Showing posts with label Alleged ECCC corruption. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Alleged ECCC corruption. Show all posts

Tuesday, October 18, 2011

Safeguarding Judicial Independence in Mixed Tribunals by Mark Ellis

"I was an early supporter of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). Consistent with my belief that we must fight impunity through accountability, I believed in the ECCC’s overall mission, including its ability to help bring justice to victims, and accuracy to the historical record. However, as the ECCC’s activities increased, my confidence in its judicial process started to decrease. I observed a growing number of problems that made me question the very legitimacy of the Court." - Mark Ellis


http://www.box.net/shared/s7a55p8eh5m7vl1m06o5

KRT’s ‘deficiencies’ decried

Tuesday, 18 October 2011Vong Sokheng and Bridget Di Certo
The Phnom Penh Post

Khmer Rouge tribunal judges are accused of taking bribes, lacking appropriate legal education and playing to political power in a damning report released yesterday.

The early concerns about the deficiencies within the Cambodian domestic judicial system permeating the ECCC proceedings have come to fruition,” international law expert Mark Ellis said in his nearly 50-page report.

“The allegations relate primarily to lack of training and professional expertise on the part of the judges, executive interference in judicial selection and proceedings, and corruption among court officials and government employees,” Ellis wrote.

The national component of the tribunal has been a point of tension between the Cambodian government and the United Nations since talks to set up the tribunal began in 1997.

Thursday, July 28, 2011

KRT graft complaint killed on appeal

Michiel Pestman (right), co-defence lawyer for Nuon Chea, speaks to reporters at the Appeal Court in Phnom Penh yesterday. (Photo by: Heng Chivoan)

Wednesday, 27 July 2011
Thomas Miller
The Phnom Penh Post

Lawers for Khmer Rouge Brother No 2 Nuon Chea expressed chagrin yesterday after they attempted to add new evidence to a criminal complaint filed in Cambodian courts concerning graft allegations at the Khmer Rouge tribunal, only to find that the case had been closed nearly two years ago.

The defence team also claimed yesterday that corruption at the tribunal was “as acute as ever”.

Nuon Chea’s attorneys wanted the Appeal Court to consider four diplomatic cables from the United States embassy in Phnom Penh, made public earlier this month by WikiLeaks.

Attorney Michiel Pestman said the “most compelling” new information was contained in a November 2008 dispatch claiming that Knut Rosandhaug, deputy director of administration for the Khmer Rouge tribunal, knew of five witnesses who could give evidence in an alleged kickback scandal.

Friday, June 10, 2011

Survey Finds Increased Confidence in Tribunal [... if only they know how rotten some part of this tribunal is....]

Kong Sothanarith, VOA Khmer
Phnom Penh Thursday, 09 June 2011
"Well, I trust them, but I do think they take bribes.”
An increasing number of Cambodians in an ongoing survey say they have more faith in the UN-backed Khmer Rouge tribunal, according to new data released Thursday.

According to the authors of a survey by the Human Rights Center of the University of California Berkeley, respondents showed a “positive trend” in their belief in the tribunal.

The UN-backed tribunal, which is heading toward its second trial, of four Khmer Rouge leaders, was designed in part to bring national healing to the trauma of the regime.

But the court has come under increased criticism of political interference and a lack of funding.

Tuesday, October 26, 2010

Ban Ki-moon must restore confidence in ECCC

TUESDAY, 26 OCTOBER
Ou Virak
Letter to The Phnom Penh Post

Dear Editor,

This week United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon will visit Cambodia for two days during a four-nation Asian tour.

During his time in Phnom Penh the secretary general will visit the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, the result of a partnership between the UN and the Royal Government of Cambodia, and will no doubt be involved in talks to help respond to funding shortfalls that once again threaten the continuing viability of the tribunal.

One of the top priorities for the secretary general during his visit to Cambodia must be to restore confidence in an institution that has been dogged by allegations of corruption and political interference that have not only discouraged donors from committing funds to facilitate the important work of the tribunal, but have also undermined the fairness and credibility of the tribunal’s work.

Corruption allegations first surfaced at the ECCC in 2006, with Cambodian staff claiming that they were being forced to pay kickbacks to their superiors.


The United Nations Office of Internal Oversight Services launched an investigation into the allegations, the results of which were deemed confidential, leading to speculation and reports that the investigation had found merit in the allegations. Subsequent UN negotiations with the RGC resulted in the establishment of an Independent Counsellor position to investigate and report on corruption complaints.

On October 18, The Phnom Penh Post reported confirmation from the UN Office of Legal Affairs that the first report of the Independent Counsellor for the ECCC would also remain confidential and its findings would not be made public (“UN keeps corruption probe confidential,” October 18). The failure of the UN and RGC to deal transparently and definitively with corruption allegations has undermined confidence in the tribunal among both the Cambodian public and international donors.

In September, Cambodian judges in the ECCC’s Pre-trial Chamber used their three-judge majority to block investigations into political interference at the ECCC. Allegations of political interference arose after senior RGC officials ignored summonses issued by the international Co-Investigating Judge, who had sought their testimony to aid the investigation of detained senior Khmer Rouge leaders.

In October 2009, Prime Minister Hun Sen confirmed that he was reluctant to allow his senior colleagues to testify before the tribunal, claiming that it would affect the fairness of the investigation by guaranteeing that those detained in relation to Case 002 would be found guilty. In a dissenting judgment the Pre-trial Chamber’s two international judges found that there was “reason to believe that one or more members of the RGC may have knowingly and wilfully interfered with witnesses”.

Allegations of political interference have also caused uncertainty over the likelihood of further indictments beyond Case 002, complicating the development of a completion strategy for the tribunal.

The names of an additional five suspects, split into Cases 003 and 004, were forwarded to the Co-Investigating Judges in 2009. However, the Cambodian Co-Prosecutor, Cambodian Pre-Trial Judges and Cambodian Co-Investigating Judge have all attempted to prevent or delay progress in investigating the cases after public statements from RGC officials opposing investigation of further suspects.

The ECCC is an institution worth preserving – it has a vital role to play in providing justice to the victims of Khmer Rouge atrocities and, if it is able to operate according to international standards of fairness and transparency, it has the potential to provide a model for Cambodia’s struggling courts.

However, the continuing inability of the ECCC and its founders, the RGC and the UN, to deal adequately and transparently with allegations of corruption and political interference is discouraging donors from providing the funding required for the tribunal’s operations and placing its important work in jeopardy.

This week, the secretary general must work with the RGC to restore confidence amongst donors that the ECCC is capable of operating as an independent, transparent and fair judicial body, free from corruption and political interference, and capable of delivering long-sought justice for the grave breaches of international criminal law committed by the Khmer Rouge.

Ou Virak, President
Cambodian Centre for Human Rights

Thursday, October 14, 2010

ECCC corruption report suppressed [-Corruption swept under the rug? How can the ECCC expect to provide justice?]

Wednesday, 13 October 2010
Vong Sokheng and James O’Toole
The Phnom Penh Post

The official tasked with investigating corruption complaints at the Khmer Rouge tribunal has said that the first report conducted by his office will not be made public, contrary to earlier claims.

Uth Chhorn, the head of the National Audit Authority who was appointed Independent Counsellor for the tribunal last year, said in June that he expected a report of his office’s investigations to be made public by the following month. On Wednesday however, he said there were no longer plans for such disclosure.

“Both sides, the government and the United Nations, agreed not to release the report to the public,” Uth Chhorn said. “I don’t know the reason.”

Uth Chhorn said his report had been completed and forwarded to both the government and the UN “a few months ago”.


Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan said that he had no information on the issue.

The UN Office of Legal Affairs in New York had not responded to a request for comment as of press time.

The UN-backed tribunal first faced corruption allegations in 2006, when Cambodian staff members said they had been forced to pay portions of their salaries to their superiors.

A November 2008 report by a German parliamentary delegation quoted Knut Rosandhaug, the court’s deputy director of administration, as saying that corruption was “a serious problem ... which impedes on the work of the hybrid court”.

In a report issued this past July, however, the Open Society Justice Initiative said the tribunal had taken “significant steps to address the corruption problem”.

In March, United States Ambassador at Large for War Crimes Stephen Rapp announced a US$5 million donation to the tribunal that he said had come following the American assessment that “credible steps” had been taken to address the issue of corruption.

The office of the Independent Counsellor was established in August of last year in part to satisfy donor demands that an effective mechanism to combat corruption be put in place.

Under the agreement beween the UN and the government that established the position, there is no obligation listed for the independent counsellor’s office to publicise its work.

The agreement calls only for the independent counsellor to “carry out his or her responsibilities strictly confidentially” and “to inform the Deputy Prime Minister ... and the Assistant Secretary-General for Legal Affairs of the United Nations at Headquarters in the event of any concerns which he or she deems appropriate to raise at that level”.

Cambodia Justice Initiative project officer Long Panhavuth said, however, that the office had an obligation to work transparently.

“The report with regard to the whistleblowers should be confidential, but when it comes to the report of the activity of the independent counsellor, it should be made public,” Long Panhavuth said.

“Otherwise, how can the public view whether the independent counsellor is functioning or is just a dead body?”

Wednesday, September 22, 2010

Youk Chhang sending mixed signals about tribunal corruption: Ieng Sary's lawyers

Wednesday, 22 September 2010
Ang Udom
Letter to The Phnom Penh Post


Dear Editor,

I write to express disappointment regarding the comments made by Mr Youk Chhang, director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, in the article titled “Ieng Sary team seeks ECCC judge’s ouster” (The Phnom Penh Post, September 20). Mr Youk Chhang reportedly dismissed the Ieng Sary defence filing to disqualify the ECCC Presiding Trial Chamber Judge, Nil Nonn, as an attempt to “invite controversy”, adding that the problem of bribery and petty corruption at provincial courts was common knowledge in Cambodia. Mr Youk Chhang is quoted as saying “It’s publicly known”. The comments made by Mr Youk Chhang imply that there is corruption in Cambodian courts, and that this should simply be accepted.

The implications from these comments are shocking, especially in light of the Report of the United Nations Human Rights Envoy, Surya Subedi, which only this weekend branded the Cambodian judiciary as corrupt, incompetent and lacking independence. Mr Youk Chhang’s comments are all the more disappointing in light of hisposition as the director of DC-Cam, an NGO purportedly established to find the truth regarding the Khmer Rouge period. The ECCC presents an opportunity not only for Cambodia to find out the truth about the Khmer Rouge period, but also to act as a model court contributing to the rule of law in Cambodia. Mr Youk Chhang’s comments promote neither opportunity, but rather accept corruption as a given in the Cambodian judiciary. If Mr Youk Chhang is so blasé in accepting a potentially corrupt judiciary at the ECCC, perhaps he should look at his own position as director of DC-Cam, and whether he is promoting the aim of his organisation.

Ang Udom
Michael G Karnavas
Co-lawyers for Ieng Sary

Sunday, September 19, 2010

Case 002

Saturday, September 18, 2010
By Kimberly Curtis
Foreign Policy Blogs Network


In an effort to prove that justice has no time limit, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) indicted four former officials of the Khmer Rouge regime on Thursday for a host of crimes including war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide under international law and murder, torture, and religious persecution under the Cambodian penal code. The indictment, which is the second to be handed down by the ECCC, comes nearly 32 years after the Khmer Rouge lost power to a Vietnamese intervention in early 1979.

The history of the ECCC has been fraught with charges of inefficiency, political interference, and the inevitable question of whether seeking justice for events that happened so long ago is worthwhile. Many of the highest ranking officials of the Khmer Rouge, who oversaw the deaths of an estimated two million people in their four year reign, died before the court was ever created. Those that remain are elderly and near the end of their lives. In a country still trying to figure out how to deal with the social, political, and historical legacy of tragedies past, the tribunal can at times seem to be an unwelcomed reminder of the worst chapter of Cambodian history. While some victims and their children have embraced the court, the ECCC still holds a peculiar spot amongst international and hybrid tribunals for the ambivalent position that the receiving country holds towards it and its fundamental mission to bring to justice those that caused such devastation.

Yet, these issues did not stop hundreds of victims of the Khmer Rouge from coming to Phnom Penh to witness the tribunal’s first trial of Kaing Guek Eav. Also known as “Comrade Duch”, he served as the Director of S-21, the school turned notorious detention and torture facility in central Phnom Pehn where possibly as many as 30,000 people were interrogated, tortured and killed under the regime. For a time it appeared that only Duch would be tried by the ECCC, so the trial garnered significant media coverage. As a recent Christian convert, Duch initially admitted his crimes and merely requested a lenient sentence, thereby providing the chance for possible catharsis for victims without the drawn out saga of a typical trial. But even this proved to be wishful thinking, as Duch requested on the last day of testimony that he be acquitted of all charges and his defense attorney charged that the ECCC did not have the authority to try him. Ultimately, the tribunal convicted and sentenced him to 35 years - 19 years with time served and other factors - a sentence that Duch is currently appealing to the consternation of Cambodia’s victims. With this drama still unfolding in the background, the tribunal’s indictment of four more Khmer Rouge officials officially opens Case 002 for the ECCC.

The new case places many of the regime’s remaining command structure on trial. The indicted include Nuon Chea, former Deputy Secretary of the Khmer Rouge, along with former Foreign Minister Ieng Sary and his wife Ieng Thirith who served as the former Minister of Social Action. Last of the four indicted is the regime’s former Head of State and Chairman of the party’s Central Committee, Khieu Samphan; all are believed to have been intimately involved in the purges that devastated the Cambodian population under the Khmer Rouge. Thus while there is little question that the acts of these defendants is deserving of a trial, most of the media coverage so far has focused on the addition of an unexpected charge to the indictment: the charge of genocide.

The applicability of the crime of genocide to the Khmer Rouge has been debated among scholars and human rights practitioners for several years. While certain ethnic groups like Cham Muslims were clearly targeted for their faith, numerous other groups also suffered from the regime’s purges as the result of not fitting into the group’s vision of revolution, including members of the Khmer Rouge. It is for this reason that the seemingly contradictory term ‘auto-genocide’ if frequently attached to the situation in Cambodia. But the concept of auto-genocide faces many legal hurdles and is generally not recognized in international criminal law. With the inclusion of the count on the indictment, the ECCC may be attempting to change that although it remains unclear if such a change is welcomed.

This and the other issues highlighted here demonstrate the difficult task that still awaits the ECCC and the Cambodian people as they try to move on from the past. As international criminal law becomes more prominent in international relations, it is important to note that the experience of Cambodia and the ECCC offers many lessons for post-conflict situations to come. In the end it may not be the actual trial of these defendants or their sentences that matter, but the last-ditch effort by the international community to find justice for victims in some form and the inherent problems that have come with waiting for so long.

Saturday, September 04, 2010

UN Expert Arrives to Assay Tribunal Progress

Kong Sothanarith, VOA Khmer
Phnom Penh Friday, 03 September 2010

Williamson, the former US ambassador-at-large for war crimes, arrived in Cambodia Wednesday night and met with court officials Thursday and Friday. He is expected to meet with Cabinet Minister Sok An, who oversees the court for the government, next week.
The UN's special envoy for the Khmer Rouge tribunal has undertaken a series of meetings this week to report on the progress of the UN-backed court and weigh in on future funding.

UN Special Expert Clint Williamson told VOA Khmer Friday night he would not only be looking into fundraising but also “a number of issues related to the operation of the court.”

Williamson, the former US ambassador-at-large for war crimes, arrived in Cambodia Wednesday night and met with court officials Thursday and Friday. He is expected to meet with Cabinet Minister Sok An, who oversees the court for the government, next week.

The tribunal has experienced cash-flow problems this year, with some donors reluctant to fund a court facing staff allegations of corruption and mismanagement.

In a report issued Thursday, the Open Society Justice Initiative said the tribunal suffers from fractured leadership and would require “effective and sustained high-level UN leadership...to deal with the political, funding and management problems facing the court.”

Wednesday, June 16, 2010

Tribunal graft monitor silent on activity report

Wednesday, 16 June 2010
James O'Toole
The Phnom Penh Post


THE office of the Khmer Rouge tribunal’s anticorruption monitor had yet to release a report on its activities as of Tuesday, despite the fact that an official there said earlier this year that such a report would be made public “in April or May”.

Last August, National Audit Authority (NAA) head Uth Chhorn was appointed to be the first independent counsellor for the tribunal, charged with monitoring and addressing allegations of corruption and misconduct.

In March, Prom Vicheth Sophorn, deputy director of the NAA’s Audit Department 3, said the office was set to release a public report of its activities after consulting with UN and government officials.

He said at the time that the independent counsellor’s office was in the process of investigating three complaints: two alleged wrongful dismissals and an allegation that members of the court’s security staff had been forced to pay kickbacks to their superiors.

Uth Chhorn said Tuesday that he was “too busy” to discuss the issue, and referred questions to his deputies. Prom Vicheth Sophorn and Auditor General cabinet officer Chea Sophat could not be reached for comment.

The independent counsellor’s office was established in part to satisfy donor concerns about corruption at the court. A press release issued by the government and UN at the time of Uth Chhorn’s appointment did not mention an obligation for the office to make its findings public, saying that the independent counsellor was to carry out his responsibilities “in strict confidentiality”, aside from reporting to the government and the UN.

Long Panhavuth, a project officer at the Cambodia Justice Initiative, said it is important that the independent counsellor’s office make its findings public “to demonstrate that it is working to stop the corruption or the malpractice within the ECCC, and also to build confidence from international institutions”.

“I would say that from the beginning ... one of the problems that concerned us was the transparency in the operations of that office,” Long Panhavuth said, though he added that the office needs to balance this obligation with protections for whistleblowers.

Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan said Tuesday that he was abroad and thus did not have up-to-date information on the issue.

UN court spokeswoman Yuko Maeda said she could not comment on the work of Uth Chhorn’s office, as it operates separately from the tribunal.

Monday, March 01, 2010

Cambodia's Court at a Crossroads

MARCH 1, 2010
By JAMES A. GOLDSTON
Phnom Penh
The Wall Street Journal
OPINION ASIA


Hun Sen will be responsible if the tribunal fails.

Thirty years after the end of Pol Pot's reign of terror, the Khmer Rouge tribunal is poised to release its first verdict and take on the regime's most senior surviving leaders. Yet political meddling by the Cambodian government and donor fatigue may prevent other perpetrators from ever facing trial.

The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia—a hybrid court composed of Cambodian and international judges—has been an important, if limited, exercise in justice. Cambodians have packed the courtroom each day to watch Kaing Guek Eav, a former prison chief and executioner, finally held to account. Thousands more followed the proceedings on radio and television. By presenting the case publicly, the trial helped bridge the gap between younger generations of Cambodians—who do not learn about the Khmer Rouge in school and often doubt stories of victimization—and their parents and grandparents, who suffered directly under the regime.

But the real test of whether the court can fulfill its promise is yet to come. International donors met in early February in New York to review the court's budget, and will make critical funding decisions in the coming weeks. Meanwhile, Cambodian government officials—who apparently fear the prospect of judges deciding for themselves—are trying to block the potential trials of other guilty parties.

A second trial, of the four most senior surviving Khmer Rouge leaders, will start later this year or next. But last September, just as the court decided to allow investigations of five additional accused to proceed, the government stepped in. Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen proclaimed, "If the court wants to charge more former senior Khmer Rouge cadres, [it] must show the reasons to Prime Minister Hun Sen," referring to himself in the third person. One month later, when the international investigating judge summoned six officials to testify, a government spokesperson said they would not comply. He warned foreign observers to "pack up their clothes and return home" if they were not satisfied.

Unfortunately, that may be just what the international community will do. Some diplomats are reportedly floating the idea of winding up operations after the second trial. Since 2006, when the court was born, the undertaking has cost $40-50 million a year. This is less than most other international war crimes courts but enough to prompt some, including major donors like Japan, to ask how much justice is enough.

While this might please Cambodia's leaders, it would be a disservice to its people.

The court is admittedly an imperfect vehicle—the product of a decade of tortuous negotiations that gave the Cambodian government more influence than most international observers wanted. But it is the last chance to hold accountable those most responsible for the atrocities of the Khmer Rouge while they are still alive. And in a country where rule of law is little more than a phrase, it offers a rare opportunity to demonstrate what justice can and should look like.

To do so, the Khmer Rouge tribunal must be—and be seen to be—independent. Despite the government protests the pre-trial chamber in August authorized an investigation into two new cases, and now the judicial process must be allowed to run its proper course. In early February, a Cambodian judge serving on the court told me bluntly what is at stake: "How can we say that the court is a model of independent justice if the government does not let us do our job?"

The United Nations, Cambodia's partner in the court, has a major role to play. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon should appoint a senior-level advisor with the title of assistant secretary-general to take on three tasks. First, make clear to Cambodia's leadership that continued threats of interference deprive the tribunal of legitimacy and undermine whatever international goodwill Phnom Penh has earned. Second, reinvigorate the court's anticorruption mechanism which, though presently moribund, remains essential to preserving public credibility. Third, marshal donor support to allow all four active cases to proceed to judicial conclusion.

To give heft to U.N. efforts, the United States could also step up its engagement. To date, Washington has taken a back seat, contributing just $1.8 million to the court. That's inconsistent with America's historic responsibility as a former backer of the Khmer Rouge and its global interest in fostering respect for law. If a suitable U.N. advisor is designated, then the U.S. should go ahead and approve the $5 million appropriation currently in the pipeline for fiscal year 2010. And Washington could consider giving more, conditioned on a commitment from the government of Cambodia to preserve judicial independence, end staff appointment delays and curb corruption.

If Hun Sen fails to deliver on these reforms, it is he who will bear responsibility for pulling the plug on the tribunal—not the international community. In the meantime, greater international commitment is needed if this fragile experiment is to succeed.

Mr. Goldston is executive director of the New York-based Open Society Justice Initiative, which monitors the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia.

Wednesday, December 16, 2009

In US, Tribunal Officials Seek Funding

By Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer
Original report from Washington
15 December 2009


Cambodian and UN officials for the Khmer Rouge tribunal left for New York last week in an effort to lobby donors for more cash, as the UN-backed court pursues a case against four jailed leaders of the regime.

The delegation was led by the chief Cambodian administrator, Kraing Tony, and the UN’s deputy for administration, Knut Rosanhaug, a tribunal spokesman said.

“They will attend meetings with donors and the UN about the budget,” the spokesman, Lars Olsen, said, adding that meetings will last through Friday.

The tribunal needs at least $143 million to operate through 2010. The original price tag for the tribunal was $56 million, but operations have surpassed that, while the Cambodian side of the court has required a number of emergency infusions. Most recently, the European Union gave $3 million to the Cambodian side of the court.

Observers say that with the completion of its first trial, for prison chief Kaing Kek Iev, or Duch, in October, the tribunal will be able to attract more funding. However, the tribunal is still challenged by allegations of corruption and political interference and controversy over whether it should pursue even more suspects.

Monday, November 23, 2009

Cambodia set for final arguments in KRouge jail chief trial

By Patrick Falby
AFP


PHNOM PENH — Cambodia's Khmer Rouge war crimes court on Monday begins final arguments in its first trial, bringing the regime's prison chief closer to justice for the "Killing Fields" atrocities 30 years ago.

Kaing Guek Eav -- better known as Duch -- has apologised for his role in the horrors of the hardline communist regime, which killed up to two million people. However, lawyers this week will argue about the extent of his guilt.

"We want to lead them back to the evidence to remind them again of the magnitude of the abuses and the reality of Duch's role in them," prosecutor Bill Smith told AFP.

For Cambodians, the controversial tribunal, established in 2006 after nearly a decade of negotiations between Cambodia and the United Nations, is the last chance to find justice for the Khmer Rouge's crimes.

Since his trial began in February, Duch, 67, has repeatedly used hearings to publicly ask for forgiveness for overseeing the murders of around 15,000 men, women and children at Tuol Sleng prison, built in a former high school.

He is charged with crimes against humanity, war crimes, torture and premeditated murder, and faces a maximum term of life in prison by the tribunal, which does not have the power to impose the death penalty.

Duch is expected to apologise again this week as his defence bids to lessen his sentence, however prosecution and civil party lawyers will each use a day of hearings to outline their arguments for a harsher decision.

A verdict is expected early next year.

Hundreds of Cambodians are set to attend the specially built courtroom on the outskirts of Phnom Penh for the hearing on Monday, which is due to start at 9:00 am (0200 GMT).

Duch will sit with the court's judges, lawyers and witnesses behind a massive bulletproof screen to prevent possible revenge attacks.

This week's proceedings will be broadcast live by all Cambodian television stations, court officials said.

Tuol Sleng prison was at the heart of the Khmer Rouge security apparatus and thousands of inmates were taken from there during Duch's tenure for execution at nearby Choeung Ek, an orchard now known as the "Killing Fields."

Led by "Brother Number One" Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge was responsible for one of the worst horrors of the 20th century, wiping out nearly a quarter of the population through starvation, overwork and execution.

Rising to power as a tragic spin-off from the US conflict in Vietnam, the movement emptied Cambodia's cities to take society back to a rural "Year Zero," purging city dwellers, intellectuals and even people who wore glasses.

The Khmer Rouge was ousted by Vietnamese-backed forces after a reign of terror lasting three years, eight months and 20 days, but continued to fight a civil war until 1998. Pol Pot died in the same year.

Duch has been detained since 1999, when he was found working as a Christian aid worker in the jungle, and was formally arrested by the tribunal in July 2007.

The court has faced controversy over allegations of interference by the government and claims that Cambodian staff paid kickbacks for their jobs.

The joint trial of four other more senior Khmer Rouge leaders is expected to start in 2011.

The court is also investigating whether to open more cases against five other former Khmer Rouge cadres after a dispute between the international and Cambodian co-prosecutors over whether to pursue more suspects.

Monday, October 05, 2009

Trial and tribulations in Cambodia [-Add'l KRT suspects include at least one gov't official and a retired general]

Oct 6, 2009
By Jared Ferrie
Asia Times Online (Hong Kong)


PHNOM PENH - In a legal landmark for Cambodians and for international justice, testimony at the first trial of the Khmer Rouge tribunal has successfully come to a close. But as judges deliberate the verdict of one self-confessed former torture chief, the fate of the tribunal itself is also in question.

A series of controversies, including Prime Minister Hun Sen's warnings that more trials would undermine national security and potentially re-ignite civil war, threaten to unravel future cases against former leaders of the radical Maoist regime. The man who stirred the controversy, former international prosecutor Robert Petit, left his post on September 1 for "personal and family reasons" as testimony was wrapping up.

Petit announced last December that he intended to charge six more suspects up and beyond the five who have already been detained and await trial. That sparked a legal dispute with his Cambodian co-prosecutor, who filed an objection, and the ire of Hun Sen.

"If you tried [more suspects] without taking national unification and peace into consideration, and if war re-occurred, killing between 200,000 and 300,000 people more, who would be responsible for it?" Hun Sen asked in a speech to mark the release of census results on September 7. Hun Sen said previously that he would rather see the court fail than pursue more prosecutions.

International rights groups such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have condemned his statements as political interference in the legal process. Other analysts have dismissed his civil war threat, speculating instead that Hun Sen is bidding to protect political allies in his government.

The prime minister was once a low level member of the Khmer Rouge, but he defected and fled to Vietnam. Other former Khmer Rouge members in government include Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Keat Chhon and president of the National Assembly Heng Samrin.

On September 2, the tribunal ruled that prosecutors could make submissions to the investigating judges in order to open up judicial investigations of the former Khmer Rouge members Petit had been building cases against. It was a split decision: Cambodian judges on the tribunal tried to block the move, while the international judges allowed for it.

Since his political and legal bombshell, Petit has been tight-lipped with the media. But in an interview the day before his departure from Cambodia, he spoke more openly to this correspondent.

"I am unconcerned about any politician's opinion about my work. It's not their job to take that on. It's mine; it's the court's," he said over coffee at Le Royal, the hotel immortalized in the film The Killing Fields as the refuge of the last rag-tag band of journalists left in Phnom Penh when the Khmer Rouge took over the city in 1975.

Petit said he hoped the prosecution would continue to pursue charges against six more suspects, in addition to the five who have already been arrested, "without any priorities other than the law and the evidence".

The five former leaders who await or are on trial include: Khieu Samphan, the former Khmer Rouge head of state; Ieng Sary, who held the post of foreign minister; Ieng Thirith, his wife and former minister for social affairs; Nuon Chea, known as "Brother Number Two", who served as deceased Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot's deputy; and former S-21 prison warden Kaing Guek Eav, better known by his revolutionary name Duch.

The additional six suspects identified by Petit have not been named publicly, but a source familiar with the investigation said they include at least one government official and a retired general. The source also said one of the suspects has already died. The Cambodia Daily newspaper identified him as the Khmer Rouge's former commerce minister, Van Rith, who died in November.

In a 2001 publication, Stephen Heder and Brian Tittemore named seven former Khmer Rouge leaders who they said the strongest cases could be made against. The list included some of these currently facing charges, but the authors also mentioned Meah Mut, a former Khmer Rouge commander, who now serves in an advisory position to the Ministry of Defense. He stands accused of transferring members of his division to the S-21 detention center.

"I believe there's enough evidence to justify prosecuting [the six unnamed suspects] and qualifying them as either senior leaders or the most responsible," said Petit, without referring to specific individuals. "That's my only concern."

Legal threats

He rejected the claim that expanding the scope of the prosecution would spark armed conflict, saying that Cambodians have no wish to return to war after suffering some of the worst atrocities of the 20th century. Petit suggested that if violence were to occur following an arrest, it would most likely be politically orchestrated. "It's not going to happen," he said. "And if something were going to happen, I would question the genuineness of it."

Hun Sen, who until recently had presided over fast economic growth and relative political stability, seems determined to thwart further prosecutions, judging from his September 7 speech. "I have achieved this work [peace], I will not allow anybody to destroy it," he said.

However the tribunal is in danger of collapse even without political interference. Claims that Cambodian administrative staff at the tribunal were forced to pay kickbacks to superiors in order to acquire and maintain their jobs were made in a United Nations report leaked to the media over two years ago. Yet no one has yet been named or charged for corruption.

The UN and Cambodian government appointed Uth Chhorn in August as an independent counselor, a position created in part to investigate the corruption allegations. But, on September 24, he told reporters that his job is not to resolve corruption charges. Rather, he said he will pass on information provided to him about corrupt practices to senior UN and government officials.

A German parliamentary delegation published a report last November implicating Sean Visoth, the head of the tribunal's administration, in the alleged corruption. He went on sick leave that same month and has not yet returned to work.

As the corruption controversy simmers, and as judges consider the case against the first defendant, Duch, prosecutors are already busy trying to build solid cases against the four suspects remaining to be tried. Those cases promise to be far more complex as Duch is the only one of the original five suspects who has admitted his guilt.

To be sure, it would have been hard for Duch to deny his role in the atrocities carried out by the Khmer Rouge. There are thousands of pages of documentary evidence linking him to the crimes committed at the S-21 prison, where as many as 17,000 people were tortured before being executed.

Under Duch's supervision, meticulous records of interrogation and torture were kept at S-21. While apologizing repeatedly in court to his victims, Duch also said he and his family would have been killed had he not carried out the murders ordered by his Khmer Rouge superiors.

The remaining four suspects, all of whom held much higher ranks, reject accusations that they led a regime that presided over the deaths of at least 1.7 million of its own citizens. All four suspects deny any knowledge of atrocities committed under the Khmer Rouge. Petit however said he was not worried about the cases against them.

"It is true that in general this regime did have secrecy and paranoia as some of its hallmarks. But if you've created that secrecy, if you've created that paranoia, if you've enforced it and made sure it permeates the structure that you're running ... then it doesn't help you much provided that it can be proven that you were in charge and that you did create these institutions," he said. "And I don't think that's going to be much of an issue here."

Of greater concern, perhaps, is the question of whether the suspects will live long enough to have their day in court. They are all elderly and some are known to have serious health problems.

Closing arguments in the Duch trial are set for November and a verdict is expected in 2010. A date has not been set for the trial of the remaining four suspects that have been identified and are currently incarcerated. Although prosecutors are now free to investigate and bring charges against the additional unnamed six suspects mentioned by Petit, nobody has been willing, at least publicly, to say if or when that might happen.

"It is important to say that this does not automatically mean there will be more prosecutions," Lars Olsen, a spokesman for the court, told reporters on September 2. "It means [the international prosecutor] is no longer barred by the disagreement with Cambodian colleagues."

Still, there is still a strong possibility that Duch will be the only Khmer Rouge member to be tried for his role in the regime that prompted historians to add "autogenocide", a term that refers to the extermination of citizens by a regime that shares the same ethnicity, to the English language.

After decades of ignoring almost inconceivable atrocities, and then finally pouring more than US$150 million into a tribunal now hotly contested by politicians and officials, the international community may yet fail to bring justice to Cambodia.

Jared Ferrie is freelance journalist based in Phnom Penh.

Tuesday, September 01, 2009

Cambodian 'Justice'

(David Klein)

Without major personnel changes, the Khmer Rouge trial risks descending into farce.

AUGUST 31, 2009

By SOPHAL EAR
The Wall Street Journal


While my mother, four siblings and I escaped Pol Pot's Cambodia in 1976, my father died of dysentery and malnutrition after a brief stay at a mite-infested Khmer Rouge "hospital." Although I have harbored grave doubts about the ability of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal underway in Phnom Penh to punish the guilty, I hoped for the best and even filed a civil complaint with the Tribunal's victims unit last year.

But I can no longer in good conscience sit back in silence and watch this theater of the absurd. As with so many other donor-financed projects, the Tribunal—set up in 2006 to bring justice to millions of Khmer Rouge victims—has been mired in an endless stream of corruption and mismanagement allegations.

The latest news came on August 11, when Uth Chhorn was named to the court as an independent counselor. Mr. Chhorn is Cambodia's auditor-general and heads the seven-year-old National Audit Authority, which is supposed to audit the government's activities. It has yet to make a single report public. His appointment was sanctioned by the United Nations, which manages the court alongside the Cambodian government.

This news is only the most recent window-dressing in the Tribunal's brief history. In February 2007, a kickback scheme was exposed by the George Soros-funded Open Society Justice Initiative. Two years and seven international investigations later, basic questions of accountability remain unanswered. The Cambodian authorities have stonewalled and denied wrongdoing.

Confidence in the Tribunal was further shaken by the resignation in May of Keat Bophal, the Cambodian head of the victims unit and an experienced human-rights defender. She was replaced on May 18 by Helen Jarvis, an Australian citizen, in a move to "strengthen" the Tribunal. Several years ago Ms. Jarvis was awarded Cambodian citizenship for her many years of loyal service to the authorities.

Ms. Jarvis's independence came under further question in May when Michiel Pestman, a defense lawyer for one of the Khmer Rouge defendants, Nuon Chea, discovered a 2006 open letter written by the "Leninist Party Faction" of the Democratic Socialist Perspective, an Australian political party, and signed by Ms. Jarvis and her husband. It provides a disturbing window into the mind of a person who played a key role in the Tribunal as its chief of public affairs until her redeployment earlier this year to handle victims' complaints:

"We too are Marxists and believe that 'the ends justify the means.'. . . In time of revolution and civil war, the most extreme measures will sometimes become necessary and justified. Against the bourgeoisie and their state agencies we don't respect their laws and their fake moral principles." Ms. Jarvis refused to comment publicly about the letter. At a June 10 press conference, a U.N. legal communications officer said that Knut Rosandhaug, deputy director of the Tribunal and coordinator of U.N. assistance to the Tribunal, "fully supports the appointment of Dr. Jarvis as the new head of the victims unit." Never mind victims, their concerns, and their rights.

To be sure, a coterie of other left-leaning academics and contemporaries of Ms. Jarvis were to varying degrees little more than apologists for the Khmer Rouge during their reign of terror, including the late Malcolm Caldwell and linguist Noam Chomsky. At the time, Mr. Chomsky hedged his statements of support for the Khmer Rouge with caveats that could later provide plausible deniability. But he and others praised the work of Caldwell and Khmer Rouge groupies George Hildebrand and Gareth Porter whose "Cambodia: Starvation and Revolution" (Monthly Review Press, 1976) ranks with Walter Durranty's New York Times coverage of Stalinist Russia.

Although the Tribunal has shuffled personnel, the wrong people are leaving. Ms. Keat's exit deprives the court of both credibility and a passionate defender of victims' rights. International co-prosecutor Robert Petit will retire from the court next week because of obligations to return to work for the Canadian government. Mr. Petit gained acclaim for insisting that the Tribunal try more than five individuals—contrary to the Cambodian authorities' wishes. The bungled testimonies in mid-July of witnesses such as a nurse and a deputy head of S-21, a notorious Khmer Rouge torture center, were an embarrassing comedy of errors for the Tribunal's judges, lawyers and victims alike.

The record of the past two years suggests the Tribunal isn't serious about delivering real justice. The best way to correct this course is for the court to reboot with a new set of personnel, including the director of administration, deputy director and head of the victims unit. We, the victims, deserve no less.

Mr. Ear is an assistant professor of national security affairs at the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, California.

Tuesday, August 18, 2009

New Anti-corruption Measures at Khmer Rouge Tribunal are Insufficient

Monday, August 17, 2009
SOURCE: Open Society Justice Initiative

NEW YORK, Aug 17, 2009 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ ----New measures to combat corruption at Cambodia's Khmer Rouge tribunal fall short, the Open Society Justice Initiative said in a report released today. According to the report, donors to the court must work to further strengthen the anticorruption effort.

The court, officially known as the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, announced last week the appointment of an independent counselor responsible for pursuing corruption complaints, as part of a broader anticorruption package. While welcoming this effort, the Justice Initiative report (available here: http://www.justiceinitiative.org/db/resource2?res_id=104274) notes that much more must change for the court to root out corruption. The new complaint mechanism must protect witnesses and whistleblowers, operate transparently, have the power to conduct independent investigations, and address previous corruption complaints -- which have dogged the court for over two years.

"The agreement to create the independent counselor is a good first step in the process of creating an adequate anticorruption mechanism at the court, but much more work remains," said James A. Goldston, executive director of the Open Society Justice Initiative. "More sustained leadership by donors, particularly the United States -- which brokered this deal -- is needed in the coming months to ensure that the package can work effectively and that staff can trust it."

According to the Justice Initiative's report, the new anticorruption package:
  • Lacks any formal process to protect whistleblowers and witnesses;
  • Fails to require the independent counselor to report publicly any information about corruption complaints or his own activities, making it impossible to know if corruption exists and whether it has been addressed effectively;
  • Provides no mechanism or human resources for independent investigations in case private consultations fail to resolve complaints;
  • Makes no provision for addressing previously existing corruption allegations.
"With the first trial nearing its conclusion, now is the time for donors to implement the additional measures to correct the system's current flaws," said Goldston. "Otherwise, they will lose the opportunity to finally free the court from the corruption allegations that have plagued it for too long."

Recent Developments at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia: August 2009 is the latest in a series of regular Justice Initiative publications offering news, analysis, and recommendations on the tribunal. Previous reports and other background information on the court are available here: http://www.justiceinitiative.org/activities/ij/krt.

The URL for this page is: http://www.justiceinitiative.org/db/resource2?res_id=104274.

The Open Society Justice Initiative, an operational program of the Open Society Institute, pursues law reform activities grounded in the protection of human rights, and contributes to the development of legal capacity for open societies worldwide. The Justice Initiative combines litigation, legal advocacy, technical assistance, and the dissemination of knowledge to secure advances in the following priority areas: anticorruption, equality and citizenship, freedom of information and expression, international justice, and national criminal justice. Its offices are in Abuja, Budapest, London, New York, and Washington DC. www.justiceinitiative.org.

http://www.justiceinitiative.org

Thursday, August 13, 2009

'Killing fields' tribunal to be monitored

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia, Aug. 12 (UPI) -- The United Nations and Cambodia said Wednesday they will create an anti-corruption watchdog to oversee the so-called "killing fields" genocide tribunal.

The Cambodian tribunal, called the Extraordinary Chambers, was set up in 2003 to try senior leaders and others allegedly most responsible for serious violations of Cambodian and international law committed during Khmer Rouge rule from 1975 to 1979.

Designating an independent counselor "represents a further step to help strengthen the human resources management in the entire (tribunal) administration, including anti-corruption measures," said a joint statement issued in Phnom Penh by U.N Assistant Secretary-General for Legal Affairs Peter Taksoe-Jensen and Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Sok An.

The statement went on to say the watchdog would help protect court staff "against any possible retaliation for good faith reporting of wrongdoing. In this context, the independent counselor will be available to all staff to bring forward any concerns confidentially, and will be empowered to address such concerns."

The tribunal is staffed by Cambodian and international employees, prosecutors and judges.

As many as 2 million people may have died in the Southeast Asian nation during the Khmer Rouge rule, which was followed by civil war.

Defendants before the court include former S-21 detention camp commander Kaing Guek Eav, also known as "Duch," who is charged with torture and premeditated murder, and Nuon Chea, who is charged with planning and ordering the murder, torture and enslavement of civilians.

Wednesday, August 12, 2009

Corruption watchdog picked for Khmer Rouge trial

2009-08-12
Associated Press

Cambodia and the United Nations have agreed on the appointment of a corruption watchdog at the country's Khmer Rouge genocide tribunal, they announced Wednesday.

Allegations of corruption - notably that some Cambodian personnel paid kickbacks to get their jobs - have threatened to undermine the credibility of the tribunal, which seeks to establish accountability for the estimated 1.7 million deaths under the communist Khmer Rouge's 1975-79 rule.

The allegations also have jeopardized the tribunal's funding, which largely comes from foreign donors.

"I think this new measure is going to address all the issues we have had in the past," said tribunal spokeswoman Yuko Maeda.

The U.N.-backed tribunal has parallel teams of international and Cambodian personnel who work in tandem.

Its first trial, of the Khmer Rouge's top jailer, began earlier this year. Four other former senior Khmer Rouge officials are in the tribunal's custody.

The corruption allegations originally were made more than two years ago by the Open Society Justice Initiative, a New York-based group monitoring the tribunal. Cambodian and some U.N. officials have publicly denied them.

But the allegations were revived in February when a report on the German parliament's Web site alleged that a top U.N. tribunal official had acknowledged the kickbacks and accused a senior Cambodian administrator of corruption.

Wednesday's announcement said Cambodian Auditor-General Uth Chhorn will take the job, which includes protecting any whistle-blowers from retaliation.

Saturday, July 11, 2009

Despite Woes, [KR] Tribunal Seen Helping Justice System

By VOA Khmer, Sothearith Im
Original report from Washington
10 July 2009


Allegations of corruption aside, experts say the Khmer Rouge tribunal will help set a standard for Cambodia’s common justice system, while setting an example for international courts in the future.

Cambodia’s judicial system is widely seen as politically biased and corrupt, but as the UN-backed tribunal continues to try former leaders of the regime, it can serve as a model to the everyday courts and police.

“The tribunal has an impact beyond its own life,” said Gregory Stanton, president of Genocide Watch and the International Association of Genocide Scholars. “In other words, the judges who are Cambodian judges who are part of it will carry the experience into the future.”

The hybrid tribunal consists of UN- and nationally appointed staffs in the offices of prosecution and investigation and the Pre-Trial and Trial chambers of the court.

The so-called jurists have not seen eye-to-eye on every issue, and the prosecution office will lose its top UN jurist, Robert Petit, whose proposal to indict more leaders of the regime has met resistance from his Cambodian counterpart, Chea Leang.

The Khmer Rouge tribunal has also been dogged by allegations of mismanagement and corruption, and from Cambodian staff members who say they have had to pay kickbacks to senior government officials for their jobs.

In some way, however, the tribunal will create “a very good precedent” for future courts, Stanton told VOA Khmer in a recent interview.

“The trouble with international tribunals is they leave no legacy, whereas with a mixed tribunal like this one, it leaves a legacy in the country,” he said.

Alex Hinton​​​​ is director of center for the Studies of Genocide and Human Rights at Rutgers University. An expert on Khmer Rouge atrocities, he has been closely watching the tribunal.

One of the most important aspects of the tribunal is its structure and the way it applies international law, which will be watched by many different observers, Hinton said in an interview.

“I’ve talked to judges who say this, [that] watching, sort of, how the international system works, how the rule of law is applied according to international standards, is something that, hopefully, will be a legacy, that judges who are involved in this, people who are involved in this, [and] law school students who are attending the trial will watch how this works, and that will have a long term impact,” he said.

In conceiving of a hybrid system that also allows the participation of civil parties—victims of the regime who can file suit alongside criminal proceedings— the Cambodian tribunal could be emulated by other courts, he said.

“The court, in terms of civil party rights and civil party presence, that’s another area where it’s really cutting-edge, in terms of making the international law where the civil parties are in the court room been represented, sitting alongside with prosecution,” Hinton said. “Never before have they had rights like they are having with this tribunal.”

Youk Chhang, director of Documentation Center of Cambodia, has similar views.

The tribunal has four noteworthy characteristics, he said: it is being undertaken with participation of people in the country were atrocity crimes were committed, provides international justice with a lower price tag, has made the arrest of suspects easier, and has witnesses and evidence close at hand.

“This court is special, as it is a foundation for a country that suffered from genocide to establish the rule of law, to reconcile, to teach students about the genocide, to create dialogue, and to encourage freedom of expression,” he said. “The court provides a higher standard of justice for the current Cambodian courts to follow.”

The tribunal will also leave materials, tools and resources as its legacy, which will help strengthen Cambodia’s own judicial system in the future, he said.

Mong Mony Chakriya, a Supreme Court judge with extensive experience in Cambodia’s system, said he hoped the tribunal would benefit Cambodia a great deal, beyond the prosecution of Khmer Rouge leaders.

“The establishment of [the tribunal] benefits our justice system,” he said. “In our society, people get justice, and those who work with international experts receive good experience in establishing our court system and our legal system in the future.”