Thai royal officials and militaries pull the royal chariot in front of the royal funeral pyre (seen behind) during a rehearsal for the late Princess Galyani Vadhana's royal cremation in Bangkok. Thailand's political upheaval may be set for a temporary halt as the US$9 million funeral takes place this weekend, but the event comes as the Thai royal family's political loyalties are being questioned. (AFP/Nicolas Asfouri)14/11/2008
The Canberra Times (Australia)
On January 2, this year, Princess Galyani Vadhana, the older sister of Thailand's King, died. She was 84. Her loss to the kingdom has been marked by almost a year of mourning.
The Princess's funeral begins today. It will be an extraordinary event spanning a full five days. Early on Saturday morning, her casket will be drawn through the streets of Bangkok on an elaborately prepared chariot accompanied by ranks of soldiers carrying ornate banners, flags, and the glittering paraphernalia of Asia's most powerful royal lineage. At the cremation ground, just a short distance from the Grand Palace in the heart of Bangkok, a magnificent crematorium has been constructed. Standing almost 40m high, glinting with gold leaf, and decorated with angels and mythical creatures, the crematorium is the product of seven months of frantic work by a team of architects, engineers and artisans. More than $10 million has been allocated by the Government so that the kingdom can say a proper goodbye. The full extent of the palace's ritual authority and public prestige will be on spectacular display. Presiding over the funerary rites will be King Bhumibol Adulyadej who after 62 years on the throne is now the world's longest reigning monarch. For the King, it will be a sad end to an inauspicious year. His sister died on its second day. And in the months that followed he has watched over yet another outbreak of the political turmoil that has punctuated his reign. In February, the King swore in the elected government of prime minister Samak Sundaravej. Samak and his party enjoyed close links to the former prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, who was toppled by a military coup in September 2006. The outcome of that coup was reversed when, in December 2007, an election returned politicians loyal to Thaksin to power. Opposition forces, who branded themselves the People's Alliance for Democracy, did not accept the result of the election and vilified Samak for his links to ''puppet master'' Thaksin.
In May, the anti-government forces took to the streets of Bangkok. By July, they had whipped up an ultra-nationalist campaign over an ancient Hindu temple that bought Cambodia and Thailand close to war. In August, they occupied Government House, the nerve centre of government operations in Thailand.Prime minister Samak was eventually toppled, not by the protesters but by a bizarre court ruling that he should not have appeared on a TV cooking show. The People's Alliance for Democracy was not satisfied with this ''victory'' and in October they laid siege to Parliament itself in an effort to prevent the new Prime Minister, Somchai Wongsawat (Thaksin's brother-in-law), from announcing his Government's policy platform. Their provocation finally boiled over, and the police were forced into an ugly confrontation with the protestors. One protester was killed and scores were seriously injured by exploding tear gas canisters. In this inauspicious year, blood was spilled on the streets of Bangkok.
Through all of this, the King, in mourning, has been rarely seen and even more rarely heard. Royal spokesmen, Government officials and army commanders assure the Thai public and the international community that the King stands above politics. They insist, with some justification, that the funeral of Princess Vadhana will highlight the unifying force of the monarchy.
But the credibility of this aura of royal detachment has been strained by the events of 2008. Throughout their campaign against the elected Government, the People's Alliance for Democracy has rallied under a royal banner. They dress in yellow. Yellow is the colour of the King. They present themselves as the defenders of the King against the predations of corrupt politicians. The protesters have exploited this royalist high ground to put unrelenting pressure on the elected Government. The King has not openly endorsed the use of his royal brand in this anti-Government campaign. But nor has he condemned it. The Queen, however, has been less circumspect. In recent months she has expressed her explicit support for the protesters. Soon after October's violent confrontation, she attended the funeral of the protester killed in the Parliament House melee. It was a public display of political allegiance. It sent a clear message. That the Queen would stand shoulder to shoulder with the leaders of a movement that was seeking the forcible overthrow of the Royal Thai Government came as a surprise to many in Thailand. But possibly even more surprising was that her seemingly unilateral action publicly hinted at differences within the royal family itself. Many in Thailand speak in hushed tones about a simmering succession struggle between the heir, Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn, and his younger sister, Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn. Their respective failings and virtues are widely, but informally, discussed. There is persistent gossip about the untidy personal life of the Crown Prince. Even the Queen, who is widely regarded as his key palace confidante, has been known to express impatience about his lifestyle. The unmarried Princess Sirindhorn is widely seen to be a loving and competent member of the family. She is said to be adored by most Thais and is colloquially known as ''Princess Angel''. They say she takes after her father.
How all this is playing out in the current political showdown is anyone's guess. Strict laws in Thailand prevent open discussion of court politics and keep a lid on public speculation about the royal succession. But given the power, prestige and wealth at stake it would be surprising if these palace dynamics were not a factor in more public political battles. There is informed speculation that figures close to the throne are determined that elected politicians have no influence at all over the royal succession. Elected governments and democratic mandates are potentially disruptive influences when it comes to settling a hereditary transfer of power. Of course, the upcoming funeral will be an opportunity for politics to be put to one side. As the dramatic ritual unfolds the royal family will merge with the national family. Unity will prevail.
However, it remains to be seen whether the funeral can facilitate a lasting reconciliation. With the opposition forces and the Government locked in a stand-off, and with increasing attention to the links between palace and politics, there is plenty of opportunity for more inauspiciousness to come.
Andrew Walker and Nicholas Farrelly are South-East Asia specialists at the Australian National University. They manage a website on regional affairs called New Mandala.
The Princess's funeral begins today. It will be an extraordinary event spanning a full five days. Early on Saturday morning, her casket will be drawn through the streets of Bangkok on an elaborately prepared chariot accompanied by ranks of soldiers carrying ornate banners, flags, and the glittering paraphernalia of Asia's most powerful royal lineage. At the cremation ground, just a short distance from the Grand Palace in the heart of Bangkok, a magnificent crematorium has been constructed. Standing almost 40m high, glinting with gold leaf, and decorated with angels and mythical creatures, the crematorium is the product of seven months of frantic work by a team of architects, engineers and artisans. More than $10 million has been allocated by the Government so that the kingdom can say a proper goodbye. The full extent of the palace's ritual authority and public prestige will be on spectacular display. Presiding over the funerary rites will be King Bhumibol Adulyadej who after 62 years on the throne is now the world's longest reigning monarch. For the King, it will be a sad end to an inauspicious year. His sister died on its second day. And in the months that followed he has watched over yet another outbreak of the political turmoil that has punctuated his reign. In February, the King swore in the elected government of prime minister Samak Sundaravej. Samak and his party enjoyed close links to the former prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, who was toppled by a military coup in September 2006. The outcome of that coup was reversed when, in December 2007, an election returned politicians loyal to Thaksin to power. Opposition forces, who branded themselves the People's Alliance for Democracy, did not accept the result of the election and vilified Samak for his links to ''puppet master'' Thaksin.
In May, the anti-government forces took to the streets of Bangkok. By July, they had whipped up an ultra-nationalist campaign over an ancient Hindu temple that bought Cambodia and Thailand close to war. In August, they occupied Government House, the nerve centre of government operations in Thailand.Prime minister Samak was eventually toppled, not by the protesters but by a bizarre court ruling that he should not have appeared on a TV cooking show. The People's Alliance for Democracy was not satisfied with this ''victory'' and in October they laid siege to Parliament itself in an effort to prevent the new Prime Minister, Somchai Wongsawat (Thaksin's brother-in-law), from announcing his Government's policy platform. Their provocation finally boiled over, and the police were forced into an ugly confrontation with the protestors. One protester was killed and scores were seriously injured by exploding tear gas canisters. In this inauspicious year, blood was spilled on the streets of Bangkok.
Through all of this, the King, in mourning, has been rarely seen and even more rarely heard. Royal spokesmen, Government officials and army commanders assure the Thai public and the international community that the King stands above politics. They insist, with some justification, that the funeral of Princess Vadhana will highlight the unifying force of the monarchy.
But the credibility of this aura of royal detachment has been strained by the events of 2008. Throughout their campaign against the elected Government, the People's Alliance for Democracy has rallied under a royal banner. They dress in yellow. Yellow is the colour of the King. They present themselves as the defenders of the King against the predations of corrupt politicians. The protesters have exploited this royalist high ground to put unrelenting pressure on the elected Government. The King has not openly endorsed the use of his royal brand in this anti-Government campaign. But nor has he condemned it. The Queen, however, has been less circumspect. In recent months she has expressed her explicit support for the protesters. Soon after October's violent confrontation, she attended the funeral of the protester killed in the Parliament House melee. It was a public display of political allegiance. It sent a clear message. That the Queen would stand shoulder to shoulder with the leaders of a movement that was seeking the forcible overthrow of the Royal Thai Government came as a surprise to many in Thailand. But possibly even more surprising was that her seemingly unilateral action publicly hinted at differences within the royal family itself. Many in Thailand speak in hushed tones about a simmering succession struggle between the heir, Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn, and his younger sister, Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn. Their respective failings and virtues are widely, but informally, discussed. There is persistent gossip about the untidy personal life of the Crown Prince. Even the Queen, who is widely regarded as his key palace confidante, has been known to express impatience about his lifestyle. The unmarried Princess Sirindhorn is widely seen to be a loving and competent member of the family. She is said to be adored by most Thais and is colloquially known as ''Princess Angel''. They say she takes after her father.
How all this is playing out in the current political showdown is anyone's guess. Strict laws in Thailand prevent open discussion of court politics and keep a lid on public speculation about the royal succession. But given the power, prestige and wealth at stake it would be surprising if these palace dynamics were not a factor in more public political battles. There is informed speculation that figures close to the throne are determined that elected politicians have no influence at all over the royal succession. Elected governments and democratic mandates are potentially disruptive influences when it comes to settling a hereditary transfer of power. Of course, the upcoming funeral will be an opportunity for politics to be put to one side. As the dramatic ritual unfolds the royal family will merge with the national family. Unity will prevail.
However, it remains to be seen whether the funeral can facilitate a lasting reconciliation. With the opposition forces and the Government locked in a stand-off, and with increasing attention to the links between palace and politics, there is plenty of opportunity for more inauspiciousness to come.
Andrew Walker and Nicholas Farrelly are South-East Asia specialists at the Australian National University. They manage a website on regional affairs called New Mandala.
4 comments:
Go to hell all of Phumvibol Adulyadeth's familly as soon as possible because you are behind the small part of people, you do not care us as your childrent....
Down PDA and DP group including General of thai army... you make our Thailand societies and economy go down and separetly.
Thai Rak Thai forever
look how strikingly similarity the thais are to khmer or cambodian culture. it's an identical twins, to say the least!
Galyani say hi to Hok Lundy for us.
To all Khmers to know,
She was the Thai princess that Sihanouk did ask to be his queen during a visit in Thailand after he got crowned. All Thai royal families almost agreed,but Phumibol refused. He did not want his sister to marry with a khmer UNEDUCATED king.
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