Cambodia’s desired Cooperation with East Germany’s Stasi in the 1980s: the History of failed Requests

Chea Sim (l) laughing with Hun Xen (r) (Photo: Reuters)

Geschichte, Wissenschaft
5. September 2010
By Markus Karbaum

The Ministry for State Security, (German: Ministerium für Staatssicherheit, commonly known as the Stasi (IPA: [ˈʃtaziː]) (abbreviation German: Staatssicherheit, literally State Security), was the official state security service of East Germany. The MfS was headquartered in East Berlin, with an extensive complex in Berlin-Lichtenberg and several smaller facilities throughout the city. It was widely regarded as one of the most effective and repressive intelligence and secret police agencies in the world. The MfS motto was "Schild und Schwert der Partei" (Shield and Sword of the Party), that is the ruling Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED). (Source: Wikipedia.org)
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In most communist countries, effective intelligence capacities have been crucial for their internal stability. Especially, the Ministry of State Security (in short MfS or Stasi) of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was famous for its ability to control its own people – even in Southeast Asia. Although the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) has had an elaborate network of informers since the early 1980s, the political leaders sought assistance to strengthen its security apparatus. Due to ideological similarities – both states were pro Soviet – rumours have persisted for a long time that Cambodian intelligence officials had been trained by the Stasi in the 1980s. However, after examining and evaluating the relevant dossiers in Berlin, this assumption has not been proved.

In August 1980, the first attempt was started to build up cooperation between both socialist countries. In a letter dated on August 25th, East Germany’s Foreign Minister Oskar Fischer reported a Cambodian request to Colonel General Friedrich Dickel, GDR’s Minister of Interior, and Erich Mielke, Minister of State Security: “[…] The comrades from Kampuchea are interested in studying the design and functionality of the intelligence institutions, issues of combating espionage and the activities of counterrevolutionary powers, the functions of police forces, issues of investigating crimes as well as issues of criminal proceedings and the penal system.” (Unofficial translation by the author, see dossier MfS Abt. X No. 384 in Stasi archive BStU, Berlin.) The answer was formulated on September 4th: This request required long-term consideration, as stated in the memo (probably written by a civil servant in the Stasi headquarters). In a conversation with the Minister of Interior Dickel during an official visit in East Germany on April 15th, 1981 again former PRK’s Minister of Interior Chea Sim, by now president of the Senate and the ruling Cambodian People’s Party, expressed insistently the request to get support from the Stasi in education and training of cadres as well as in building up and training of the security institutions.

However, this request was immediately and irrevocably refused (as noted, the Cambodian delegation didn’t take the point of view of their counterparts into account and seemed to be incorrigible) because it seemed that it was not compatible with Vietnam’s security interests as the occupying force in Cambodia in that time. It appears that for the GDR, the bilateral relationship with the Socialist Republic of Vietnam was more important than with the PRK and should not be jeopardised. And friction was probably if East Germany and Cambodia would establish cooperation in intelligence issues just less than two years after Vietnam had invaded its neighbour.

In a personal exchange of views with the author, historian Bernd Schäfer from Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars agrees with that assumption and underlines that the GDR perceived Cambodia as a part of Vietnam. Schäfer also notes the beginning East German-Chinese rapprochement in the early 1980s. A stronger involvement through intelligence activities in Kampuchea could foil the attempt for better bilateral relations. Furthermore, the Stasi came closer to its capacity limits in international cooperation during these times: The support of the socialist government in Laos – which, in fact, was recognised as an independent player and thereby very differently from its neighbour Cambodia – required significant resources in that region already. In addition, the backing of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) in Nicaragua also appeared new on the agenda of the Stasi. (Of course, the Stasi has never admitted its limitations.)

In the end of the decade, Vietnam’s withdrawal from Cambodia caused new concerns in the People’s Republic of Kampuchea. According to the dossiers, in 1988 the GDR was approached by the PRK on intelligence cooperation again. On June 23rd Ney Penha, then Cambodian Minister of Interior and member of the Politbüro of the Kampuchean People’s Revolutionary Party (KPRP) invited East Germany’s Ambassador Rolf Dach to an informal meeting in the ministry. One day later, in a classified document signed by ambassador Dach the main topics were summarized: “[…] The conversation was introduced by comrade Ney Penha. […] Comrade Ney Penha informed the GDR’s ambassador that the Politbüro has instructed him to talk personally to the ambassadors of the GDR, Czechoslovakia and the Hungarian People’s Republic in order to request approval for a visit to these three countries at the end of August/beginning September 1988 to exchange experiences regarding the work of the MoI [Ministry of Interior] and the MfS [Ministry of State Security]. In the framework of realizing the policy of national reconciliation with the Khmer opposition, the party [the KPRP] is preparing itself to defend the revolutionary achievements of Kampuchea. For that, the MoI takes on the roll of great importance. Therefore, one is interested in quickly ascertaining knowledge about usable practical experiences of the East European socialist brother countries. In relation to the complete withdrawal of all Vietnamese volunteers by 1990 and all Vietnamese civil advisors by the end of 1989, this cooperation has inherently great importance […]. According to the situation in his ministry, comrade Ney Penha briefed that it is under the supervision of the Council of Ministers, but led by the Central Committee. […] All reports are sent to the Politbüro, in parts to the Council of Ministers. […] Currently, the police section [of the MoI] is involved in the maintenance of public order, safeguarding traffic, the protection of political, cultural and sporting events, the protection of [foreign] diplomatic branches, the ministries and central institutions. The security section starts to perceive the tasks of counterintelligence, the analysis of adverse activities, the protection of air and maritime traffic. It works on the analysis of the public opinion and handles the preliminary work for the decision-making of strategic issues. The police-section has made a bigger and more obvious improvement to the security section. To strengthen the cardres and staff of both sections, they are partly integrated into combat units at the border and participate in combats. […] In stressing national reconciliation again, comrade Ney Penha mentioned that it would be better to find a way not to share power. Due to the fact that it is difficult to realize such a way, the progressive powers of Kampuchea have to prepare for a longer historical period in which tricky challenges have to be solved. This assignment of tasks should provide the basis for the visit and the exchange of experiences with socialist brother countries.” (Unofficial translation by the author, see dossier MfS Abt. X No. 743 in Stasi archive BStU, Berlin.)

Mielke’s answer to ambassador Dach from July 7th, 1988 was short, but unambiguous: “Due to the fact that there are no preconditions for exchange of experiences at the present time, we don’t want to initialize anything. If there are any inquires, notify that there is still no answer from the headquarters. By the MfS there will be no coordination with the institutions of Czechoslovakia and the Hungarian People’s Republic.” (Unofficial translation by the author, see dossier MfS Abt. X No. 743 in Stasi archive BStU, Berlin.)

The dossiers don’t mention whether the requests in Czechoslovakia or Hungry were more successful. However, due to the end of socialism in both countries in the following years it should be assumed that – even in the case of a positive reaction – there was no sustained cooperation between the Cambodian Ministry of Interior and its counterparts in oversee. The economic and financial crisis in the eastern hemisphere also led to constraints of the countries’ intelligence capacities. The Stasi, too, had to choose focuses for its international commitment and still Cambodia did not obtain priority (in contrast, for example, to North Korea).

On can summarize that although there was an ideological conformity, the relationship between the GDR and the PRK was not close enough for far-reaching cooperation in security and intelligence issues. On the basis of the dossiers examined, however, it is not possible to prove this entirely, but after the overall evaluation, this conclusion seems to be most appropriate.

Dr. Markus Karbaum is a Political Scientist from Berlin, Germany. This is a modified excerpt from his PhD-thesis “Cambodia under Hun Sen. Informal Institutions, Political Culture and Legitimacy of Power” (English translation of the original German title) which was published in 2008.

VN newspaper shows a picture of Monk Tim Sakhorn

The arrow shows former Monk Tim Sakhorn being questioned by the Yuon cops (Photo published by Sralanh Khmer newspaper)

06 September 2007
By Mayarith
Radio Free Asia
Translated from Khmer by Heng Soy

A Vietnamese newspaper from An Giang province published a picture showing former Monk Tim Sakhorn sitting in front of Vietnamese cops during his questioning.

The picture (see above) shows Monk Tim Sakhorn pointing to a document in front of Vietnamese cops. This is the very first time that a picture shows that former Monk Tim Sakhorn is still alive.

The VN newspaper dated 28 August reported that former Monk Tim Sakhorn is accused of inciting minority people in VN to demonstrate against the Hanoi regime. The newspaper also reported that former Monk Tim Sakhorn distributed Khmer Kampuchea-Krom Federation (KKF) documents, as well as VCDs and information bulletins which oppose the VN regime.

The Vietnamese state-owned newspaper quoted Monk Tim Sakhorn as providing the names of at least 6 KKF leaders involved in activities opposing the communist Hanoi regime.

The alleged names of the 6 KKF leaders are: Chau Rieb, Tran Manh Rin, Thach Ngoc Thach, Prak Sereivudh, Mrs. Son Thidit, Trung Giap, and To Kim Thong. The 6 are accused (by Hanoi) of providing money and documents to former Monk Tim Sakhorn so that he can lead anti-Hanoi activities.

Mrs. Son Thidit, the KKF representative of Khmer Krom women, reacted on this newspaper report, from her home in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA, by saying: “Based on the (recent) Vietnamese report, before that we did not know where Monk Tim Sakhorn was, but now with this newspaper report, we know exactly that Monk Tim Sakhorn is really in Vietnam. However about the alleged claim made by Monk Tim Sakhorn, this may not be true because he never participated in any KKF committee meetings, and if Monk Tim Sakhorn helped published (KKF) information, this is his individual freedom rights. The Vietnamese newspaper report was made with the intention of discouraging (Khmer Krom) people from demonstrating about their land disputes, and they (Vietnamese) are doing it also to create discords among the Khmer Kampuchea Krom communities in Kampuchea Krom, and also among the Khmer Krom communities in Cambodia and those in Kampuchea Krom.”

Mrs. Son Thidit said that she met former Monk Tim Sakhorn in Cambodia when she visited Cambodia in February of this year. However, she maintained that former Monk Tim Sakhorn is not a KKF member. She said that the action taken by Monk Tim Sakhorn was done to preserve the freedom rights of Khmer Kampuchea Krom people who are currently being oppressed by the communist Hanoi regime.

FORUM: Vietnam and communism's victims

Vietnam pulls the strings of
the marionette Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen

Khmer Krom demonstration in Washington DC (Photo: kounsrey, Khmer Krom Network)

Members of the Hmong community call for the release of former Laotion General Vang Pao, who is being held on charges of trying to overthrow the government of Laos, during a demonstration outside the Robert T. Matsui Federal Courthouse in in Sacramento, Calif., Monday, June 11, 2007. A magistrate judge ordered Pao, 77, who led a Hmong fighting force that helped the CIA and American forces during the Vietnam War, detained until his trial. (AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli)

Thai Vang bows his head with other members of the Hmong community outside the Federal Courthouse in Sacramento, Calif., Monday, June 11, 2007, as they pray for the release of former guerilla leader Vang Pao for allegedly planning to overturn the current Laotian government. A federal magistrate ordered Van Pao who led a Hmong fighting force that helped the CIA and American forces during the Vietnam War, detained until his trial. (AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli)

June 17, 2007
By Mike Benge
The Washington Times (USA)

Last Tuesday, June 12, President Bush spoke at the dedication of the Victims of Communism Memorial that honors the memories of those killed in communist regimes. He said their deaths should remind the American public "evil is real and must be confronted." Ironically, this Friday, June 22, President Bush will honor the president of a tyrannical communist regime that murdered over a million Vietnamese and ethnic minorities with a White House visit during which he has the opportunity to confront that evil.

Recently, dozens of democracy activists, journalists, cyber-dissidents and Christian and other religious leaders were arrested and imprisoned by the Vietnamese communists. Congressional leaders and human-rights groups have charged Hanoi with "unbridled human-rights abuses," the "worst wave of oppression in 20 years." Those recently arrested are but a few of the hundreds of political and religious prisoners in Vietnam; some have been tried, while those less visible simply "disappeared." This mounting crackdown is a deliberate diplomatic slap in the face of the United States.

Hanoi brazenly aired on TV the kangaroo court trial of Thaddeus Nguyen Van Father Ly, who was muzzled during the proceedings. In Vietnamese, the colloquial phrase for censorship is "bit mieng" -- to cover the mouth. The picture of Father Ly's muzzling seems a literal enactment of an old cliche. Denied representation, Father Ly was sentenced to eight years imprisonment.

Mr. Bush's endorsement for Hanoi's admission into the World Trade Organization at last year's Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting in Hanoi, the removal of Vietnam from listed as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC), and the granting of Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) were all predicated on the Communist Party substantially improving its human-rights record.

It should come as no surprise that after the granting of these privileges, the Vietnamese communists continued and intensified their repression.

Though Vietnam professes great strides in religious freedom, one must look under the veneer to seek the truth. For example, in 2006, the Vietnamese government claimed that "25 denominations" had received certificates to carry on religious activities, when in fact they were only individual house churches.

The price of these certificates is the surrender of religious freedom. The church must submit to the central Bureau of Religious Affairs (CBA) a list of the names and addresses of members, and only those approved by the CBA can attend services. All sermons must be approved by the CBA, and all sermons, including those of minorities, must be given in Vietnamese. Pastors and priests can neither deviate from the approved sermon nor proselytize, and the CBA police monitor all services.

Montagnards, Hmong and other Christians, Khmer Krom Monks, members of the Cao Dai faith, and Hoa Hao are still relentlessly persecuted. This is what Hanoi calls religious freedom, and the U.S. administration was naive enough to believe them and removed them from the Countries of Particular Concern (CPC) list of countries that suppress religious freedom.

Recently, the Vietnamese communist regime demanded of the U.N. Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues the cancellation of scheduled films to be screened at the May 22 forum. One film, "Hunted Like Animals," sponsored by the Hmong-Lao Human Rights Council depicted the genocide against the Hmong, and the other film depicted human-rights abuses against the Khmer Krom by the Vietnamese communists. It should come as no surprise that the United Nations acquiesced to the demands of the repressive Hanoi regime.

Reminiscent of the days of slavery in the "Old South," Montagnards who flee from repression in the Central Highlands are hunted down like wild animals. Vietnam pays bounties to Cambodian police for every Montagnard they catch and turn over to them. Vietnam considers refugees seeking asylum in another country to have violation its national security, punishable by imprisonment for up to 15 years.

Recently, three Montagnards were arrested by Cambodian police and charged with "human trafficking" for the so-called crime of aiding other Montagnards to flee the repression in Vietnam via the Montagnards' "underground railroad." Although Cambodia does little to stop the trafficking of children for prostitution, the communist regime is prosecuting these Montagnards on Vietnam's request in hopes it will convince the U.S. it is serious about trafficking. Vietnam pulls the strings of the marionette Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen.

Reports continue from behind the curtain of silence drawn around the Central Highlands of the torture and deaths of Montagnard Christians. During a February trip to Hanoi, Ellen Sauerbrey, assistant secretary of state for population, refugees and migration, told a press conference that the Vietnamese officials assured her that Montagnards can freely travel to the Embassy in Hanoi or the Consulate in Ho Chi Minh City to voice any grievances.

She said Montagnards should stay in Vietnam and not seek asylum in Cambodia. Given the Vietnamese communists history of repression and broken promises, how can Mrs. Sauerbrey be naive enough to believe Montagnards suffering persecution would ever to be allowed through the phalanx of Vietnamese police surrounding the U.S. Embassy and Consulate?

As predicted, Hanoi has announced the release of a few token high-profile political prisoners in an attempt to smooth the way for the arrival of Vietnam's President Triet, and in hopes of placating President Bush, the State Department and Congress. Can this administration be gullible enough to fall for yet another charade by the Vietnamese communists?

President Bush, keeping faith in the spirit of the Victims of Communism Memorial that "evil is real and must be confronted," should demand of Vietnam's president the release of all of the hundreds of political prisoners including those recently arrested and the more than 350 Christian Montagnards that seem to have been forgotten by this administration.

Mike Benge is an advocate for human rights and religious freedom in South East Asia.