Showing posts with label Decline of democracy in Cambodia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Decline of democracy in Cambodia. Show all posts
Wednesday, June 13, 2012
Wednesday, October 06, 2010
Opposition Warns of Backslide in Democracy
Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer
Washington, D.C Tuesday, 05 October 2010
“In order to put the democratization process back on track and to strengthen the mechanisms designed to protect human rights in Cambodia as enshrined in Paris Agreements, the governments of signatory countries and donor institutions such as the European Commission must immediately take adequate measure to ensure the effective respect for all the relevant provisions of the agreements,” the Sam Rainsy Party said in a statement.
The opposition pointed to what it called forms of suppression and the deterioration of human rights and fundamental freedoms as evidence Cambodia's democratic institutions are slipping.
It pointed to crackdowns on dissidents, persecution of opposition parliamentarians and the abuse of the judiciary as further examples, claiming Cambodia was moving toward a one-party system of government controlled by the ruling Cambodian People's Party.
The statement cited statements of concern from local rights groups, Amnesty International and the UN's special human rights envoy, Surya Subedi, who said in a recent report to the UN Human Rights Commission that Cambodia's judiciary needed reform.
Washington, D.C Tuesday, 05 October 2010
“In order to put the democratization process back on track and to strengthen the mechanisms designed to protect human rights in Cambodia as enshrined in Paris Agreements, the governments of signatory countries and donor institutions such as the European Commission must immediately take adequate measure to ensure the effective respect for all the relevant provisions of the agreements.”Opposition lawmakers say Cambodia needs to reactivate the Paris Peace Accords, which were enacted in October 1991. Otherwise, the opposition said in a statement, the country will continue moving towards a totalitarian government.
“In order to put the democratization process back on track and to strengthen the mechanisms designed to protect human rights in Cambodia as enshrined in Paris Agreements, the governments of signatory countries and donor institutions such as the European Commission must immediately take adequate measure to ensure the effective respect for all the relevant provisions of the agreements,” the Sam Rainsy Party said in a statement.
The opposition pointed to what it called forms of suppression and the deterioration of human rights and fundamental freedoms as evidence Cambodia's democratic institutions are slipping.
It pointed to crackdowns on dissidents, persecution of opposition parliamentarians and the abuse of the judiciary as further examples, claiming Cambodia was moving toward a one-party system of government controlled by the ruling Cambodian People's Party.
The statement cited statements of concern from local rights groups, Amnesty International and the UN's special human rights envoy, Surya Subedi, who said in a recent report to the UN Human Rights Commission that Cambodia's judiciary needed reform.
Tuesday, October 05, 2010
Appeal from Parliamentarians for The Reactivation of The Paris Agreements on Cambodia
To all Overseas Cambodians and all Friends of Cambodia : Please send the Appeal below to your elected representatives (House Representatives, Senators, Congressmen, Members of Parliament) in your respective countries of residence
October 23, 2010 : Commemoration of the 19th anniversary of the signing of the 1991 Paris Agreements on Cambodia
APPEAL FROM PARLIAMENTARIANS
FOR THE REACTIVATION OF THE PARIS AGREEMENTS ON CAMBODIA
A worrying authoritarian trend has been noticeable in Cambodia over the last few years. It shows in the form of a deterioration in the human rights situation, the stifling of fundamental freedoms, a brutal policy of land grabbing that affects essentially the poor, the suppression of all forms of criticism and protest, the persecution of the parliamentary opposition and activists of the civil society, the use of the judicial power for political ends and a drift toward a one-party system.
A written statement by Amnesty International to the 15th Session of the UN Human Rights Council in September 2010 says, “the systemic lack of protection of human rights in Cambodia arises from long-standing impunity for human rights violations [and] very serious shortcomings in the rule of law. The legal system remains biased against the poor and marginalized. Forced evictions continue to affect thousands of families, predominantly people living in poverty. Actions in the courts [initiated by the government] against housing rights defenders, journalists and other critical voices stifle freedom of expression. Amnesty International strongly calls for an end to the “ongoing serious human rights violations” in Cambodia.
Amnesty International’s observations are corroborated by reports from Professor Surya Subedi, the UN Special Rapporteur for the situation of human rights in Cambodia. In his last annual report to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva last month, the UN Envoy deplores that victims of all sorts of abuses in Cambodia seem to be “desperate for justice,” and is “concerned about the narrowing of political space in the country for people belonging to the opposition political parties and other political activists.”
On the same topic and in the same period of time, a coalition of sixteen best-known local NGOs denounces a recent series of “political trials” and rings the alarm bell by stressing that Cambodia is at risk of becoming a “de-facto one-party state” as during war time.
Nineteen years ago, in order to put an end to war and massacres and to help in the reconstruction of Cambodia, the international community, under the aegis of the United Nations, brought all Cambodian factions together so as to achieve national reconciliation and to lay the foundations of a system of liberal democracy, on the basis of pluralism. It is this type of political system that the international community accepted to guarantee for Cambodia by signing the Paris Agreements on October 23, 1991 (*).
In effect, the Paris Agreements guarantee that “all persons in Cambodia shall enjoy the rights and freedoms embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights” (Article 3 of the Agreement Concerning the Sovereignty, Independence, Territorial Integrity and Inviolability, Neutrality and National Unity of Cambodia). Their signatories represented by eighteen friendly countries including all Western powers and also Australia and Japan, “undertake to promote and encourage respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Cambodia” (Article 15 of the Agreement on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict). Besides, important Annexes to that Agreement legally bind Cambodia to “a system of liberal democracy, on the basis of pluralism”. The official texts more specifically promise the Cambodian people the respect for “fundamental rights ”, “an independent judiciary”, “due process et equality before the law”, “protection from arbitrary deprivation of property” and “periodic and genuine elections ”, but all these fundamental elements of democracy have not materialized, which explains the current authoritarian, if not totalitarian, drift.
In order to put the democratization process back on track and to strengthen the mechanisms designed to protect human rights in Cambodia as enshrined in the Paris Agreements, the governments of signatory countries and donor institutions such as the European Commission must immediately take adequate measures to ensure the effective respect for all the relevant provisions of the Agreements,
Guided by the desire to help consolidate democracy in Cambodia and to help this country achieve a harmonious and sustainable development on the basis of sound political foundations, the elected representatives from the Cambodian democratic opposition (**) and parliamentarians from friendly nations (***) together launch this Appeal for the reactivation of the 1991 Paris Agreements on Cambodia. They are doing it on the eve of the 19th anniversary of the historical signing of the Agreements, which is the coming 23rd day of October.
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(*) Full text of the Agreements at http://tinyurl.com/24558zn
(**) 26 Cambodian National Assembly members and 2 Cambodian Senators from the Sam Rainsy Party initiated this Appeal.
(***) Parliamentarians from friendly countries who want to express their solidarity and support, please simply send your names to samrainsysrp@gmail.com. Thank you.
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A tous les Cambodgiens d’Outre-mer et à tous les Amis du Cambodge : Prière d’envoyer l’Appel ci-dessous à vos représentants élus (Députés et Sénateurs) dans votre pays de résidence.
23 octobre 2010 : Commémoration du 19ème anniversaire de la signature des Accords de Paris de 1991 sur le Cambodge.
APPEL DE PARLEMENTAIRES
A LA REACTIVATION DES ACCORDS DE PARIS SUR LE CAMBODGE
Une inquiétante dérive autoritaire se manifeste au Cambodge depuis plusieurs années. Elle se caractérise par une détérioration de la situation des droits l’homme, un étouffement des libertés fondamentales, une politique brutale de confiscation de terres qui touche surtout la masse des pauvres, la suppression de toutes formes de critique et contestation , la persécution de l’opposition parlementaire et des militants de la société civile, l’utilisation du pouvoir judiciaire à des fins politiques et un glissement vers un système de parti unique.
Ainsi, on peut lire dans une déclaration d’Amnesty International à la 15 ème session du Conseil des droits de l’homme en septembre 2010 : “La déficience systématique en matière de protection des droits de l’homme au Cambodge tient à l’impunité de longue date pour les violations des droits de l’homme [et] aux très graves manquements à l’état de droit. Le système judiciaire reste biaisé à l’encontre des pauvres et des marginalisés. Les expropriations par la force continuent de toucher des milliers de familles, essentiellement des gens vivant dans la pauvreté. Les actions en justice [intentées par le gouvernement] contre ceux qui prennent la défense des spoliés, les journalistes et d’autres voix critiques, tendent à étouffer la liberté d’expression”. Amnesty International demande que des mesures soient prises pour que cessent ces “sérieuses et persistantes violations des droits de l’homme” au Cambodge.
Les constatations de Amnesty International sont corroborées par le Rapporteur spécial des Nations unies pour la situation des droits de l’homme au Cambodge, M. Surya Su bédi. Celui-ci, dans son dernier rapport au Conseil des droits de l’homme le mois dernier à Genève, constate que les victimes d’abus de toutes sortes sont “désespérées de la justice”, et se dit “préoccupé par le rétrécissement de l’espace politique pour les partis d’opposition et d’autres militants [des droits civiques]”.
Dans le même ordre d’idée et durant la même période, une coalition de seize ONG locales les plus connues dénonce la récente série de “procès politiques” frappant des dirigeants de l’opposition, et tire la sonnette d’alarme: le Cambodge est en train de revenir en fait à un “système de parti unique” comme au temps de la guerre.
Pourtant, il y a dix-neuf ans, afin de mettre fin à la guerre et aux massacres et aider à la reconstruction du Cambodge, la communauté internationale, sous l’égide des Nations unies, avait amené toutes les factions cambodgiennes à se réconcilier et à jeter les bases d’une démocratie libérale pluraliste dont elle garantit le respect par la signature des Accords des Paris le 23 octobre 1991 (*).
En effet, les Accords de Paris garantissent que “toutes les personnes se trouvant au Cambodge jouiront des droits et libertés formulés par la Déclaration universelle des droits de l'homme” (Article 3 de l’Accord relatif à la souveraineté, l'indépendance, l'intégrité et l'inviolabilité territoriales, la neutralité et l'unité nationale du Cambodge). Leurs signataires composés de dix-huit pays amis incluant toutes les puissances occidentales ainsi que l’Australie et le Japon, “s'engagent à promouvoir et encourager le respect et l'exercice des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales” (Article 15 de l‘Accord pour un règlement politique global du conflit du Cambodge). Par ailleurs, des annexes importantes au même Accord prévoient bien pour le Cambodge “un système de démocratie libérale, fondé sur le pluralisme”. Les textes promettent plus spécifiquement aux Cambodgiens le respect des “droits fondamentaux”, “un pouvoir judiciaire indépendant”, “le droit à un procès équitable et l’égalité devant la loi”, la “protection contre la dépossession arbitraire” et des “élections périodiques et authentiques”, autant d‘éléments dont la non-concrétisation explique la dérive autoritaire, pour ne pas dire totalitaire, du pouvoir actuel.
Pour remettre sur les rails le processus de démocratisation et renforcer les dispositifs de défense des droits de l’homme au Cambodge figurant dans les Accords de Paris, les gouvernements des pays signataires et les institutions pourvoyeuses d’aide comme la Commission Européenne doivent prendre immédiatement les mesures nécessaires pour assurer le respect effectif de toutes les clauses essentielles de ces Accords.
C’est dans le but de consolider la démocratie au Cambodge et aider ce pays à se développer harmonieusement et durablement sur des bases saines que les élus de l’opposition démocratique cambodgienne (**) et des parlementaires de nations amies (***) lancent cet Appel à la réactivation des Accords de Paris de 1991 sur le Cambodge, et cela à la veille du dix-neuvième anniversaire de leur signature, le 23 octobre prochain.
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(**) 26 députés et 2 sénateurs cambodgiens du Parti Sam Rainsy ont initié cet Appel.
(***) Nous demandons aux parlementaires des pays amis du Cambodge qui désirent exprimer leur solidarité et leur soutien de bien vouloir simplement envoyer leur nom à samrainsysrp@gmail.com. Nous les en remercions vivement à l’avance.
Friday, September 17, 2010
'More Space' Urged in Cambodian Democracy
Kong Sothanarith, VOA Khmer
Phnom Penh Thursday, 16 September 2010
Leaders from civil society called for more tolerance between the political majority and minorities. Political freedoms that were won in the 1980s, following the ouster of the Khmer Rouge, have been in decline, the leaders said.
“I take this opportunity to call [on the government] not to impose restrictions over democracy,” said Thun Saray, president of the rights group Adhoc and chairman of the Cambodian Human Rights Action Committee.
“In Cambodia,” he said, “the acceptance of criticism is limited.”
Cheam Yiep, a lawmaker for the Cambodian People's Party, said freedom of expression in Cambodia has been “developed and reinforced.” He agreed with calls for tolerance between the parties, but added, “the minority party must do things based on law.”
The ruling government has come under increasing criticism for restrictions on freedoms in recent years. Last month, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders issued a report that found union leaders, rights activists and journalists facing rights violations and legal restrictions.
Sok Sam Oeun, executive director of the Cambodian Defenders Project, a legal organization, said the government must urgently reform the judiciary with the help of the international community.
Cheam Yiep said the government is already doing that.
Phnom Penh Thursday, 16 September 2010
“I take this opportunity to call [on the government] not to impose restrictions over democracy.”Civic leaders called for “more space” for democracy, as well as judicial reform, on Wednesday, as they marked World Democracy Day.
Leaders from civil society called for more tolerance between the political majority and minorities. Political freedoms that were won in the 1980s, following the ouster of the Khmer Rouge, have been in decline, the leaders said.
“I take this opportunity to call [on the government] not to impose restrictions over democracy,” said Thun Saray, president of the rights group Adhoc and chairman of the Cambodian Human Rights Action Committee.
“In Cambodia,” he said, “the acceptance of criticism is limited.”
Cheam Yiep, a lawmaker for the Cambodian People's Party, said freedom of expression in Cambodia has been “developed and reinforced.” He agreed with calls for tolerance between the parties, but added, “the minority party must do things based on law.”
The ruling government has come under increasing criticism for restrictions on freedoms in recent years. Last month, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders issued a report that found union leaders, rights activists and journalists facing rights violations and legal restrictions.
Sok Sam Oeun, executive director of the Cambodian Defenders Project, a legal organization, said the government must urgently reform the judiciary with the help of the international community.
Cheam Yiep said the government is already doing that.
Sunday, August 22, 2010
Opposition is concerned about the loss of democracy in Cambodia
SRP MPs press conference held on 20 August (Photo: Ly Meng Huor, RFI)20 August 2010
By Ly Meng Huor
Radio France Internationale
Translated from Khmer by Komping Puoy
Click here to read the article in Khmer
On Friday 20 August, a group of SRP MPs expressed their great concerns by declaring that Cambodia could lose her democracy. SRP MP Son Chhay indicated that the 4th mandate National Assembly (NA) is placed under the thumb of the ruling party and opposition MPs are discriminated and have no duties in the NA at all. Furthermore, government officials do not properly respect the letter of the law when it comes to replying questions asked by MPs, either in writing or verbally.
The concerns over the loss of democracy in Cambodia stems from the fact that SRP MPs saw that the NA is losing its role. The current NA is becoming much weaker and it also lost its role in following up the work performed by the government, for example, pushing the government to accept its responsibility, to perform its work efficiently and with transparency, all of these were not done properly at all.
In this morning press conference, Son Chhay, the SRP whip, indicated that the 4th mandate NA has been organized differently from previous mandates. The NA is now under the organization control and the exclusive leadership of the ruling party, contrary to any NA in a multipartite democratic nation. Furthermore, the role of the opposition MPs in the NA is not respected and the opposition is also facing discrimination as well.
In today’s statement, the SRP indicated that government officials do not properly respect Article 96 of the constitution in their response to questions asked by MPs, both in writing and verbally. At the same time, the government continues to hide public documents, including trade agreements, the grants and concessions, the various development plans, and the government made decision without any transparency and without the participation from the representatives of the people.
According to Son Chhay, for the past 17 years, starting from 1993 until now, only 6 ministers came to provide verbal replies to the NA and some ministers do not even bother to reply to questions asked by the MPs. In 2009, the opposition sent questions to the government through 132 letters, but the government only replied to 39 of them. In the eight months of 2010, the SRP MPs sent 47 letters to the government, but only 15 of them received an answer.
Nevertheless, Tith Sothea, the mouthpiece of the Press and Quick Reaction Unit (PQRU) of the Council of Ministers, indicated that in the past, government officials usually replied in writing to the questions raised by MPs according to the law, and sometimes, they even provided verbal reply to the NA floor.
Tith Sothea added that the CPP government received the majority of the voice in the NA, and that it is leading the country democratically (sic!) by respecting the rights of the people (sic!), the owner of the votes, according to democracy (sic!), and that it is not a lawless dictatorial regime (sic!).
The concerns over the loss of democracy in Cambodia stems from the fact that SRP MPs saw that the NA is losing its role. The current NA is becoming much weaker and it also lost its role in following up the work performed by the government, for example, pushing the government to accept its responsibility, to perform its work efficiently and with transparency, all of these were not done properly at all.
In this morning press conference, Son Chhay, the SRP whip, indicated that the 4th mandate NA has been organized differently from previous mandates. The NA is now under the organization control and the exclusive leadership of the ruling party, contrary to any NA in a multipartite democratic nation. Furthermore, the role of the opposition MPs in the NA is not respected and the opposition is also facing discrimination as well.
In today’s statement, the SRP indicated that government officials do not properly respect Article 96 of the constitution in their response to questions asked by MPs, both in writing and verbally. At the same time, the government continues to hide public documents, including trade agreements, the grants and concessions, the various development plans, and the government made decision without any transparency and without the participation from the representatives of the people.
According to Son Chhay, for the past 17 years, starting from 1993 until now, only 6 ministers came to provide verbal replies to the NA and some ministers do not even bother to reply to questions asked by the MPs. In 2009, the opposition sent questions to the government through 132 letters, but the government only replied to 39 of them. In the eight months of 2010, the SRP MPs sent 47 letters to the government, but only 15 of them received an answer.
Nevertheless, Tith Sothea, the mouthpiece of the Press and Quick Reaction Unit (PQRU) of the Council of Ministers, indicated that in the past, government officials usually replied in writing to the questions raised by MPs according to the law, and sometimes, they even provided verbal reply to the NA floor.
Tith Sothea added that the CPP government received the majority of the voice in the NA, and that it is leading the country democratically (sic!) by respecting the rights of the people (sic!), the owner of the votes, according to democracy (sic!), and that it is not a lawless dictatorial regime (sic!).
Sunday, October 25, 2009
“thaksin In Cambodia” Versus “sam Rainsy In Thailand”?
October 24, 2009
“THAKSIN IN CAMBODIA” VERSUS “SAM RAINSY IN THAILAND”?
Upon his arrival in Thailand on October 23 to attend the ongoing ASEAN summit meeting, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen confirmed that he is willing to welcome former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra to stay in Cambodia. He noted, “If [Cambodian opposition leader] Sam Rainsy could come to Thailand as he did recently to make statements against the Cambodian government, why my good friend Thaksin could not [reciprocally] come to Cambodia?”
Hun Sen cannot decently use Sam Rainsy’s latest visit to Thailand as a “balancing” pretext for his offer to fugitive Thaksin Shinawatra to come and stay in Cambodia.
Last month, Sam Rainsy was invited by the South East Asia Press Alliance (SEAPA), a Bangkok-based international free expression advocacy group, to speak on September 22 at the Foreign Correspondent Club of Thailand (FCCT) about the human rights situation in Cambodia. The intention of the event organizers was to allow international observers to collect different points of view ahead of the launching of the ASEAN Inter-governmental Commission on Human Rights in Hua Hin (Thailand) on October 23. Yesterday’s launching of the AICHR was actually followed by the ongoing ASEAN summit meeting.
Sam Rainsy's intervention at the FCCT had nothing to do with border issues or any other disputes between Cambodia and Thailand, and the Thai government was not involved in any way in the September 22 press conference attended by Sam Rainsy.
Similarly, on May 6 this year, Sam Rainsy was the main guest of a Gala dinner organized in Singapore (Conrad Hotel) by the Foreign Correspondents’ Association in Singapore. During a question-and-answer session with foreign and local journalists and observers, he elaborated on issues very similar to the ones he addressed in Bangkok on September 22. The Singapore government was not involved in any way in the event.
To properly defend Cambodia’s interest, the Sam Rainsy Party urges all Cambodians from all political parties to remain absolutely neutral in any internal conflict among neighboring peoples. Any spillover from the current internal tension/unrest in Thailand could be very detrimental to Cambodia.
SRP Cabinet
Hun Sen cannot decently use Sam Rainsy’s latest visit to Thailand as a “balancing” pretext for his offer to fugitive Thaksin Shinawatra to come and stay in Cambodia.
Last month, Sam Rainsy was invited by the South East Asia Press Alliance (SEAPA), a Bangkok-based international free expression advocacy group, to speak on September 22 at the Foreign Correspondent Club of Thailand (FCCT) about the human rights situation in Cambodia. The intention of the event organizers was to allow international observers to collect different points of view ahead of the launching of the ASEAN Inter-governmental Commission on Human Rights in Hua Hin (Thailand) on October 23. Yesterday’s launching of the AICHR was actually followed by the ongoing ASEAN summit meeting.
Sam Rainsy's intervention at the FCCT had nothing to do with border issues or any other disputes between Cambodia and Thailand, and the Thai government was not involved in any way in the September 22 press conference attended by Sam Rainsy.
Similarly, on May 6 this year, Sam Rainsy was the main guest of a Gala dinner organized in Singapore (Conrad Hotel) by the Foreign Correspondents’ Association in Singapore. During a question-and-answer session with foreign and local journalists and observers, he elaborated on issues very similar to the ones he addressed in Bangkok on September 22. The Singapore government was not involved in any way in the event.
To properly defend Cambodia’s interest, the Sam Rainsy Party urges all Cambodians from all political parties to remain absolutely neutral in any internal conflict among neighboring peoples. Any spillover from the current internal tension/unrest in Thailand could be very detrimental to Cambodia.
SRP Cabinet
Saturday, August 02, 2008
'One-Party' Will Hurt Democracy: Observer
By Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer
Washington
01 August 2008
Washington
01 August 2008
The domination in the polls of the Cambodian People's Party Sunday could lead to one-party rule and a decline in democracy, a local human rights official warned Thursday.
"One-party rule will affect democracy," said Ny Charya, monitoring chief for the rights group Adhoc.
"We are concerned about the future freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and others; that's what we think about," Ny Charya said, as a guest on "Hello VOA"
The government remains at a deadlock following Sunday's polls, with the CPP leading an unofficial vote tally with 90 of 123 National Assembly seats. A new government must be formed within 60 days, but all elected members must join, by swearing in, said Sok Samoeun, director of the Cambodia Defenders Project, who was also on "Hello VOA."
"One-party rule will affect democracy," said Ny Charya, monitoring chief for the rights group Adhoc.
"We are concerned about the future freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and others; that's what we think about," Ny Charya said, as a guest on "Hello VOA"
The government remains at a deadlock following Sunday's polls, with the CPP leading an unofficial vote tally with 90 of 123 National Assembly seats. A new government must be formed within 60 days, but all elected members must join, by swearing in, said Sok Samoeun, director of the Cambodia Defenders Project, who was also on "Hello VOA."
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