Joseph Mussomeli, US Ambassador to CambodiaAmbassador Joseph A. Mussomeli
International Relations Institute
April 6, 2006
Good afternoon to all of you. I am delighted their Excellencies Sum Manit and Pen Darith are allowing me the privilege of delivering this inaugural address to the International Relations Institute of Cambodia. We applaud their efforts to promote a forum for discussion on international relations. As technology and global commerce weld the world into one large village, separated by little more than the click of a mouse, it is imperative that we sit back and reflect more on foreign policy issues and relations between nations.
Although the world is a much smaller place than when I first began my career, it does not necessarily follow that the world’s problems are more easily solved. Instant communication and the internet have inundated us with news and information, but differing opinions between nations and individuals remain. Indeed, arguably better communications and newer technologies bring into sharper focus those disagreements. So, ironically, while better communication can ensure greater understanding and fewer miscommunications, it can also exacerbate them.
There is an old English cliché—“familiarity breeds contempt.” That is a little harsh perhaps, but certainly familiarity, closeness, a sense that old ways of living and doing business are being swept away can also breed fear and confusion. Cultures and peoples that were once insulated by time and space are now stuck in what at best we can describe as a very noisy village where people have varying opinions on just about everything, from how to live to what to believe.
So the new world offers both fantastic opportunities to bridge centuries-old misunderstandings and animosities, and also offers a bridge to new tensions and even more heated disagreements. One of my favorite American poets, Robert Frost, captures this ambivalence perfectly in his poem “Mending Wall.” It begins with the forthright assertion that “Something there is that doesn’t love a wall.” This is the positive sentiment about globalization. That we have over the last few decades broken down almost every wall of rigid thought, restricted commerce, and restrained custom. But the same poem ends with a very familiar maxim: “Good fences make good neighbors.” And in that pithy phrase is summed up all the fears and angst and potential danger of a smaller, more connected world.
So how do we resolve this paradox? How do we make the most of the benefits of globalization and how do we minimize its negative potential. Figuring out how to advance stability and peace in such a world keeps us diplomats and government officials gainfully employed.
Today we’ll be discussing the future of U.S. policy in Asia. I will focus my remarks first on East Asia and then more specifically on Southeast Asia and Cambodia. However, when we speak of U.S. foreign policy objectives, we cannot confine ourselves to discreet regions of the world. U.S. foreign policy goals, in the most general sense, are the same no matter what geographic region we speak of. In other words, we do not begin by looking at a map of Africa, and saying, “Now what do we want to achieve in Africa?” Nor do we look at individual countries as the starting point. We do not look at Cambodia, and think, what should our policy be in Cambodia?
We begin by looking at core objectives for U.S. foreign policy worldwide. Certainly the emphasis on one or more of these objectives may vary from region to region or from country to country, but the core objectives remain: regional peace and security, support for democracy and human rights, sustainable economic development and commerce, and combating transnational threats. Those of you who might suspect that these core objectives are not our real agenda, ought to look at them more closely. It is true that they are more idealistic than some would assume of any country’s policy objectives. But they are also the ones that best advance US interests. Our goals are unabashedly selfish in the sense that our policy is based upon the view that a stable world, that is prosperous and free, holds the best opportunities to advance America’s own economic prosperity and safeguard our own security and political liberties.
Now, turning to Asia itself. We like to say that the United States has been an Asia-Pacific nation for nearly two centuries. And to this day, our unfailing support for Asia’s success remains rooted in the same basic principles outlined as core foreign U.S. policy interests:
first: security through respect for the rule of law and combating transnational threats such as terrorism, narcotics, HIV/AIDs and AI;
second: prosperity through freedom of commerce and economic development;
third: support for democracy and human rights.
For the past 60 years in particular, the United States has played a vital role in supporting the region to achieve its continuing economic success. In 2005, U.S. exports to Asia reached over $200 billion, accounting for nearly 25% of total U.S. exports. The U.S. imported over $540 billion worth of Asian goods, over 35% of total U.S. imports. Many security ties with the region have resulted in a dense network of alliances and friendships. The Asia-Pacific region, which is becoming the center of gravity of international relations, is of large and growing importance to the United States and whose future we see as inextricably linked to our own.
Asian Americans make up 4.3% of the total U.S. population. That’s about 12 million U.S. citizens who identify themselves as at least part Asian. However, this number represents an increase of 63% from the 1990 Census, making Asian Americans the fastest growing of all major racial/ethnic groups in the U.S., in terms of percentage growth.
The core U.S. foreign policy interests in Asia that I mentioned earlier are also linked to an Asian priority within the region – namely, integration. As we have witnessed in Europe, integration of regional states in economic, political, and security partnerships has remarkable benefits for stabilization and development opportunities.
Integration, however, does not take place in a vacuum. We see three major areas which are important to form the framework in which integration can take place in an environment of mutual trust: 1) security; 2) prosperity; and 3) freedom. Again, these are the areas identified as U.S. foreign policy interests.
Advancement in these three areas is closely linked to each other. As Secretary Rice told an audience in Japan last March, "Security shelters the prosperity that opportunity brings; security and prosperity, in turn, allow human creativity to flourish - but human creativity can only flourish fully in freedom." Let’s look more closely at each of these policy interests.
Security: Asia has not experienced a major conflict for more than 25 years, but challenges to the security of the region remain. One of those challenges is the spread of terrorism, which poses a serious threat to the welfare and security of this region. Both the United States and Japan have directly experienced the horror of terrorist attacks as well as witnessed the bombings in Bali and Jakarta, and the bombings and kidnappings in the Philippines. Terrorism interrupts positive regional trends toward stability, democracy, and prosperity.
Many nations in the region have contributed in the fight against terrorism. Today, the United States is promoting greater port and border security, and combating terrorist financing. By utilizing our collective strength, sharing information and applying technology to the movement of people, goods and money, more completely, we can improve the free flow of trade, investment and travelers as well as enhance our security.
Securing true peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula is and remains one of the central security challenges in the Asia-Pacific region. The DPRK's nuclear ambition is a decades-old problem. The Six-Party Talks continue, but timely progress and credible breakthroughs have been elusive despite considerable efforts by the United States and our allies. The United States remains committed to resolving the nuclear issue through diplomatic means.
And what of China? Here is a passage from a book by an American historian: “This nation, after 3,000 years of grandeur and decay, of repeated deaths and resurrections, exhibits today all the physical and mental vitality that we find in its most creative periods; … Imagination cannot describe the possibilities of a civilization mingling the physical, labor, and mental resources of such a people with the technological equipment of modern industry. Very probably such wealth will be produced in China as even America has never known…. Within a century China will have … absorbed her conquerors and will have learned all the technique of modern industry.” If this had been written 30 years ago it would have been considered interesting, and perhaps even a little prescient. But it was not written in 1975 or even 1965. It was written in 1935! When China was on its knees, when the Western powers still held some sway and Japan was increasing its control. It was an amazing insight – and a courageous prediction – to declare that within a century—by 2035, China would be a world power. I think the prediction even now is a little too grand and too simplistic. China has made incredible gains since those words were written over 70 years ago, but the political and economic problems still to overcome remain daunting. But let’s look at where China is today and what it may bode for the future.
China, in a sense, is on a threshold. China, increasingly integrated into the international community, has not yet fully taken on the responsibilities of a stakeholder in the international system from which it benefits. At the same time, the sensitive issue of Taiwan and cross-Strait relations has complicated security in the region. The longstanding U.S. position has been that cross-Strait differences must be resolved peacefully through dialogue in a manner that meets the aspirations of people on both sides of the Strait.
Prosperity: Asia is a region that knows very well that its future economic growth is tied closely with free and fair trade. To facilitate free and fair trade, the United States is concentrating on opening markets, improving the region's overall business environment, and maintaining a stable macro-climate favoring open trade and growth.
Open trade not only levels the playing field but also encourages governments to adopt open and transparent rulemaking procedures, and non-discriminatory laws and regulations. Trade liberalization is also a pathway out of poverty. A recent World Bank study showed that the income per person for globalizing developing countries grew more than five percent a year, while the income in non-globalizing countries fell a little over one percent a year. Traditionally, the United States has focused on multilateral efforts to liberalize trade, through the World Trade Organization (WTO). More recently, the U.S. has increased emphasis on bilateral free trade agreements to supplement multilateral negotiations.
The United States is working with partners in Asia to improve the business environment in the Asia-Pacific region by opening up civil aviation and telecommunications industries, improving intellectual property rights protection, and combating corruption and ensuring market integrity.
Maintaining a stable macroeconomic climate is also a critical element in advancing and maintaining economic prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. The United States is working with partners in Asia to encourage prudent, sustainable fiscal policies, monetary policies focused on price stability, and increased openness to international trade and capital flows. Establishing a stable macro-environment is also a priority in the economic development agenda advanced by the United States. The core principles in U.S. development policy include (1) increasing financial assistance to the poorest countries; (2) providing more assistance in the form of grants; (3) measuring the results of our assistance efforts rigorously; and (4) targeting support to countries that pursue pro-growth strategies.
Freedom: Promoting democracy, the rule of law, and human rights remain high priorities. The relative stability of this region has showcased some of the most impressive democratic transformations of our times in places as diverse as South Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, and Taiwan. The governments in these flourishing democracies have become more accountable to their citizens. Increasing freedom and individual rights are also attracting economic opportunities and investments.
I have spoken very broadly here about what the U.S. policy interests and objectives are in Asia, but I would also like to discuss how we go about working with partners within the region. We do that in a variety of different ways, so I will briefly describe U.S. bilateral and multilateral engagement in the region. The United States engages the Asia-Pacific region at the global, regional and bilateral levels. The United States sees this engagement as a means not only to advance its policy interests, but also to build a sense of community within the region by promoting shared values in human rights, stability, democratization, free markets, and security.
On a global level, WTO has provided the best framework for engaging economies on trade and investment liberalization. We are pressing nations to fully implement their WTO obligations. We are working to increase regulatory and administrative transparency in the region. We will continue our work to reduce or eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers.
On a regional level, the United States has also been involved in APEC and the ASEAN Regional Forum, and is working to bolster their effectiveness. U.S. business executives routinely list piracy of intellectual property as one of the greatest challenges their companies face. In response, the United States has made Intellectual Property Rights a major goal in APEC. Protecting the public from fraud and often even physical harm caused by counterfeit goods is increasingly seen as a security goal as well.
The United States is an active participant in the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). As the leading security forum in the region, ARF has contributed to the peace and stability of the region by building confidence among the participants and promoting cooperation on such vital areas as enhancing the security of Southeast Asia's strategic waterways. ASEAN created the ARF and remains its driving force. U.S. participation in the ARF is both an opportunity to articulate and pursue our security interests and a mode of engagement with ASEAN.
The United States also has a growing relationship with ASEAN itself, and is developing a comprehensive Enhanced Partnership with that organization, which will help strengthen ties and increase cooperation. I will speak more on ASEAN in discussing Southeast Asia more specifically.
Bilaterally, the United States is pursuing trade liberalization through negotiating free trade agreements. In the last three years, we have completed FTAs with Singapore and Australia. Negotiations are currently under way with Thailand. Our Bilateral Trade Agreement with Vietnam, which was signed in 2000, has been a catalyst for economic growth and development in that country.
Strengthening alliances with five treaty allies in the region -- Japan, Australia, South Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand -- remains a policy priority for the United States. Here, fostering a close alliance with Japan is not only of critical importance in the Asia-Pacific region, but also around the world.
As you know, in recent years, with accelerated intra-Asian trade and investment, we have seen movement toward more pan-Asian organizations, such as the ASEAN+3 and, of late, the East Asia Summit that met for the first time last December in Kuala Lumpur. The United States does not view such meetings as inimical to U.S. interests; we do not need to be in every room and every conversation that Asians have with one another. We do, however, want to ensure the strongest possible continuing U.S. engagement in the region and continue to believe that the strategic and economic geography through which Asia can best build on its success is via trans-Pacific partnerships and institutions.
Now let’s turn to Southeast Asia more specifically. Our goals are clear: we want to see a Southeast Asia that is a partner in the promotion of democracy and human rights and an engine of economic growth; a group of nations whose varied ethnic and religious groups live together and flourish in peace; countries that cooperate fully with us in battling the evils of terrorism, proliferation, and infectious diseases; and a region where the United States plays a positive role, in harmony with other powers.
There can be little doubt that Southeast Asia is -- and will remain -- of enormous importance to the United States. The region's combined gross domestic product is over $750 billion and is growing quickly. Home to over five hundred million people. It is the fifth largest market for U.S. exports. U.S. direct investment in the area reached over $90 billion in 2003.
In addition to its economic importance, Southeast Asia holds great strategic importance. It sits astride the sea routes from the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean to the Pacific, through which much of the world's trade and energy shipments flow.
This region’s most important and encouraging trend in recent years has been the strengthening of democracy. In the last few years, elections have taken place not only in the Philippines, Malaysia, Cambodia, and Thailand -- but also in newly democratized Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim-majority nation, and in East Timor, a new nation and new democracy.
Concurrent with the spread of democracy, prosperity is growing throughout the region. Regional economies are moving toward greater economic openness, lower trade barriers, and regional integration. Income levels have climbed, and extreme poverty has generally declined. Southeast Asian nations are looking increasingly beyond their borders for markets, investment capital, higher education, and ideas.
Southeast Asia is an area largely at peace. There has been widespread rejection of terrorism, and we are working effectively with governments to enhance our mutual security. With some notable exceptions, governments and people have recognized the advantage of resolving differences through dialogue and the ballot box and of maintaining political stability as an essential ingredient of economic prosperity.
We are also seeing increased attention paid to transnational issues. Governments throughout the region are beginning to work to combat human trafficking, environmental degradation, infectious diseases, narcotics trafficking, and international crime.
In emphasizing these positive trends and opportunities, I don't want to minimize the challenges, including the continuing danger of terrorism, the fragility of democracy in some countries, and the risk of the spread of infectious diseases, most notably avian influenza.
Although Southeast Asia has generally rejected the extremist forms of Islam that spawn terrorists, we need to root out all vestiges of it. There is a growing realization throughout the region that terrorism threatens all governments and that the best way to confront this threat is by working together. Regional cooperation offers us the opportunity to find the terrorists wherever they hide and bring them to justice. Here, as in many other matters, Cambodia stands out as an excellent partner.
As we strengthen our commitments to fighting malaria and AIDS, we must also prepare for new threats to public health such as Avian Influenza (AI). I'm sure you are well aware that most recently a young three-year-old girl not far from Phnom Penh died of AI. AI has already seriously hurt the poultry industry several affected countries. If left unchallenged, this virus could become the first pandemic of the 21st century.
President Bush announced a new International Partnership on Avian and Pandemic Influenza at the United Nations General Assembly meeting last year aimed at enhancing preparedness, prevention, response, and containment activities. We are asking potential donor countries to coordinate their activities to most effectively make use of limited resources and avoid duplication. Many nations have already joined this partnership, including Cambodia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam. Indeed, this is another area where Cambodia is in the forefront. I sometimes, only half-jokingly, comment that if US-Cambodian cooperation were as good on other issues as it is on health issues, Cambodia would be one of our closest allies.
An important factor for the U.S. in Southeast Asia is the influence of China. China's rapid economic development has brought new opportunities and challenges to the countries of Southeast Asia. While most have benefited from the expanded trade and investment opportunities -- China's trade with ASEAN grew 30% last year alone -- there has been considerable debate in Asia over how China's economic rise will change the political landscape. China has focused on developing robust trade and investment relationships in the region to fuel its own domestic development. At the same time, China is also clearly interested in matching its economic power with political influence, thereby giving it an opportunity to advance its own interests in the region. It is important to remember that America's role in the region has increased at the same time China has sought to invest further in Southeast Asia. We will continue to play an essential role in the region, built on our alliance relationships, our active participation in ASEAN and APEC fora, and the access we provide to our open and transparent markets that helps drive both China's and the region's economies. In this regard, it is crucial to remember that Cambodia’s trade with the United States is more important and more lucrative to your economy than all the assistance from all the donors, including China.
Strengthening relations with ASEAN is of vital importance to the United States because ASEAN serves as a force to promote stability and prosperity. One area in which we would like to see greater ASEAN effectiveness, though, is Burma. Our view, frankly, is that ASEAN has not done all it could or should to promote democracy.
Let me now look more closely at those core U.S. foreign policy interests within Southeast Asia – security, prosperity and freedom, with particular reference to what the United States is doing here in Cambodia.
On the issue of regional security and cooperation within ASEAN, the Southeast Asia region continues to be an attractive theater of operations for terrorist organizations such as Jemaah Islamiya and the Abu Sayyaf Group. The ASEAN community has vigorously supported expansion of regional counterterrorism capacities. As already mentioned, we have excellent counterterrorism cooperation with the Cambodian government, and greatly appreciate this partnership. Our ultimate goal is a significant degradation of terrorist capabilities, elimination of sanctuaries, institutionalized regional cooperation, and progress on lessening contributing factors, including injustice, poverty, unemployment, poor education, and corruption.
Despite the difficulties of the late-1990s, the people of Southeast Asia have achieved an economic miracle: In the past generation, the wealth of this region doubled, then doubled again, lifting over a hundred million people out of poverty. The countries of Southeast Asia are making their mark on the global economy. Across the world, millions of people wake up every morning and they buy a cup of coffee made from beans grown in East Timor and Sumatra. They talk on mobile phones built in Thailand and the Philippines. They switch on computers manufactured in Malaysia. We must not forget Cambodia in this discussion, as Gap and Levi stores in the U.S. carry garments with the “Made in Cambodia” label on them. The United States buys the majority of Cambodia’s garment exports, which account for roughly two-thirds of the country’s exports. But in addition, we have also helped Cambodia’s garment factories adhere to international labor standards, thus providing a decent job and working conditions for its laborers. Indeed, Cambodia could serve as a model for other developing countries, showing that nations need not choose between increasing wealth and protecting labor.
What about Cambodia’s future? What must Cambodia do to take its rightful place among the leaders of Southeast Asia, and to become a wholly modern, stable, and open society? I began this speech with a reference to Robert Frost’s poem about “good fences making good neighbors.” Taking that advice literally, Cambodia must formalize and clarify all its borders with all neighboring countries. The Prime Minister has bravely taken the first steps to do so with Vietnam, and these must be followed with resolution of the remaining issues with all your neighbors. A modern state simply cannot function properly without clearly defined and secure borders. There is also another type of fence that is crucial to any modern state: the rule of law. There must be legal limits on the exercise of power, on the culture of impunity that has developed in Cambodia over the last several decades. The law must become more institutionalized, and all Cambodians regardless of rank and power, must adhere to it. Finally, applying Frost’s other phrase in that same poem that “something there is that doesn’t love a wall,” we see that Cambodia is slowly starting to break down the walls that prevent the free flow of ideas and freedom of expression, walls that stifle economic development and political openness, walls of corruption that allow the amassing of extreme wealth in the midst of extreme poverty.
As Southeast Asia continues to develop and prosper, aspirations for freedom and self-government are also growing stronger, and the expansion of democracy is inevitably continuing. For all who believe that “freedom” and “democracy” are rooted only in Western lands and cannot prosper in foreign soil, I would simply refer them to the example of Southeast Asia.
Democracy is a reality across much of this region today because people believed in it and they worked for it and they sacrificed to achieve it. Twenty years ago, Filipino citizens braved violence and peacefully won their democracy through "People Power." Seven years later, Thai citizens mobilized for a democratic future. And today, the people of East Timor are building a democracy of their own.
Every young democracy in Southeast Asia now faces a similar challenge: building democratic institutions that function transparently and accountably. Institutions like the rule of law, an independent judiciary, and a free media help to ensure that leaders remain responsible to their people. In other places, however, democracy still faces determined opponents, and where freedom is under attack, so are the people. One country of the region stands out as moving in a direction antithetical to the interests of its people: Burma. The Burmese regime remains exceptionally repressive. The regime has set back international efforts to provide humanitarian assistance to a population that is in dire need. For 15 years, the military dictatorship in Burma has held captive the democratic aspirations of the Burmese people. A country that was once a jewel of Southeast Asia is now out of step with the entire region. A once thriving economy has collapsed. Universities that once attracted the best Asian minds are locked shut. The Burmese regime is now literally retreating into the depths of the country, closing its people off from the world and robbing them of their future.
While I have discussed U.S. foreign policy primarily in the context of multilateral and regional organizations as well as within our bilateral relationships, we also put great stock on people-to-people diplomacy through our cultural exchange programs, academic fellowships, voluntary visitor programs, and other public diplomacy initiatives that put a human face on U.S. foreign policy. The Secretary likes to talk about the development of an alliance of peoples – united in our common support for freedom and democratic values. Our "alliance of peoples" is part of a broad Pacific community that has united Americans and Asians through decades of travel, and exchange, and immigration. Thousands of Americans reside in Southeast Asia, drawn here by your commerce and your culture. And likewise, millions of my fellow citizens trace their roots to this region. Vietnamese, and Cambodians, and Filipinos, and Indonesians -- all have made new homes in places like Long Beach, California and Lowell, Massachusetts. They are building their American dream and adding to the American character.
I focus on people today for a reason -- for it is the people of Southeast Asia who have transformed Southeast Asia. So much has changed in Southeast Asia and changed so quickly. Just consider the picture of three decades ago: cross-border war; communist subversion; anxiety that America was literally in retreat; fearful talk of a "bamboo curtain" being drawn across the Pacific. But in the decades that followed, the nations of Southeast Asia realized a future of peaceful cooperation through ASEAN. The United States backed your vision with diplomatic, economic and military cooperation. And today, this region is a pillar of stability in Asia.
As we see in our growing cooperation on nearly every challenge of the day, the United States and the democracies of Southeast Asia are building a genuine partnership. Defined not just by the immediate threats we oppose, but by the enduring ideals we seek to promote: peace and security; opportunity and prosperity; freedom and democracy; justice and tolerance.
Thank you.
Although the world is a much smaller place than when I first began my career, it does not necessarily follow that the world’s problems are more easily solved. Instant communication and the internet have inundated us with news and information, but differing opinions between nations and individuals remain. Indeed, arguably better communications and newer technologies bring into sharper focus those disagreements. So, ironically, while better communication can ensure greater understanding and fewer miscommunications, it can also exacerbate them.
There is an old English cliché—“familiarity breeds contempt.” That is a little harsh perhaps, but certainly familiarity, closeness, a sense that old ways of living and doing business are being swept away can also breed fear and confusion. Cultures and peoples that were once insulated by time and space are now stuck in what at best we can describe as a very noisy village where people have varying opinions on just about everything, from how to live to what to believe.
So the new world offers both fantastic opportunities to bridge centuries-old misunderstandings and animosities, and also offers a bridge to new tensions and even more heated disagreements. One of my favorite American poets, Robert Frost, captures this ambivalence perfectly in his poem “Mending Wall.” It begins with the forthright assertion that “Something there is that doesn’t love a wall.” This is the positive sentiment about globalization. That we have over the last few decades broken down almost every wall of rigid thought, restricted commerce, and restrained custom. But the same poem ends with a very familiar maxim: “Good fences make good neighbors.” And in that pithy phrase is summed up all the fears and angst and potential danger of a smaller, more connected world.
So how do we resolve this paradox? How do we make the most of the benefits of globalization and how do we minimize its negative potential. Figuring out how to advance stability and peace in such a world keeps us diplomats and government officials gainfully employed.
Today we’ll be discussing the future of U.S. policy in Asia. I will focus my remarks first on East Asia and then more specifically on Southeast Asia and Cambodia. However, when we speak of U.S. foreign policy objectives, we cannot confine ourselves to discreet regions of the world. U.S. foreign policy goals, in the most general sense, are the same no matter what geographic region we speak of. In other words, we do not begin by looking at a map of Africa, and saying, “Now what do we want to achieve in Africa?” Nor do we look at individual countries as the starting point. We do not look at Cambodia, and think, what should our policy be in Cambodia?
We begin by looking at core objectives for U.S. foreign policy worldwide. Certainly the emphasis on one or more of these objectives may vary from region to region or from country to country, but the core objectives remain: regional peace and security, support for democracy and human rights, sustainable economic development and commerce, and combating transnational threats. Those of you who might suspect that these core objectives are not our real agenda, ought to look at them more closely. It is true that they are more idealistic than some would assume of any country’s policy objectives. But they are also the ones that best advance US interests. Our goals are unabashedly selfish in the sense that our policy is based upon the view that a stable world, that is prosperous and free, holds the best opportunities to advance America’s own economic prosperity and safeguard our own security and political liberties.
Now, turning to Asia itself. We like to say that the United States has been an Asia-Pacific nation for nearly two centuries. And to this day, our unfailing support for Asia’s success remains rooted in the same basic principles outlined as core foreign U.S. policy interests:
first: security through respect for the rule of law and combating transnational threats such as terrorism, narcotics, HIV/AIDs and AI;
second: prosperity through freedom of commerce and economic development;
third: support for democracy and human rights.
For the past 60 years in particular, the United States has played a vital role in supporting the region to achieve its continuing economic success. In 2005, U.S. exports to Asia reached over $200 billion, accounting for nearly 25% of total U.S. exports. The U.S. imported over $540 billion worth of Asian goods, over 35% of total U.S. imports. Many security ties with the region have resulted in a dense network of alliances and friendships. The Asia-Pacific region, which is becoming the center of gravity of international relations, is of large and growing importance to the United States and whose future we see as inextricably linked to our own.
Asian Americans make up 4.3% of the total U.S. population. That’s about 12 million U.S. citizens who identify themselves as at least part Asian. However, this number represents an increase of 63% from the 1990 Census, making Asian Americans the fastest growing of all major racial/ethnic groups in the U.S., in terms of percentage growth.
The core U.S. foreign policy interests in Asia that I mentioned earlier are also linked to an Asian priority within the region – namely, integration. As we have witnessed in Europe, integration of regional states in economic, political, and security partnerships has remarkable benefits for stabilization and development opportunities.
Integration, however, does not take place in a vacuum. We see three major areas which are important to form the framework in which integration can take place in an environment of mutual trust: 1) security; 2) prosperity; and 3) freedom. Again, these are the areas identified as U.S. foreign policy interests.
Advancement in these three areas is closely linked to each other. As Secretary Rice told an audience in Japan last March, "Security shelters the prosperity that opportunity brings; security and prosperity, in turn, allow human creativity to flourish - but human creativity can only flourish fully in freedom." Let’s look more closely at each of these policy interests.
Security: Asia has not experienced a major conflict for more than 25 years, but challenges to the security of the region remain. One of those challenges is the spread of terrorism, which poses a serious threat to the welfare and security of this region. Both the United States and Japan have directly experienced the horror of terrorist attacks as well as witnessed the bombings in Bali and Jakarta, and the bombings and kidnappings in the Philippines. Terrorism interrupts positive regional trends toward stability, democracy, and prosperity.
Many nations in the region have contributed in the fight against terrorism. Today, the United States is promoting greater port and border security, and combating terrorist financing. By utilizing our collective strength, sharing information and applying technology to the movement of people, goods and money, more completely, we can improve the free flow of trade, investment and travelers as well as enhance our security.
Securing true peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula is and remains one of the central security challenges in the Asia-Pacific region. The DPRK's nuclear ambition is a decades-old problem. The Six-Party Talks continue, but timely progress and credible breakthroughs have been elusive despite considerable efforts by the United States and our allies. The United States remains committed to resolving the nuclear issue through diplomatic means.
And what of China? Here is a passage from a book by an American historian: “This nation, after 3,000 years of grandeur and decay, of repeated deaths and resurrections, exhibits today all the physical and mental vitality that we find in its most creative periods; … Imagination cannot describe the possibilities of a civilization mingling the physical, labor, and mental resources of such a people with the technological equipment of modern industry. Very probably such wealth will be produced in China as even America has never known…. Within a century China will have … absorbed her conquerors and will have learned all the technique of modern industry.” If this had been written 30 years ago it would have been considered interesting, and perhaps even a little prescient. But it was not written in 1975 or even 1965. It was written in 1935! When China was on its knees, when the Western powers still held some sway and Japan was increasing its control. It was an amazing insight – and a courageous prediction – to declare that within a century—by 2035, China would be a world power. I think the prediction even now is a little too grand and too simplistic. China has made incredible gains since those words were written over 70 years ago, but the political and economic problems still to overcome remain daunting. But let’s look at where China is today and what it may bode for the future.
China, in a sense, is on a threshold. China, increasingly integrated into the international community, has not yet fully taken on the responsibilities of a stakeholder in the international system from which it benefits. At the same time, the sensitive issue of Taiwan and cross-Strait relations has complicated security in the region. The longstanding U.S. position has been that cross-Strait differences must be resolved peacefully through dialogue in a manner that meets the aspirations of people on both sides of the Strait.
Prosperity: Asia is a region that knows very well that its future economic growth is tied closely with free and fair trade. To facilitate free and fair trade, the United States is concentrating on opening markets, improving the region's overall business environment, and maintaining a stable macro-climate favoring open trade and growth.
Open trade not only levels the playing field but also encourages governments to adopt open and transparent rulemaking procedures, and non-discriminatory laws and regulations. Trade liberalization is also a pathway out of poverty. A recent World Bank study showed that the income per person for globalizing developing countries grew more than five percent a year, while the income in non-globalizing countries fell a little over one percent a year. Traditionally, the United States has focused on multilateral efforts to liberalize trade, through the World Trade Organization (WTO). More recently, the U.S. has increased emphasis on bilateral free trade agreements to supplement multilateral negotiations.
The United States is working with partners in Asia to improve the business environment in the Asia-Pacific region by opening up civil aviation and telecommunications industries, improving intellectual property rights protection, and combating corruption and ensuring market integrity.
Maintaining a stable macroeconomic climate is also a critical element in advancing and maintaining economic prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. The United States is working with partners in Asia to encourage prudent, sustainable fiscal policies, monetary policies focused on price stability, and increased openness to international trade and capital flows. Establishing a stable macro-environment is also a priority in the economic development agenda advanced by the United States. The core principles in U.S. development policy include (1) increasing financial assistance to the poorest countries; (2) providing more assistance in the form of grants; (3) measuring the results of our assistance efforts rigorously; and (4) targeting support to countries that pursue pro-growth strategies.
Freedom: Promoting democracy, the rule of law, and human rights remain high priorities. The relative stability of this region has showcased some of the most impressive democratic transformations of our times in places as diverse as South Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, and Taiwan. The governments in these flourishing democracies have become more accountable to their citizens. Increasing freedom and individual rights are also attracting economic opportunities and investments.
I have spoken very broadly here about what the U.S. policy interests and objectives are in Asia, but I would also like to discuss how we go about working with partners within the region. We do that in a variety of different ways, so I will briefly describe U.S. bilateral and multilateral engagement in the region. The United States engages the Asia-Pacific region at the global, regional and bilateral levels. The United States sees this engagement as a means not only to advance its policy interests, but also to build a sense of community within the region by promoting shared values in human rights, stability, democratization, free markets, and security.
On a global level, WTO has provided the best framework for engaging economies on trade and investment liberalization. We are pressing nations to fully implement their WTO obligations. We are working to increase regulatory and administrative transparency in the region. We will continue our work to reduce or eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers.
On a regional level, the United States has also been involved in APEC and the ASEAN Regional Forum, and is working to bolster their effectiveness. U.S. business executives routinely list piracy of intellectual property as one of the greatest challenges their companies face. In response, the United States has made Intellectual Property Rights a major goal in APEC. Protecting the public from fraud and often even physical harm caused by counterfeit goods is increasingly seen as a security goal as well.
The United States is an active participant in the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). As the leading security forum in the region, ARF has contributed to the peace and stability of the region by building confidence among the participants and promoting cooperation on such vital areas as enhancing the security of Southeast Asia's strategic waterways. ASEAN created the ARF and remains its driving force. U.S. participation in the ARF is both an opportunity to articulate and pursue our security interests and a mode of engagement with ASEAN.
The United States also has a growing relationship with ASEAN itself, and is developing a comprehensive Enhanced Partnership with that organization, which will help strengthen ties and increase cooperation. I will speak more on ASEAN in discussing Southeast Asia more specifically.
Bilaterally, the United States is pursuing trade liberalization through negotiating free trade agreements. In the last three years, we have completed FTAs with Singapore and Australia. Negotiations are currently under way with Thailand. Our Bilateral Trade Agreement with Vietnam, which was signed in 2000, has been a catalyst for economic growth and development in that country.
Strengthening alliances with five treaty allies in the region -- Japan, Australia, South Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand -- remains a policy priority for the United States. Here, fostering a close alliance with Japan is not only of critical importance in the Asia-Pacific region, but also around the world.
As you know, in recent years, with accelerated intra-Asian trade and investment, we have seen movement toward more pan-Asian organizations, such as the ASEAN+3 and, of late, the East Asia Summit that met for the first time last December in Kuala Lumpur. The United States does not view such meetings as inimical to U.S. interests; we do not need to be in every room and every conversation that Asians have with one another. We do, however, want to ensure the strongest possible continuing U.S. engagement in the region and continue to believe that the strategic and economic geography through which Asia can best build on its success is via trans-Pacific partnerships and institutions.
Now let’s turn to Southeast Asia more specifically. Our goals are clear: we want to see a Southeast Asia that is a partner in the promotion of democracy and human rights and an engine of economic growth; a group of nations whose varied ethnic and religious groups live together and flourish in peace; countries that cooperate fully with us in battling the evils of terrorism, proliferation, and infectious diseases; and a region where the United States plays a positive role, in harmony with other powers.
There can be little doubt that Southeast Asia is -- and will remain -- of enormous importance to the United States. The region's combined gross domestic product is over $750 billion and is growing quickly. Home to over five hundred million people. It is the fifth largest market for U.S. exports. U.S. direct investment in the area reached over $90 billion in 2003.
In addition to its economic importance, Southeast Asia holds great strategic importance. It sits astride the sea routes from the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean to the Pacific, through which much of the world's trade and energy shipments flow.
This region’s most important and encouraging trend in recent years has been the strengthening of democracy. In the last few years, elections have taken place not only in the Philippines, Malaysia, Cambodia, and Thailand -- but also in newly democratized Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim-majority nation, and in East Timor, a new nation and new democracy.
Concurrent with the spread of democracy, prosperity is growing throughout the region. Regional economies are moving toward greater economic openness, lower trade barriers, and regional integration. Income levels have climbed, and extreme poverty has generally declined. Southeast Asian nations are looking increasingly beyond their borders for markets, investment capital, higher education, and ideas.
Southeast Asia is an area largely at peace. There has been widespread rejection of terrorism, and we are working effectively with governments to enhance our mutual security. With some notable exceptions, governments and people have recognized the advantage of resolving differences through dialogue and the ballot box and of maintaining political stability as an essential ingredient of economic prosperity.
We are also seeing increased attention paid to transnational issues. Governments throughout the region are beginning to work to combat human trafficking, environmental degradation, infectious diseases, narcotics trafficking, and international crime.
In emphasizing these positive trends and opportunities, I don't want to minimize the challenges, including the continuing danger of terrorism, the fragility of democracy in some countries, and the risk of the spread of infectious diseases, most notably avian influenza.
Although Southeast Asia has generally rejected the extremist forms of Islam that spawn terrorists, we need to root out all vestiges of it. There is a growing realization throughout the region that terrorism threatens all governments and that the best way to confront this threat is by working together. Regional cooperation offers us the opportunity to find the terrorists wherever they hide and bring them to justice. Here, as in many other matters, Cambodia stands out as an excellent partner.
As we strengthen our commitments to fighting malaria and AIDS, we must also prepare for new threats to public health such as Avian Influenza (AI). I'm sure you are well aware that most recently a young three-year-old girl not far from Phnom Penh died of AI. AI has already seriously hurt the poultry industry several affected countries. If left unchallenged, this virus could become the first pandemic of the 21st century.
President Bush announced a new International Partnership on Avian and Pandemic Influenza at the United Nations General Assembly meeting last year aimed at enhancing preparedness, prevention, response, and containment activities. We are asking potential donor countries to coordinate their activities to most effectively make use of limited resources and avoid duplication. Many nations have already joined this partnership, including Cambodia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam. Indeed, this is another area where Cambodia is in the forefront. I sometimes, only half-jokingly, comment that if US-Cambodian cooperation were as good on other issues as it is on health issues, Cambodia would be one of our closest allies.
An important factor for the U.S. in Southeast Asia is the influence of China. China's rapid economic development has brought new opportunities and challenges to the countries of Southeast Asia. While most have benefited from the expanded trade and investment opportunities -- China's trade with ASEAN grew 30% last year alone -- there has been considerable debate in Asia over how China's economic rise will change the political landscape. China has focused on developing robust trade and investment relationships in the region to fuel its own domestic development. At the same time, China is also clearly interested in matching its economic power with political influence, thereby giving it an opportunity to advance its own interests in the region. It is important to remember that America's role in the region has increased at the same time China has sought to invest further in Southeast Asia. We will continue to play an essential role in the region, built on our alliance relationships, our active participation in ASEAN and APEC fora, and the access we provide to our open and transparent markets that helps drive both China's and the region's economies. In this regard, it is crucial to remember that Cambodia’s trade with the United States is more important and more lucrative to your economy than all the assistance from all the donors, including China.
Strengthening relations with ASEAN is of vital importance to the United States because ASEAN serves as a force to promote stability and prosperity. One area in which we would like to see greater ASEAN effectiveness, though, is Burma. Our view, frankly, is that ASEAN has not done all it could or should to promote democracy.
Let me now look more closely at those core U.S. foreign policy interests within Southeast Asia – security, prosperity and freedom, with particular reference to what the United States is doing here in Cambodia.
On the issue of regional security and cooperation within ASEAN, the Southeast Asia region continues to be an attractive theater of operations for terrorist organizations such as Jemaah Islamiya and the Abu Sayyaf Group. The ASEAN community has vigorously supported expansion of regional counterterrorism capacities. As already mentioned, we have excellent counterterrorism cooperation with the Cambodian government, and greatly appreciate this partnership. Our ultimate goal is a significant degradation of terrorist capabilities, elimination of sanctuaries, institutionalized regional cooperation, and progress on lessening contributing factors, including injustice, poverty, unemployment, poor education, and corruption.
Despite the difficulties of the late-1990s, the people of Southeast Asia have achieved an economic miracle: In the past generation, the wealth of this region doubled, then doubled again, lifting over a hundred million people out of poverty. The countries of Southeast Asia are making their mark on the global economy. Across the world, millions of people wake up every morning and they buy a cup of coffee made from beans grown in East Timor and Sumatra. They talk on mobile phones built in Thailand and the Philippines. They switch on computers manufactured in Malaysia. We must not forget Cambodia in this discussion, as Gap and Levi stores in the U.S. carry garments with the “Made in Cambodia” label on them. The United States buys the majority of Cambodia’s garment exports, which account for roughly two-thirds of the country’s exports. But in addition, we have also helped Cambodia’s garment factories adhere to international labor standards, thus providing a decent job and working conditions for its laborers. Indeed, Cambodia could serve as a model for other developing countries, showing that nations need not choose between increasing wealth and protecting labor.
What about Cambodia’s future? What must Cambodia do to take its rightful place among the leaders of Southeast Asia, and to become a wholly modern, stable, and open society? I began this speech with a reference to Robert Frost’s poem about “good fences making good neighbors.” Taking that advice literally, Cambodia must formalize and clarify all its borders with all neighboring countries. The Prime Minister has bravely taken the first steps to do so with Vietnam, and these must be followed with resolution of the remaining issues with all your neighbors. A modern state simply cannot function properly without clearly defined and secure borders. There is also another type of fence that is crucial to any modern state: the rule of law. There must be legal limits on the exercise of power, on the culture of impunity that has developed in Cambodia over the last several decades. The law must become more institutionalized, and all Cambodians regardless of rank and power, must adhere to it. Finally, applying Frost’s other phrase in that same poem that “something there is that doesn’t love a wall,” we see that Cambodia is slowly starting to break down the walls that prevent the free flow of ideas and freedom of expression, walls that stifle economic development and political openness, walls of corruption that allow the amassing of extreme wealth in the midst of extreme poverty.
As Southeast Asia continues to develop and prosper, aspirations for freedom and self-government are also growing stronger, and the expansion of democracy is inevitably continuing. For all who believe that “freedom” and “democracy” are rooted only in Western lands and cannot prosper in foreign soil, I would simply refer them to the example of Southeast Asia.
Democracy is a reality across much of this region today because people believed in it and they worked for it and they sacrificed to achieve it. Twenty years ago, Filipino citizens braved violence and peacefully won their democracy through "People Power." Seven years later, Thai citizens mobilized for a democratic future. And today, the people of East Timor are building a democracy of their own.
Every young democracy in Southeast Asia now faces a similar challenge: building democratic institutions that function transparently and accountably. Institutions like the rule of law, an independent judiciary, and a free media help to ensure that leaders remain responsible to their people. In other places, however, democracy still faces determined opponents, and where freedom is under attack, so are the people. One country of the region stands out as moving in a direction antithetical to the interests of its people: Burma. The Burmese regime remains exceptionally repressive. The regime has set back international efforts to provide humanitarian assistance to a population that is in dire need. For 15 years, the military dictatorship in Burma has held captive the democratic aspirations of the Burmese people. A country that was once a jewel of Southeast Asia is now out of step with the entire region. A once thriving economy has collapsed. Universities that once attracted the best Asian minds are locked shut. The Burmese regime is now literally retreating into the depths of the country, closing its people off from the world and robbing them of their future.
While I have discussed U.S. foreign policy primarily in the context of multilateral and regional organizations as well as within our bilateral relationships, we also put great stock on people-to-people diplomacy through our cultural exchange programs, academic fellowships, voluntary visitor programs, and other public diplomacy initiatives that put a human face on U.S. foreign policy. The Secretary likes to talk about the development of an alliance of peoples – united in our common support for freedom and democratic values. Our "alliance of peoples" is part of a broad Pacific community that has united Americans and Asians through decades of travel, and exchange, and immigration. Thousands of Americans reside in Southeast Asia, drawn here by your commerce and your culture. And likewise, millions of my fellow citizens trace their roots to this region. Vietnamese, and Cambodians, and Filipinos, and Indonesians -- all have made new homes in places like Long Beach, California and Lowell, Massachusetts. They are building their American dream and adding to the American character.
I focus on people today for a reason -- for it is the people of Southeast Asia who have transformed Southeast Asia. So much has changed in Southeast Asia and changed so quickly. Just consider the picture of three decades ago: cross-border war; communist subversion; anxiety that America was literally in retreat; fearful talk of a "bamboo curtain" being drawn across the Pacific. But in the decades that followed, the nations of Southeast Asia realized a future of peaceful cooperation through ASEAN. The United States backed your vision with diplomatic, economic and military cooperation. And today, this region is a pillar of stability in Asia.
As we see in our growing cooperation on nearly every challenge of the day, the United States and the democracies of Southeast Asia are building a genuine partnership. Defined not just by the immediate threats we oppose, but by the enduring ideals we seek to promote: peace and security; opportunity and prosperity; freedom and democracy; justice and tolerance.
Thank you.
1 comment:
I see he talks as big a bunch of shite as his predecessor.
Whomever he has writing his speeches should stop quoting Frost until they know what they are talking about.
Muppets.
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