambodians about the almost indescribable reality of what happened.
“I want this for my children and grandchildren. I want to prove to them that S-21 was a real prison, not just a myth. I want this to be in school textbooks. I want to go to a trial and see and hear what happened. I want to know why the Khmer Rouge did this to me.”
At the back of his mind is a lingering fear. “I'm afraid that someone in the Khmer Rouge — maybe someone who worked at S-21 — could try to kill me to eliminate the evidence.”
By some measures, the genocide in Cambodia was the worst in human history. Never before has a regime slaughtered one-quarter of its own population. Pol Pot and his Maoist zealots proclaimed a return to “Year Zero.” Intellectuals were eliminated, religion was destroyed, currency was abolished, the country was cut off from the outside world and city dwellers were force marched into the countryside to be slave labourers in the fields, where countless numbers died of starvation and overwork.
The trials, too, could make history. Other trials for crimes against humanity — including the current trials for war crimes in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia — have been held in foreign countries, far from the view of the survivors. The Khmer Rouge trials will be one of the first UN-backed trials to be held within the country where the genocide occurred. Victims and survivors will be able to travel to the courtroom — in a former military compound on the outskirts of Phnom Penh — to watch the proceedings and to see justice being done.
“This is extremely important,” said Alexander Hinton, a U.S. scholar who has written extensively on the Khmer Rouge. “I hope it will become a precedent. In Rwanda, people in the countryside have no clue that a trial is even taking place.”
But while the global precedents are significant, the meaning for ordinary Cambodians is much greater. Virtually everyone in Cambodia had family members killed in the Khmer Rouge period. Even 30 years later, the emotions are still raw, and many people are still searching for relatives who disappeared.
The latest journal of the Documentation Centre of Cambodia, which compiles testimony on Khmer Rouge atrocities, contains two pages of heart-wrenching stories from Cambodians who are still trying to find family members who disappeared.
Just last month, a 62-year-old woman from a small village made a 100-kilometre trek to Phnom Penh to visit the documentation centre. She clutched a ragged and faded photograph of her husband, who disappeared during the Khmer Rouge period after he was conscripted into the army.
The woman, an illiterate farmer, had worked as a maid for her neighbour for a week to raise the $5 that she needed for transportation to the city. She knows her husband is almost certainly dead. She merely hopes to find the date of his death, so that she knows what day to pray for him at a Buddhist temple.
“It broke my heart,” said Youk Chhang, director of the documentation centre. “She spoke in such a calm and peaceful way. She is free now, because she knows that we will do the searching for her.”
Mr. Chhang is himself a survivor of Khmer Rouge brutality. In 1977, at the age of 14, he was savagely beaten and jailed for picking vegetables from a field to feed his pregnant sister. His mother witnessed the beating, which left him bleeding from wounds by axes and knives, but she did not dare to intervene.
“To see my mother walk away while I was being tortured — I would rather have died,” he says. “I couldn't understand it until many years later. Now I know that she couldn't help me because it would have been considered a crime.”
Even after many years of negotiations and delays, there is still widespread controversy over the Khmer Rouge trials. Some human-rights groups are unhappy at the compromise agreement between Cambodia and the UN, which requires a majority of the trial judges to be Cambodian. The Cambodian justice system is notoriously weak and politically manipulated, and there are fears that the integrity of the trials could be jeopardized by the Cambodian majority.
But proponents argue that the compromise was necessary to ensure that the trials had the Cambodian government's support and would be held within Cambodia's borders, not in a foreign country.
Until recently, Khmer Rouge sympathizers were still an influential force in Cambodia. They remained an active guerrilla army until the 1990s. Even the Cambodian Prime Minister, Hun Sen, is a former Khmer Rouge regimental commander. He opted to strike deals with the Khmer Rouge in the 1990s to persuade them to abandon their war against the government.
“A lot of people say that the trials will be flawed, but we have to make the most of it,” Mr. Chhang says. “A trial cannot bring back what we lost, or bring perfect justice, but it will help the survivors come to terms with it and move on. For the survivors, seeing and hearing a trial is a form of justice. Emotionally, this is very significant. We are closing a dark chapter of world history.”
This month, the former military compound near Phnom Penh was formally handed over to the UN-backed tribunal as the headquarters for the trials. The UN is now finalizing its list of judges and prosecutors, which have to be approved by the Cambodian government. Its researchers have already begun their work.
Canadians will be among those involved in the trials. A Canadian, Peter Foster, has been appointed spokesman for the UN side of the trials, and a retired Quebec Court of Appeal judge, Michael Proulx, has been short-listed as a possible judge in the pre-trial chamber that will settle any disagreements among the Cambodian and UN prosecutors and investigating judges. Canada also contributed $1.7-million toward the $56-million (U.S.) cost of the trials.
When the prosecutors begin their work, they must decide which Khmer Rouge leaders to prosecute and what charges to impose. Genocide and crimes against humanity are among the possible charges. The court proceedings are expected to begin in late 2006 and will probably continue for at least a year.
Critics had often predicted that the trials would be delayed until the elderly former Khmer Rouge leaders have peacefully died. Their skepticism seemed justified when the negotiations between the UN and Cambodia dragged on for six years, followed by two more years of financial wrangling after the agreement was reached.
“It was a time-consuming process, but now we see the light at the end of the tunnel,” said Sean Visoth, the chief Cambodian administrator for the trials. “Given the urgency of the issue and the old age of these people, we must have this trial as soon as possible.”
He argues that the trials, with their UN support and expertise, will help to strengthen Cambodia's justice system. But more ambitious goals are even more crucial. “We want to prevent these crimes from ever taking place again,” he says.
“We want to know the truth — why was there such killing? Our motto is ‘never again' — the same as it was after Nazi Germany. We have to send a strong message to leaders that they cannot get away with these crimes. They will be brought to justice, no matter how long it takes.”

Friday, January 27, 2006

U.S. Senate Resolution 353: Undermining of democratic freedoms and justice in Cambodia by Prime Minister Hun Sen

US Senator Bill Frist (R. - Tennessee) sponsored, along with Senators Norm Coleman (R. - Minnesota), Richard Lugar (R. - Indiana), John McCain (R. - Arizona), Mitch McConnell (R. - Kentucky), and Harry Reid (D. - Nevada), a resolution titled: "A resolution expressing concern with the deliberate undermining of democratic freedoms and justice in Cambodia by Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Government of Cambodia." The resolution passed the US Senate on 25 January 2005. The following provides a transcript of the speech provided by Senator First on the US Senate floor along with the text of Senate Resolution 353.

SPEECH BY US SENATE MAJORITY LEADER BILL FRIST FROM THE SENATE FLOOR


Mr. FRIST. Today, the Prime Minister of Cambodia dropped the criminal defamation lawsuits against five government critics and human rights advocates.
Along with the administration, I welcome the Prime Minister's decision and applaud his efforts to recognize the right of free political exchange. I am hopeful that today's action represents progress and a greater commitment to human rights and civil society on the part of the ruling authority.
In recent months, we have had cause for alarm that the Government of Cambodia is engaged in a campaign of political persecution and intimidation. Prime Minister Hun Sen and his apparatus have consistently and blatantly violated basic democratic principles, the rule of law, and human rights as enshrined in the Cambodian Constitution.
Tonight, the Senate stands unified in calling upon Prime Minister Sen and the government of Cambodia: To immediately cease and desist from its systematic campaign to undermine democracy, the rule of law, and human rights; to immediately release all political prisoners and drop all politically motivated charges against opponents of the government; and to demonstrate through word and deed the government's commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and human rights;
We also call upon the King of Cambodia to play a more active and constructive role in protecting the constitutional rights of Cambodian citizens. And we urge international donors and multilateral organizations, including the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and the United Nations, to hold the Prime Minister and his government fully accountable for actions that undermine the investment of international donors in the democratic and economic development of Cambodia.
I would like to thank Senator MCCONNELL and Senator MCCAIN for their leadership and commitment to the people of Cambodia. They deserve special recognition for their unflagging support.
Let me close with a report today in the International Herald Tribune. At a recent gathering of 800 impoverished farmers and townspeople in a village south of the capitol of Phnom Penh, an elderly Cambodian woman asked:
I have a question for government. You talk about democracy, but how much right do the people of Cambodia have to speak out? If we speak out, will we be arrested like Kem Sokha?
I put that question to Prime Minister Hun Sen. Will the people be allowed to speak out as free citizens in an open and just democracy? The people of Cambodia want to know. And on their behalf, the U.S. Senate demands an answer.
Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The resolution (S. Res. 353) was agreed to.
The preamble was agreed to.
The resolution, with its preamble, reads as follows:

TEXT OF THE SENATE RESOLUTION S. Res. 353

Whereas the United States affirms its support and respect for the welfare, human rights and dignity of the people of Cambodia;
Whereas, under the leadership of Prime Minister Hun Sen, the Government of Cambodia has engaged in a systematic campaign to undermine the democratic opposition, stifle critics of the Government, and silence and intimidate civil society in Cambodia;
Whereas, despite constitutional guarantees of freedom of _expression and association in Cambodia, Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Government of Cambodia have consistently and blatantly violated basic democratic principles, the rule of law, and human rights in Cambodia;
Whereas the United States, the United Nations, and other international donors have publicly expressed concern with Prime Minister Hun Sen's authoritarian conduct (including inappropriate influence and control over the judiciary) and the official corruption and climate of impunity that exist in Cambodia today;
Whereas evidence of the campaign to undermine the democratic opposition in Cambodia is found in the revocation of parliamentary immunity of opposition leaders Sam Rainsy, Chea Poch, and Cheam Channy, and the 7-year prison sentence of Cheam Channy for allegedly forming "a secret army to overthrow the government'' and 18-month sentence in absentia of Sam Rainsy on charges of allegedly defaming Prime Minister Hun Sen;
Whereas evidence of the campaign to stifle critics of the Government of Cambodia is found in the detention and charges of criminal defamation of radio journalist Mom Sonando and Rong Chhum, president of the Cambodian Independent Teachers Association;
Whereas the decision by Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Government of Cambodia on January 25, 2006, to drop all charges against Mom Sonando, Rong Chhum, Kem Sokha, and Pa Nguon is a welcome step, but does little to alleviate the underlying climate of intimidation in Cambodia;
Whereas evidence of the campaign to silence and intimidate civil society is found in the arrest and detention of human rights activist Kem Sokha, Yeng Virak, and Pa Nguon on charges of criminal defamation;
Whereas other champions of democracy in Cambodia, including former parliamentarian Om Radsady and labor leader Chea Vichea, were brutally murdered in Cambodia, and no one has been brought to justice for committing these heinous crimes;
Whereas Cambodia is a donor dependant country, and more than $2,000,000,000 has been invested by donors in the democratic development of that country; and
Whereas the current atmosphere of intimidation and fear calls into question the viability of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Senate--
(1) affirms the support and respect of the United States for the welfare, human rights, and dignity of the people of Cambodia;
(2) calls on Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Government of Cambodia to immediately cease and desist from its systematic campaign to undermine democracy, the rule of law, and human rights in Cambodia;
(3) calls on Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Government of Cambodia to immediately release all political prisoners and drop all politically motivated charges against opponents of the government;
(4) calls on Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Government of Cambodia to demonstrate through words and deed the government's commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and human rights in Cambodia;
(5) calls upon the King of Cambodia to play a more active and constructive role in protecting the constitutional rights of all Cambodian citizens; and
(6) urges international donors and multilateral organizations, including the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and the United Nations, to hold Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Government of Cambodia fully accountable for actions that undermine the investment of international donors in the democratic and economic development of Cambodia.

Wednesday, January 25, 2006

Cost of Freedom Under Hun Sen's Dictatorial Regime

<Click on image to view a larger size version>

On 23 Januray 2006, while Messrs. Kem Sokha, Rong Chhun, Mam Sonando, Pa Nguon Teang, and Yeng Virak were giving their press conference at the Foreign Correspondents Club (FCC) in Phnom Penh, Mr. Kem Sokha mentioned that he wanted to meet with the Prime Minister. On that same day, Say Sopheap, a journalist from CTN (TV station) asked to meet Mr. Kem Sokha in his office. There, Mr. Kem Sokha provided the journalist with numerous information on human rights, he also requested that Mr. Hun Sen withdraw his lawsuits against all human right activists and border activists accused by the government.

On that same day, Say Sopheap contacted Mr. Hun Sen and provided to him Mr. Kem Sokha’s opinion and request. Immediately, Mr. Hun Sen entered in contact with Mr. Kem Sokha with Say Sopheap acting as a go-between. The exchange between the two lasted from the afternoon until the evening, when Mr. Hun Sen decided to talk directly to Mr. Kem Sokha by phone. The conversation lasted one hour, at the conclusion of the talk, Mr. Hun Sen agreed to have the government lawyers withdraw the lawsuits against human right activists and border activists. The negotiations ended at 1:00 AM on that same day.

On 24 January 2006, Mr. Hun Sen declared at the council of ministers that he withdrew all lawsuits against human right activists and other people residing both inside or outside the county, if they make the same declaration as that of Mr. Kem Sokha’s.

Reported from Phnom Penh, 24 January 2006

The following is the declaration exacted from Messrs. Kem Sokha and Pa Nguon Teang in exchange for the withdrawal of Mr. Hun Sen’s lawsuit:

CAMBODIAN CENTER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

DECLARATION



On 10 December 2005, during the celebration of the international human rights day, there was a banner posted at my stand which I have no knowledge of beforehand. This banner caused the incarceration of myself, Kem Sokha, and Pa Nguon Teang who were accused of defamation against the government based on the court summon.

Therefore, I, Kem Sokha, and Pa Nguon Teang, publicly declare that:

1- Both of us did not accuse the government or Samdech Prime Minister as a traitor who sold Khmer land to the Vietnamese, or accused him of being Pol Pot No. 2.

This view is not the views of the two of us, nor was it the views of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights.

2- We regret for the occurrence of this event, it was not our intention, nor was it that of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights.

3- We welcome the bail secured by the government and Samdech Prime Minister Hun Sen allowing the court to release us temporarily out of jail.

Done in Phnom Penh, 23 January, 2006

Signed: Kem Sokha, President of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights

The following is the declaration exacted from Mr. Mam Sonando in exchange for the withdrawal of Mr. Hun Sen’s lawsuit:

Kingdom of Cambodia
Nation Religion King


Phnom Penh, 23 January 2006

Thank You Letter


I, Mam Sonando, the President of Beehive Radio – Voice of the people supporting Buddhism, am thanking Samdech Hun Sen, the Prime Minister of the Royal Government of Cambodia, who had secured the bail allowing me to remain temporarily out of jail.

I believe that the Khmer history page related to the national integrity was ended when the National Assembly, the Senate, and Preah Karuna King of Cambodia Samdech Preah Bat Preah Baromneath Norodom Sihamoni had already completed signing and ratifying the supplemental [border] treaty.

In my name as a Khmer people, I must also agree to these top institutions.

Please accept, Samdech Prime Minister, my highest regards.

President

Signed: Mam Sonando

The following is the declaration exacted from Mr. Rong Chhun in exchange for the withdrawal of Mr. Hun Sen’s lawsuit:

Cambodia’s Independent Teachers’ Association

Phnom Penh, 23 January 2006


Thank You Letter


I, Rong Chhun, President of Cambodia’s Independent Teachers’ Association, am thanking Samdech Hun Sen, the Prime Minister of the Royal Government of Cambodia, who had secured the bail allowing me to remain temporarily out of jail.

I regret issuing in the past, the declaration about the national integrity which was based only on the views of a border committee based abroad. What I issued in that declaration was caused by my extreme concerns on the national integrity issue.

However, now, the National Assembly, the Senate – which constitute the representatives of the entire Khmer people – had voted to accept it already, and Preah Karuna the King of Cambodia Samdech Preah Bat Preah Baromneath Norodom Sihamoni had also ratified this supplemental border treaty.

In my name as a Khmer people, I must also agree to these top institutions which are the representatives of the nation and the people.

Please accept, Samdech Prime Minister, my highest regards.

President

Signed: Rong Chhun

Free speech gains voice in Cambodia's villages

By Seth Mydans
International Herald Tribune
TUESDAY, JANUARY 24, 2006
PHNOM PENH This has been the scene, more than 100 times, in every district of the country: a little eruption of free speech at the edge of the rice fields, and the government doesn't like it.
Leaving their crops and animals behind, 800 of Cambodia's poorest people gathered the other day in the shade of a blue tarpaulin in a village south of the capital and poured out a torrent of complaints and demands.
The price of fuel, the poor education system, problems with health care, bribery at every turn - these grievances have found a new outlet in independent forums like this one that challenge the government's control of information.
And the subject that dominated all others in the commune of Rokar Khnong was a passionate demand by the villagers for free speech and democratic rights.
One man wept as he stood at the microphone; one shouted, one raised a cheer for democracy. One woman with the cropped white hair of the elderly recited a poem in which she promised to die so that her country could live.
"I love democracy," declared a farmer. "I stopped work on my harvest so I could come here and speak at a democratic forum. We want to exercise our right to free speech."
Even the organizers were taken aback by the turnout and the assertiveness of the villagers. A crackdown on free speech is under way in Cambodia and in recent months the government has arrested several human rights advocates.
Among them was Kem Sokha, who founded these forums three years ago. They have had a growing impact through taped radio broadcasts, which can last for four hours or more, and independent radio stations are among the targets of the crackdown.
This month, under international pressure, Prime Minister Hun Sen released Kem Sokha and three other activists on bail and he now says he will drop charges against them.
But other activists and political figures remain in jail and the threat of arrest for libel hangs over those who speak out.
The outrage in Rokar Khnong suggests that the government will not have it easy if it tries to crush the democratic ideas that were introduced by the United Nations in the early 1990s. The concepts of human rights and free expression appear to have taken root, and if Kem Sokha's forums are an indicator, the fields and villages of Cambodia are restless with discontent.
"I have a question for the government," said an old woman wearing a checkered head cloth. "You talk about democracy, but how much right do the people of Cambodia have to speak out? If we speak out, will we be arrested like Kem Sokha?"
Another woman seized the microphone. "I have lived through many wars and I only have two relatives left alive," she said. "I am old now and I want to see democracy before I die."
Another followed. "I don't know how to speak," she said. "But I just want to send a message to Hun Sen: Stop sending people to jail for small crimes. You are abusing your power."
Further, she said, nobody can believe anything the government says. Referring to the government's official spokesman, she used a local expression: "You ask him cow and he answers buffalo."
Several speakers were angry enough to refer to the torments of the Khmer Rouge years, when 1.7 million people were executed or died of starvation, disease or overwork between 1975 and 1979.
"In the Khmer Rouge time my father was served soup and they asked him if it tasted good," one man said. "'Tell the truth,' they said. And so he said it did not taste good, and they killed him. Now when we speak the truth are we going to be jailed? Is Cambodia going back to the Communists again?"
Another man, a former schoolteacher, noted that Kem Sokha had been arrested simply for political slogans painted on a banner. "What about the Khmer Rouge who killed millions of Cambodians 27 years ago?" he said. "Why haven't they been put on trial?"
After years of delay, preparations for a trial have begun, though any proceedings are still many months away. Human rights advocates say the impunity of the Khmer Rouge - for current political reasons - has contributed to a sense of injustice in Cambodia.
As with other forums, local leaders were invited to join a panel in front of the speakers, and a deputy village chief and deputy district police chief were present at Rokar Khnong.
Ou Virak, a member of Kem Sokha's organization, the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, was moderating in his absence, and he invited them to speak. "In a democratic forum, we want to hear opposing ideas, not just the people who support the forum," he said.
Ou Virak said it was beginning to be more difficult to organize these forums because of new fears of retribution in the villages. As the day's meeting dispersed, he thanked the local officials for allowing it to be held.

Tuesday, January 24, 2006

Cambodian Leader to Drop Defamation Suits

Pa Nguon Teang (R), deputy of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights (CCHR), Kem Sokha (2nd R), head of CCHR, Mam Sonando (C), Beehive radio station owner, Rong Chhun (2nd L), teachers' union head and Yeng Vireak, human rights worker affiliated with CCHR, speak to the media during a news conference in Phnom Penh on January 23, 2006. Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen ordered the release of Pa, Kem, Mam and Rong, who were facing criminal defamation charges on January 17 'as a gift' to the United States, which had attacked the arrest. REUTERS/Chor Sokunthea


The Associated Press

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia —
Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen said Tuesday he would drop criminal defamation suits against his critics, signaling a change of heart that came amid mounting calls at home and abroad to drop the lawsuits.
Hun Sen told reporters that instead of pressing for prosecution against four of his critics, he would tell his lawyers to withdraw the lawsuits and "put a smooth end to this affair through compromise."
Just two days earlier, Hun Sen had resisted calls to free the four _ a radio journalist, a union leader and two prominent human rights activists _ saying they would stand trial on defamation charges stemming from their alleged criticism of a border demarcation pact he signed with Vietnam in October.
He said Sunday he had no intention to withdraw the charges despite having ordered the four released on bail last week, following widespread criticism of his opponents' arrests.
The four include radio journalist Mom Sonando, union leader Rong Chhun and prominent human rights activists Kem Sokha and Pa Nguon Tieng from the U.S.-funded Cambodian Center for Human Rights.
Hun Sen instigated defamation proceedings against them _ and several others who have since fled the country to avoid arrest _ after they allegedly accused him of ceding Cambodian land to Vietnam through the border pact.
A coalition of Cambodian human rights groups had called for their release, and U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Christopher Hill urged the government to withdraw the lawsuits when he visited Cambodia on Tuesday.

Cambodia’s Failing Democracy

By Ronald Bruce St John January 23, 2006
Editor: John Gershman, IRC
Foreign Policy In Focus

The international community has invested well over $5 billion in Cambodia since 1992 in a flawed attempt to nurture a democratic system. Following elections in 1993, the power elite in Cambodia reverted to sordid aspects of traditional political culture, promoting modernization within an authoritarian model. At a time when some promote democracy as a panacea for the world's ills, Cambodia offers object lessons in the pitfalls to be overcome to implant a democratic system in less-developed political economies.
High Expectations
Following the October 1991 Paris peace accords, elements of the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) were operational by early 1993. UNTAC forces were largely successful in resettling refugees and organizing nationwide elections, but they enjoyed far less success in implementing a cease-fire and disarming rival political groups. In a harbinger of things to come, they also experienced difficulty in containing violence and guarding human rights.
Given the atmosphere of threat and intimidation, the conduct of elections in May 1993 was a surprising success. On the opening day of a six-day polling period, voters lined up in driving monsoon rains to cast their ballots. By the end of the week, some 97% of eligible voters had voted in Cambodia's first national election in 21 years.
Exactly what Cambodians voted for in 1993 remains a controversial issue. In a country in which no government has ever relinquished authority without a fight, the Western concept of a loyal opposition remained an imported idea alien to traditional political culture. Referring to Hun Sen, leader of the Cambodia People's Party (CPP), journalist John C. Brown in a June 1993 article in the Phnom Penh Post rightly suggested “Hun Sen and the CPP understand power only in absolute terms. Power for them,” he continued, “is not shared, it is accumulated and protected.”
Sad Reality
The National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia (FUNCINPEC), headed by Prince Ranariddh, won 45% of the votes in the 1993 elections, compared to only 38% for CPP. While FUNCINPEC emerged from the polls as the largest and most successful political party, its plurality in the Constituent Assembly was three seats short of a majority, forcing it to turn to CPP to negotiate a power-sharing agreement.
CPP demanded equal power with FUNCINPEC, and the ensuing power-sharing agreement in theory was a 50-50 arrangement. However, CPP over time leveraged its power and reach at lower levels of government to outmaneuver FUNCINPEC, progressively accumulating a disproportionate share of power. In the process, it became all too clear the political elite of Cambodia was not as committed to democracy as the Cambodian people. On the contrary, a series of power-sharing agreements between the two parties over the next few years, all of which were increasingly dominated by CPP, made the very idea of power-sharing an oxymoron in Cambodia .
In July 1997, Hun Sen launched a preemptive coup d'état against Prince Ranariddh, ransacking FUNCINPEC offices and newspapers and murdering leaders of both FUNCINPEC and the Khmer Nation Party (KNP), formed in 1995 by ex-minister Sam Rainsy. As in 1993, electioneering rhetoric in new national elections in 1998 was couched in the lofty terms of democratization; however, the electoral process was again clouded by now familiar dynamics of rivalry and intimidation. In the end, as veteran Cambodia observer Pierre Lizée later suggested, the 1998 elections were “not so much a first step in an overdue process of democratization” as “a movement full circle to precisely the situation of autocracy which these elections were supposed to remedy.”
The extent to which CPP was successful in consolidating political power after 1993 was clear in commune elections held in early 2002. Benefiting from a prolonged monopoly over local government, a disciplined political network, and considerable human and financial resources, CPP won 62% of the votes, 68% of the total seats, and 97% of the top offices. And a new round of national elections in July 2003 produced fresh gains for CPP. Agreement to a new CPP-FUNCINPEC power-sharing arrangement in June 2004, after a year-long battle in which opponents failed to oust Hun Sen, displayed for all to see the strongman's growing intolerance of dissent.
Violence, Corruption, and Impunity
Hailed at the time as a notable achievement, the UNTAC-sponsored elections in 1993 failed to establish a foundation for democratic institutions in an immature body politic. In lieu of change in the political culture of Cambodia , the elections led to a reassertion of past political practices. Power brokers after 1993 increasingly practiced politics as usual, evidencing the absolutism, familism, and intolerance prevalent in the earlier Sihanouk and Lon Nol eras.
Violence also remained an integral part of Cambodian political culture. A longtime predilection to force, exemplified by the bas-reliefs at Angkor and the cruelties of 19 th century uprisings, was in evidence during and after the 1993 election campaign. Violations of human rights were widespread, and voices of even mild dissent received death threats. The U.S. Department of State, in its most recent review of human rights practices, concluded Cambodia's “human rights record remained poor.”
On the related issue of corruption, an anti-corruption law drafted in 1994 remains on the drawing board over a decade later. Even as civil society groups work to strengthen its provisions, the current draft fails to meet the requirements of the United Nations Convention against Corruption, which Cambodia refuses to sign. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) at the end of 2004 issued a detailed report, depicting a corruption-ridden Cambodian state apparatus. Depicting impunity as the “norm,” the report concludes that “those most at risk are individuals and organizations that dare to resist corruption.” The European Parliament in November 2005 called on Cambodia “to engage in political and institutional reforms to build a democratic state government by a rule of law,” “to combat effectively the endemic scourges of corruption,” and “to refuse the current culture of impunity.”
International Collusion
Despite mounting evidence that democracy was not taking root in Cambodia, the international community has continued to extend substantial financial support to the coalition government. The single time financial aid conditionality was exercised in the period May 1993 to July 1997 involved a question of fiscal transparency as opposed to political reform. Thereafter, the primary concerns of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank remained economic and social reform. Donors failed to establish a working group dealing with good governance and the rule of law until 2000.
In November 2004, the World Bank took its strongest stand to date in support of political reform in Cambodia, suggesting that future aid pledges be conditioned on improved governance. In so doing, the report admitted that Cambodia's aid partners in the past had too often been part of the problem—not part of the solution. It said in part, “failure to speak out for Cambodia's poor with one voice or to link financial and technical support to performance and outcomes has sent mixed signals to the country's leadership which has shown itself rather adept at doing just enough to win donor support.” Earlier reports by the Economic Institute of Canada, IMF, and USAID reached similar conclusions as to the need for political reform. Nevertheless, donors at the annual Consultative Group meeting, which followed issuance of the World Bank report, pledged $504 million in aid to Cambodia in 2005, raising the post-1993 aid total to over $5 billion.
Conclusions
As the Cambodian experience makes clear, democracy is not synonymous with holding elections. Well-run elections are a peaceful, efficient means to allocate power and authority. But one election, or even many elections, does not necessarily a democracy make. The essence of Western democracy consists of a separation of powers with checks and balances within a system of democratic institutions, political parties, and free elections. The Cambodian elite has yet to embrace central elements of this process, like power sharing, dissent, and loyal opposition.
Unfortunately, the international community has largely sanctioned Cambodia's failures. It has continued to provide substantial quantities of aid in the face of mounting evidence that even modest democratic reforms are compromised. To this extent, donor governments have long been complicit in sustaining the current autocratic order.
From the outset, a central weakness in the donor approach has been its assumption that the ruling elite desired to initiate reforms but simply lacked the necessary expertise. Recent experience has shown the political order in Cambodia to be both intimately familiar with the process of political competition and determined to retain political power. No amount of technical assistance could overcome this reality.
To reduce corruption and violence, Cambodia must curb executive powers as it develops an honest, independent judiciary and a concomitant respect for the rule of law. Active political parties remain important precursors for a sustainable, pluralistic order with a strong educational system a prerequisite for an effective democratic polity. These are only a few of the tough issues the international community must address if it is to succeed in promoting democratization in Cambodia and in other states with little or no democratic tradition, like Afghanistan and Iraq.
Ronald Bruce St John, an analyst for Foreign Policy In Focus (www.fpif.org), is the author of Revolution, Reform, and Regionalism in Southeast Asia: Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam (Routledge 2006). This commentary is adapted from “Democracy in Cambodia: One Decade, US$5 Billion Later: What Went Wrong?” in the December 2005 issue of Contemporary Southeast Asia.

Monday, January 23, 2006

Cambodian rights activists defiant, but offer talks with government

Pa Nguon Teang (R), deputy of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights (CCHR), Kem Sokha (2nd R), head of CCHR, Mam Sonando (C), Beehive radio station owner, Rong Chhun (2nd L), teachers' union head and Yeng Vireak, human rights worker affiliated with CCHR, speak to the media during a news conference in Phnom Penh on January 23, 2006. Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen ordered the release of Pa, Kem, Mam and Rong, who were facing criminal defamation charges on January 17 'as a gift' to the United States, which had attacked the arrest. REUTERS/Chor Sokunthea

AFP
23 January 2006

PHNOM PENH - Cambodian rights leader Kem Sokha, out on bail after being arrested for defamation, warned the government Monday of growing tensions if it rejects talks with democracy advocates about dissent.

He also said he would continue his rights work, despite a looming trial that observers say will likely see him convicted and possibly sent to jail -- one of about a dozen rights figures targeted in an apparent clampdown on critics.

“We welcome any talks to resolve this problem peacefully. If the government wants to be tough, it will be tough,” an unrepentant Kem Sokha said during a press conference with four other government critics released on bail last week.

“For us as the victims, the tougher the government, the tougher we will get. We cannot accept that the government asks us to apologise ... because we have done nothing wrong.”

Kem Sokha, who directs the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, was arrested December 31 with rights activist Yeng Virak. Kem Sokha’s deputy, Pa Nguon Teang, was arrested five days later.

All three have been charged with defamation -- a criminal offense in Cambodia -- as have journalist Mam Sonando and union boss Rong Chhun.

The five are now free on bail but still face trial, as rights groups push for the charges against them to be dropped.

Prime Minister Hun Sen said Sunday that the five will go on trial, indicating that convictions were likely, but that he would consider clemency if they changed their “attitude”.
International rights watchdogs and foreign governments have accused Hun Sen of using the courts to crush opposition to his government.

While they welcomed the granting of bail for the five critics, they also said the premier’s intervention in the cases by effectively ordering their release showed the government’s hand in the judiciary.

“It puts to rest the fiction that the government has had nothing to do with these cases,” Brad Adams, Asia director of Human Rights Watch, told AFP.

Since October, nearly a dozen people have been arrested or face punishment for criticising the government. Several, including opposition leader Sam Rainsy, have fled the country.

Foreign observers warn of an erosion of democracy as the ruling Cambodian People’s Party moves to consolidate its power before 2008 general elections.

Following the Monday press conference, the five prayed at a nearby stupa before offering King Norodom Sihamoni a petition bearing tens of thousands of thumbprints asking for charges be dropped against everyone caught in the clampdown.

Senate Election: One can still hear the barking dogs


The following is a statement issued by MP Sam Rainsy, leader of the opposition, following the senate election.
January 22, 2006

SENATE ELECTION:
ONE CAN STILL HEAR THE BARKING DOGS

Cambodian senators were elected today for the first time. It was a non-universal election. The voters were some 11,000 commune councilors (the additional 123 voices from the National Assembly were negligible in this context). If one remembers when and how the current commune councilors were themselves elected, one will realize that the results of the January 22, 2006 senate elections do not reflect the opinion of the Cambodian people as of today. They actually reflect the results of the February 2, 2002 commune council elections, which were themselves strongly influenced by the “Night of the Barking Dogs”. Four years ago, in the night of February 1 to 2, the ruling Cambodian People Party illegally but methodically sent their agents to virtually every house in every village throughout the country to buy votes and, at the same time, intimidate villagers into voting for the former communist party. The result was an astonishing 61 percent of the popular votes in favor of the CPP, which succeeded in controlling about 8,000commune councilors out of the 11,000 (73 percent) and 1,598 communes out of 1,621(98 percent).
Thanks to the “Night of the Barking Dogs”, the 61 percent vote the CPP collected in 2002 was a big jump compared to the 41 percent vote it registered at a previous election in 1998. It is still a high figure compared to the 47 percent vote the CPP obtained at the last national election in 2003.
Therefore, the 2006 senate election results are misleading, with the CPP finally securing 45 senatorial seats out of 61 (74 percent), while the opposition Sam Rainsy Party got only 2 seats (3 percent) even though it collected 22 percent of the popular votes in 2003.

Elections alone do not make democracy. Communist countries also hold elections. To be meaningful, elections must be free and fair and reflect the will of the people at any given point in time, which is not the case of Cambodia. The most urgent task for Cambodian democrats and their friends is to push for an overhaul of the National Election Committee, which is currently made up exclusively of representatives from the CPP and its ally Funcinpec. We must urge the international donor community to stop endorsing dubious elections in Cambodia by financing them and/or sending “experts” and “observers”. In which democratic countries are elections organized exclusively by the ruling parties with total exclusion of the opposition from the electoral process?

Sam Rainsy
Member of Parliament
Opposition leader

EARLY RESULTS: Hun Sen's party wins majority of seats in Senate election

(Kyodo) _ (EDS: RECASTING WITH EARLY RESULTS)
Prime Minister Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party won a majority of seats in Sunday's Senate election, according to unofficial early results.
According to the early results released by the National Election Committee, the CPP captured 45 of the 57 seats up for grabs, 12 more than it has now.
The FUNCINPEC party led by Prince Norodom Ranariddh got 10 and the opposition Sam Rainsy Party two. The little-known Khmer Democratic Party also participated but got none.
Official results are expected next Saturday if no complaints are filed, and on Feb. 26 otherwise.
It was Cambodia's first upper house election since the 61-seat Senate's formation in 1999. Four of its seats are not decided by election, with two senators appointed by King Norodom Sihamoni and two seats filled by National Assembly representatives.

The Coalition of Civil Society Organizations, a local political watchdog, had prior to the start of voting criticized the method of electing Senate members as "meaningless and nontransparent."
"The election results can be accurately calculated, predicted and known, and only the three main political parties will receive votes in such an election as electors are members of these political parties," the coalition of 14 local nongovernmental organizations said in a statement.
"This means that even though other political parties participate in the election, they will not receive votes because the electors who are members of the National Assembly and the commune councils will not vote for other parties," it said.
Under the Senate election law, only members of the 123-seat National Assembly and of the country's 1,621 commune councils can elect senators. A total of 11,382 voters from those institutions registered to participate, according to the National Election Committee.
Most of the country's 11,261 commune councilors elected in 2002 are from the CPP, followed by FUNCINPEC and the SRP, while Khmer Democratic Party has only one councilor.
In the National Assembly, the CPP has 73 seats, FUNCINPEC 26 and the SRP 24.
The Senate has the power to amend or veto any law approved by the National Assembly. Its new members are elected to six-year terms.
In the current 61-seat body, the CPP has 31 seats, FUNCINPEC 21 and the SRP seven, with two seats king-appointed.
The SRP is led by Sam Rainsy, who is self-exile in France after being stripped of parliamentary immunity, convicted in absentia on defamation charges and sentenced to 18 months in jail for criticizing Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen.

Sunday, January 22, 2006

Slain Cambodian union leader remembered amid rights crackdown

A Cambodian man puts flowers in front of a portrait of late union president Chea Vichea to commemorate his assassination in Phnom Penh. Cambodian rights groups demanded a review of guilty verdicts against two men convicted of Chea Vichea - former head of the opposition-linked Free Trade Union of the Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia - who was gunned down at a Phnom Penh food stall two years ago (AFP/Tang Chhin)

Time is GMT + 8 hours
Posted: 22-Jan-2006 14:54 hrs


Cambodian rights groups demanded a review of guilty verdicts against two men convicted of killing union president Chea Vichea, as more than 100 people marched to commemorate his assassination.
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Chea Vichea, who was head of the opposition-linked Free Trade Union of the Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia, was gunned down at a Phnom Penh food stall two years ago.
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Two men, Born Samnang, 23, and Sok Sam Oeun, 36, were arrested just days after the daylight shooting and convicted of murder, but Cambodian and international activists insist the real killers remain at large.
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"Certainly, they are not the ones who ordered the killing," said Ou Virak, general secretary of the Alliance for Freedom of Expression in Cambodia.
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"We demand a proper review of this court judgment, and further investigations by Cambodian authorities until the real culprits are caught and punished."
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The Phnom Penh Municipal Court dismissed the charges against the men in March 2004, but the decision was overruled, the judge transferred and the case sent to the Court of Appeal.
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Sok Sam Oeun's father, Vuon Phon, said the trial should be reopened.
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"I demand real justice ... the trial of my son was very unjust. It's not right," he said before the start of the march.
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The local director of the UN's human rights agency, Margo Picken, said the murder trial failed to meet any judicial standards and "therefore we do not think that they would be proved guilty to the charge."
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She also said a further investigation should be conducted into the handling of the trial, which was largely dismissed as a coverup for a political killing.
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The popular 36-year-old leader, who founded the union along with opposition leader Sam Rainsy and several others, had organised many protests fighting for the rights of garment workers. These frequently led to clashes with police.
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More than 100 people, including several prominent government critics recently released on bail from prison, marched from the union's offices to the spot where Chea Vichea was killed to place wreaths and make speeches in a low-key memorial.
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The march came amid a broad clampdown on dissent that has seen nearly a dozen people arrested or facing punishment, mostly for defamation. It took place under a heavy police presence.
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The defamation arrests have sparked international condemnation from rights groups and foreign governments accusing Prime Minister Hun Sen of using the courts to crush any opposition to his administration.
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Five key critics were granted bail last week in an apparent climbdown by the government, but Hun Sen said Sunday that the defamation charges against them would stand.
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"Right now they are culprits, so the government can guarantee them bail but the charges cannot be dropped," Hun Sen said.
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"After the trial I will see if their attitude has changed. I still have the ability to ask for clemency," he said, adding that he was unlikely to do so if they remained unrepentant.
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Organisers of the rally took the opportunity to urge more freedoms in Cambodia, leading chants of "Democracy forever, the government has to respect human rights".
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"This is very symbolic. The strategy is not confrontation," said opposition party member Mu Sochua when asked about the low turnout.
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"The strategy is holding on to democratic principles. It's a long way to go (to full democracy)." — AFP

European Parliament resolution on political repression in Cambodia

Texts adopted by Parliament
Thursday 19 January 2006 - Strasbourg

Cambodia

The European Parliament ,

  • having regard to its resolutions of 13 January 2005(1) and 10 March 2005(2) on Cambodia and its resolution of 1 December 2005 on the human rights situation in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam(3) ,
  • having regard to the Cooperation Agreement of 1997 between the European Community and the Kingdom of Cambodia(4) ,
  • having regard to the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders approved by the Council on 14 June 2004,
  • having regard to the standards set by the 1998 UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders,
  • having regard to the statement of 27 December 2005 by the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General for Human Rights in Cambodia, Mr Yash Ghai,
  • having regard to the statement of 4 January 2006 by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights,
  • having regard to the World Bank statement of 9 January 2006 on Cambodia,
  • having regard to the Declaration of 13 January 2006 by the Presidency on behalf of the European Union on the deteriorating political situation in Cambodia,
  • having regard to Rule 115(5) of its Rules of Procedure,
A. whereas in recent weeks political repression in Cambodia has dramatically increased, with several arrests of human rights workers, journalists and trade unionists for defamation offences,

B. whereas Kem Sokha, President of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights (CCHR), Pa Nguon Teang, Acting Director of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights and radio director, Rong Chhun, President of the Cambodian Independent Teachers' Association (CITA) and Mam Sonando, Director of the Beehive Radio, are facing trial,

C. whereas Yeng Virak and Kem Sokha were released on bail but the charges have not been dropped,

D. whereas, for the same reasons, the Cambodian authorities are searching for Chea Mony, President of the Free Trade Union of Workers, Ea Channa, Deputy Secretary General of the Students' Movement for Democracy, Men Nath, President of the Cambodian Independent Civil Servants' Association, Prince Sisowath Tomico, secretary to former King Sihanouk, and Say Bory, advisor to former King Sihanouk,

E. whereas several other activists and members of the opposition have left the country under the threat of arrest and persecution,

F. considering those repressive tactics an attempt by the government to silence peaceful critics of the government and thus eliminate the last effective political opposition; whereas those events also present worrying indications that Cambodia's democracy is deteriorating,

G. whereas on 22 December 2005 the leader of the opposition, Sam Rainsy, was sentenced in absentia to 18 months' imprisonment on defamation charges brought by the Prime Minister and the President of the National Assembly,

H. whereas Cheam Channy, Member of the Cambodian Parliament, was tried and convicted in August 2005, and sentenced to seven years' imprisonment,

I. whereas the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has ruled that the detention of Cheam Channy is a violation of both Cambodian and international law,

  1. Is deeply concerned about the recent arrests and prosecutions and urges the Cambodian government to consider very carefully the compatibility of such actions with the commitments it has given to its people and to donors to build a more open, democratic and just society;
  2. Takes note of the above mentioned release of recently arrested human rights activists and calls for the annulment of all charges against them; and asks for the annulment of all charges and arrest warrants issued against human rights defenders who are not currently detained; calls moreover for all acts of intimidation and harassment of human rights activists in Cambodia to be halted;
  3. Urges Cambodia to stop breaching its obligations under international law, and in particular the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and immediately to release Cheam Channy; also calls for the judgment against Sam Rainsy and Chea Poch to be overturned and their parliamentary immunity restored;
  4. Strongly believes that the continuing detentions of leading figures from the political opposition, trade unions, the media and NGOs and the use of the criminal law in cases of expression of dissenting opinions on matters of politics and policy send a worrying message to the donor community on which the government relies for about 50% of its annual budget;
  5. Reminds the Cambodian government that it has to meet its obligations and commitments regarding the democratic principles and fundamental human rights which are an essential element of the above mentioned Cooperation Agreement, as defined in Article 1 of that Agreement;
  6. Calls on the Commission and the Council to respond to the latest crackdown on civil and political rights in clear and unambiguous terms, in coordination with the donor community, at the forthcoming Consultative Group meeting;
  7. Expresses its support for the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General for Human Rights in Cambodia and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, whose mandates include protection and monitoring of the human right situation;
  8. Expresses concern that the use of the Cambodian judiciary as an instrument of repression against the political opposition and civil society casts serious doubts on the Cambodian government's commitment to establish the Khmer Rouge Tribunal in accordance with international standards of judicial independence, fair trial and due legal process, as agreed with the UN in June 2003 and questions the need for defamation of the Office of the Prime Minister to be a criminal offence;
  9. Strongly believes that dissenting views and opinions should be challenged through public debate rather than criminal law suits and calls for prosecutions on defamation charges to be stopped, as they could easily be abused for political purposes;
  10. Calls on the EU to take steps to ensure that fundamental freedoms, as enshrined in Article 1 of the above mentioned Cooperation Agreement, are respected and that attacks on civil liberties have consequences; calls on the EU also to make continuation of its financial aid conditional upon an improvement in Cambodia's human rights record;
  11. Reiterates its demand that an ad hoc delegation of the Parliament visit Cambodia to evaluate respect for the provisions of Article 1 of the Cooperation Agreement and the situation of detained parliamentarians, media representatives and trade union leaders in the country;
  12. Calls on the Cambodian authorities to fully implement the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees both with regard to the protection of Montagnard refugees, refraining from illegal forced deportation to Vietnam, and to granting refugee status to ethnic Khmer Krom escaping from Vietnam;
  13. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General for Human Rights in Cambodia, the President of the World Bank, the ASEAN Secretariat and the government and National Assembly of the Kingdom of Cambodia.

    (1) OJ C 247 E, 6.10.2005, p. 161.
    (2) OJ C 320 E, 15.12.2005, p. 280.
    (3) Texts Adopted , P6_TA(2005)0462.
    (4) OJ L 269, 19.10.1999, p. 18.
    Last updated: 20 January 2006