Four More Reasons Why the Social Media Movement Won’t Come to Cambodia

Op-Ed by PHATRY DEREK PAN AND ANGEL RYONO
Originally posted at: http://www.phatryderekpan.com/archives/four-more-reasons...

GREENWICH VILLAGE, NY – So the conversation has started – Cambodia is an unlikely candidate to ride on the social media revolution sweeping the globe. The young democratic nation of 15 million might be viewed as a model microcosm on how national policies for health and international aid should be managed. However, Cambodia does not have the same social dynamics that made the movements in Egypt, Tunisia and Iran thrives. These predominantly urban based movements cannot function in a super majority rural populace when a flood of inequalities exist hindering how Cambodian people gain access to education and technology: the real tools for change.

In addition to the three factors addressed in the first article, this second installment will look at four more variables to our understanding of an unimaginable social media movement to occur in Cambodia.

ROOTED IN RELIGION

Egypt’s legacy of mingling religion and government might have created the current instability. In ancient times to present, religious leaders such as holy men and priests played vital roles in shaping social order to its people. The Muslim Brotherhood, an organized opposition group, has been pointed out as the leading voice rallying Egyptians to protest in the streets. Contrast with Cambodia, a homogeneous Theravada Buddhist nation, religion has traditionally taken a back seat to political life. Interestingly, Buddhism and some monastic scholars did play an instrumental role in forging a nationalist movement towards independence. Today, under Tep Vong, Supreme Patriarch of Cambodia, the leading religious figure insisted that devout Buddhists not vote in general elections. This has upset members of his own clergy, according to Doug McGill of The McGill Report. More importantly, Tep Vong’s position inhibits any future mobilization of monks and their roles in civil society.

HISTORY OF VIOLENCE

Beginning in the late 1960’s lasting until 1992, Cambodia suffered from internal instability and armed conflict. U.S. carpet bombing in the 60′s and 70′s caused more than 500,000 Cambodians to perished, widespread famine and mass displacement ensued. The bombing campaign and regional conflict lent a hand towards deteriorating the structural and political progress made during Cambodia’s brief period of peaceful independence from 1946 to 1970. In 1975, riding the coattail of a decade of foreign incursion and civil war, the Khmer Rouge regime carried out genocide. After 1979, the radical-militants continued to wage violence, laid down land mines, and recruited combatants until 1991. The utter and complete destruction of infrastructure and the mass killing of a huge portion of the educated population bankrupt Cambodia’s human resources. Whereas Egyptian society has consistently supported the education and welfare of youth and its population growth has been continuous, Cambodia’s dark years tore deeply into the fabric of society.

Egypt’s movement to depose Mubarak comes at the end of a 30-year rule. Thirty-five years after genocide, the strength of civil society Cambodia is still in development and the remnant fear and distrusts from decades of civil war and genocide casts a long shadow over discontents with the current regime.

GOVERNMENT CONTROLLED ARMY

While Egypt’s military has a history of operating independently of the ruling regime and is presently taking a public stance refraining from obstructing Egypt’s massive demonstration, Cambodia’s military and law enforcement are mired in the system of corruption maintained by the politically powerful. Cambodia’s armed forces have traditionally relied on the patronage of wealthy elites and foreign powers, resulting in allegiance to specific parties and agents, rather than broader values associated with national defense. Egypt’s strong, organized, and politically neutral military is a key to the success of the popular movement. Contrastingly, Cambodia’s civilian population, leading up to the 2013 election, will have very little political resources or developed social institutions to assist them in rallying towards social change.

NARROW MIDDLE CLASS

Though there are encouraging signs of an emerging urban middle class, by in large, the demographic is proportionately small and politically weak compared to Egypt and other Arab nations. Cambodia’s middle class might be identified as those working in the non governmental organizations (NGOs), government service, small business owners, and garment and tourism industries. The figure is significantly narrow when the super majority of the population depends on agriculture-based labor and services, which equates to $1 a day earnings. So as the economy continues to grow, an equal importance must be stressed on the development of a robust middle class to function as a buffer. Furthermore, studies from the Pew Research Institute have shown a high correlation between effective democratic governance with a developed middle class independent from the political and business elites, enabling an environment for which social movements can be realized.