Showing posts with label Khmer Rouge regime. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Khmer Rouge regime. Show all posts

Monday, April 16, 2012

Tuesday marks day of darkness for Cambodians

Exodus from Phnom Penh in 1975
April 16, 2012
By Greg Mellen, Staff Writer
Long Beach Press Telegram
TUESDAY EVENTS
  • What: Requiem Mantra Prayer Blessing the Victims
  • When: 9 a.m. noon
  • Where: 1501 E. Anaheim St.
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  • What: Movie screenings: Enemies of the People, Pol Pot, the Secret Killer
  • When: 1 p.m. - 4 p.m.
  • Where: Mark Twain Branch Library, 1401 E. Anaheim St.
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  • What: City Council resolution recognizing April as Genocide Awareness Month
  • When: 5:30 p.m. 7 p.m.
  • Where: City Hall Chambers, 333 W. Ocean Blvd.
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  • What: Courage to Remember presentation
  • When: 6 p.m. - 8 p.m.
  • Where: Long Beach City College, 1305 Pacific Coast Highway, Dryer Hall and Senior Centers Room FF
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  • What: Commemoration Ceremony, Candlelight Vigil
  • When: 7:30 p.m.
  • Where: 1501 E. Anaheim St.
LONG BEACH - On Tuesday, Cambodians will remember the day the darkness fell on their country. April 17 will mark the 37th anniversary of the fall of Cambodian capitol city Phnom Penh to the Khmer Rouge and the onset of a genocidal regime that would be remembered for the Killing Fields.

Throughout the community, the date will be remembered in ways and events big and small.

At City Hall, Councilman Dee Andrews will ask the city to recognize April as Genocide Awareness Month. The United Cambodian Community will team with Long Beach City College for a special event entitled Courage to Remember, and throughout the day, the Killing Fields Memorial Center will have events at the future site of a proposed memorial park on Anaheim Street. Elsewhere, many refugees will attend temple or quietly reflect with family members.

The Killing Fields Memorial Center will offer a requiem prayer and a blessing of the victims in the morning to start the day at the future park site. Paline Soth, the group's president, who helped organize the event, said about 22 monks from temples in Long Beach and Los Angeles are expected to participate.

Lotus Revolution: Duty of Memory


Friday, July 29, 2011

Expressions of Cambodia: When ancient glory meets modern tragedy

Expressions of Cambodia: When ancient glory meets modern tragedy
http://www.scribd.com/fullscreen/61179798?access_key=key-1ndzn9g0l0cqu92dbga8

Wednesday, July 27, 2011

A Preventable Genocide - Un génocide évitable

A Preventable Genocide
(Sihanouk - Khmer Rouge)

By Leng Sovady
Unofficial translation from Khmer by Luc Sâr
Veuillez lire l'article en français à la fin du texte anglais
The Cambodian genocide might never take place. In fact, in early 1970, the Khmer Rouge movement virtually ceased to exist. The crackdown against them in 1967, 1968 and 1969 by Prince Sihanouk, then Head of State, had virtually eradicated them. It is estimated that, in January 1970, there were no more than 2,000 Khmer Rouge partisans left throughout Cambodia. They were very poorly armed. In January and February 1970, the situation in Cambodia was perfectly calm on the domestic front and we could travel safely throughout the country. Back then, the Khmer Rouge had no future.

However, an important event ended this happy situation. On March 18, 1970, Prince Sihanouk was removed from office by the Cambodian Parliament through a unanimous vote.

Then traveling abroad, Prince Sihanouk had only one thought in mind: revenge, and he said so himself during his outbursts of rage - a statement that was reproduced by the news media from that time. To get his revenge, he threw himself into the arms of the Khmer Rouge leaders in Beijing and gave them his unconditional endorsement.

We all know the tragic result of this disastrous alliance that brought dishonor to the Prince. It caused the Cambodian genocide where two million people died in less than four years.

Therefore, we can affirm that Sihanouk was the main responsible actor of this genocide. But, he has no remorse about that...

Tuesday, July 26, 2011

The Khmer Rouge in A Cold War Context by David Chandler

David Chandler - Genocide Education in Cambodia David Chandler for University Lecturer Training Final
http://www.scribd.com/fullscreen/60922386?access_key=key-2m0zcczh4x84r8o6maje

Saturday, September 12, 2009

Did it all started with a "royal seal of approval"?

The Rise and Fall of the Khmer Rouge

Time Magazine (USA)

Royal Seal of Approval
In 1965, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Cambodia's head of state, asserted the nation's opposition to the U.S.-backed government in South Vietnam by allowing North Vietnamese guerrillas to set up bases within Cambodia's borders. The North Vietnamese had an alliance with a Cambodian Marxist insurgency group, the Khmer Rouge, whose top brass Sihanouk is pictured here with in 1973. (AFP)
Losing Control
A Cambodian soldier holds a .45 to the head of a Khmer Rouge suspect in 1973. When Sihanouk was forced out of power in a coup, the new Prime Minister, General Lon Nol, sent the army to fight the North Vietnamese and the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. Fighting two enemies proved to be too much for Cambodia's army. As Civil War raged from 1970 to 1975, the army gradually lost territory as Khmer Rouge increased its control in the countryside. (Bettmann / Corbis)
Coming Apocalypse
Survivors sift through rubble after the Khmer Rouge bombed Phnom Penh, the capital city, on January 1, 1975. Four months later, the party took the city, on April 17, 1975, and began their mission of returning Cambodia to an agrarian society, emptying the cities and forcing their countrymen into agricultural labor. (Christine Spengler / Sygma / Corbis)

Day One, Year Zero
Khmer Rouge fighters celebrate as they enter Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975. Prince Sihanouk, the party's early ally, resigned in 1976, paving the way for the now notorious Khmer Rouge founder and leader, Pol Pot, to become prime minister. The country was renamed Kampuchea, and it was the start Year Zero — the beginning of a new history for Cambodia written by Pol Pot. (Claude Juvenal / AFP / Getty Images) [KI-Media note: The fighters shown on this photo were not actual Khmer Rouger soldiers]
Left Behind
Days before the occupation of the capital, thousands of Cambodians gather behind a school perimeter fence near the American embassy to watch the final evacuation of U.S. and foreign nationals. (Roland Neveu / OnAsia)
Death Sentence
A prisoner gets her mug shot taken. At prisons like Phnom Penh's infamous Tuol Sleng, prisoners were painstakingly documented before being sent to their deaths in mass graves later to be come known as the "killing fields." Hundreds of thousands of intellectuals were tortured and executed under the Khmer Rouge; others starved or died from disease or exhaustion. In total, an estimated 1.7 million Cambodians died between 1975 and 1979. (GAMMA / Eyedea Presse)
Pol Pot's Utopia
An undated photograph shows forced laborers digging canals in Kampong Cham province, part of the massive agrarian infrastructure the Khmer Rouge planned for the country. (AFP / Getty Images)
A New Occupier
Fed up with cross-border raids by Khmer Rouge, Vietnam invaded Cambodia on Dec. 25, 1978. By Jan. 7, shown here, Vietnamese troops had occupied Phnom Penh. The Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia lasted for 10 years. (Bettmann / Corbis)
Fearless Leader
The Vietnamese overthrew Pol Pot, too, driving the leader to the Thai border where he continued to head the Khmer Rouge in the jungles. (Kyodo News / AP)
Purging the Western Curse
The Khmer Rouge sought to rid Cambodia of all Western influences that distracted its people from their agrarian calling. Cars, abandoned and forbidden, were stacked up alongside the road. (John Bryson / Time Life Pictures / Getty)
A Bloody Landscape
An exhumed mass grave, pictured in 1981, in the Cambodian countryside reveals the skeletons of those executed and buried together under Pol Pot's regime. (David A. Harvey / National Geographic / Getty Images)
The Resistance
Khmer Rouge guerrillas in the jungle of western Cambodia as they attempt to halt advancing Vietnamese forces on Feb. 15, 1981. (Alex Bowie / Getty Images)
Running for Cover
Cambodian refugees, pictured in January 1985, at a refugee camp, near the Thai-Cambodian Border. Some 60,000 people fled to the south as fighting increased between Khmer-Vietnamese troops and the FNLPK (Khmer People's National Liberation Front), one of the three groups making up the anti-communist resistance. (Alain Nogues / Corbis Sygma)
Out from Under the Iron Curtain
Without backing from the Soviet Union, Vietnam could no longer afford to keep its troops in a state of indefinite occupation in Cambodia. In September 1989, Vietnamese troops withdrew from Phnom Penh. (Jacques Langevin / Corbis Sygma)

A Tearful Reunion
A family greets each other in August 1989 after being separated during years of war and occupation. (Michael Freeman / Corbis)
Return the Old Guard
The 1991 Paris Peace Accord that followed Vietnam's withdrawal mandated democratic elections and a ceasefire, but was not fully respected by Khmer Rouge guerrillas. U.N. transitional authority shared power with representatives of various factions, and Prince Sihanouk, shown here at center making his way back the Royal Palace in November 1991, was reinstated as Head of State. (Jacques Langevin / Corbis Sygma)
Forgiven
U.N.-run elections in May 1993 resulted in a shaky coalition between Sihanouk's son, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, and Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge guerrilla pictured here at a political rally before the elections. The country was once again named the Kingdom of Cambodia. Hun Sen remains Prime Minister today. (Romeo Cacad / AFP / Getty Images)
The Banality of Evil
Pol Pot continued to lead the Khmer Rouge party from rural Cambodia until July 1997 when he was arrested. In a show trial, Pol Pot, known as Brother No. 1, was denounced by his own followers and sentenced to house arrest in his jungle home. The press gathered there when he died less than a year later at age 73 on April 15, 1998, never having faced charges. (Jason Bleibtreu / Corbis Sygma)
A New Chapter
Finally agreeing to abandon their fight, the remaining Khmer Rouge soldiers fighters surrendered on Feb. 9, 1999, and donned new uniforms of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces during an integration ceremony in Anlong Veng near the Thai-Cambodian border. (Ou Neakiry / AP)
Documenting the Aftermath
Contact sheets showing pictures of what is believed to be former prisoners of the S-21 prison, also known as Tuol Sleng, where over 15,000 people lost their lives. Kaing Guek Eav, better known as Duch, was detained for his role as chief of the torture center in 1999. (David Hogsholt / Getty Images)
The World Watches, and Waits, for Justice
A long delayed U.N.-backed tribunal to bring the leaders of the genocide to justice began in 2009. On Feb. 17, Duch's trial began. He is the first of five defendants scheduled for trial. (John Vink / Magnum Photos)

Sunday, April 27, 2008

King-Father's History: Several members of my family were victims of the diabolic and super-cruel Khmer Rouge

Translated from French by Luc Sâr
History
Several members of my family
were victims of the diabolic and super-cruel Khmer Rouge

By N. Sihanouk

1- September 1975, in Beijing

The very respected and illustrious President Mao Tse Tung, next to whom was H.E. Chou En Lai, told Mr. Khieu Samphan and Mrs. Ieng Sary, née Khieu Thirith, and this (was done) in my presence and that of Princess Monique, my wife: “Please treat well Prince N. Sihanouk, Princess Monique, his wife, and their children.”

2- At the Democratic Kampuchea (DK), March 1976

Seeing that the innocent Khmer People suffered so much under the terribly inhumane Khmer Rouge leadership and regime, I wrote several successive letters to the Khmer Rouge Angkar to resign from my position as President of the DK. In April 1976, the Khmer Rouge Angkar said “yes” to my resignation request.

3- In retaliation, the Khmer Rouge assassinated 5 of my children and 14 of my grandchildren, my cousins and their respective spouses (Princes Phurissara, Methavi), under horrible conditions. With the exception of Princess Sujata, all these children, cousins and spouses, and my great faithful (followers) (Their Excellencies Chea San, Huoth Sambath, Isoup Ganthy) were active members of the Func, Grunc Resistance and FAPLNC KRouge. In Paris, in 1980, with a visible delight, the Lonnoliens, who were refugees in the West, told me that the KRouges gave a portion of my grandchildren to the crocodiles (to eat), and my other grandchildren had their heads smashed against tree trunks.

Siem Reap-Ville, 18 April 2008

(Signed) Norodom Sihanouk

Wednesday, March 05, 2008

A Return From France, 1975: A Decision

By Neou Sarem, VOA Khmer
Original report from Washington
04 March 2008



If you were a Cambodian living abroad as the Khmer Rouge took over the country, would you dare go back? One woman did: VOA Khmer's Neou Sarem. A teacher in France at the onset of Year Zero, Neou Sarem understood the Khmer Rouge were dangerous, but she couldn't bear the separation of her family. VOA Khmer presents "A Return From France, 1975," the story of Neou Sarem's journey back and search of her family. Part one of an occasional oral history series.

When I first heard of the Khmer Rouge evacuation of Phnom Penh, I was so depressed that tears fell on my plate. I heard the voices of my children. I wished a car would hit me, or that I could forget my life. I dreamed I could go far back in time, when I was in high school.

One day, when I was looking at a picture of my family, my three-year-old daughter, the youngest, jumped out to hug me. Appointments to see the gastronomic physician were frequent on my calendar, and I knew that I had to go back to Cambodia, the sooner the better. I applied to return under the National United Front of Kampuchea, the FUNK, in Paris.

I knew about the evacuation of Phnom Penh, and the Khmer Rouge attack on the US merchant ship Mayaguez, and the rumors of killings. I also knew the Khmer Rouge had lied about an American plan to bomb Cambodia.

But I saw my life in France as not worth living, where I was helpless to aid my children. So I spent almost all my savings to buy the necessary things to take back. I bought medicine, vitamins, small knives and flints in the thousands, and a lot of bras, as well as fishing hooks and black material for the uniforms of the Khmer Rouge.

A Return From France, 1975: A Nightmare

By Neou Sarem, VOA Khmer
Original report from Washington
04 March 2008


If you were a Cambodian living abroad as the Khmer Rouge took over the country, would you dare go back? One woman did: VOA Khmer's Neou Sarem. A teacher in France at the onset of Year Zero, Neou Sarem understood the Khmer Rouge were dangerous, but she couldn't bear the separation of her family. VOA Khmer presents "A Return From France, 1975," the story of Neou Sarem's journey back in search of her family. Part one of an occasional oral history series.

I went back to Cambodia in 1975 because I didn't want to be separated from my family. Before the birth of my daughter in July 1974, in a predawn nightmare, I had seen myself running alone, near my school at Vimeanh Ekkareach, in a deserted Phnom Penh; in the nightmare, the Viet Cong had evacuated Phnom Penh.

My apartment was empty. My mother-in-law's house near Psar Thmei was also empty.

In my dream, I ended up on a big white cruise ship that departed from Cambodian waters and carried me alone except the family of my cousin. She was there with her husband and her four children. I wept miserably, until my husband woke me from my dream.

At the time, my husband's cousin worked for the International Travel Bureau in Geneva. It was earlier than July 1974, the birth month of my second daughter. I didn't tell my husband about the nightmare, because it was a miserable experience. Not long after, I traveled to France.

There, I met my cousin and her husband, who come to visit me in Besançon, in northeastern France, and I began a letter to my husband, asking him to get ready to come to France. I asked him to come because I didn't want anything to happen as in my dream. I also wrote letters to my sister-in-law, asking her to loan my husband money enough to bring my two daughters and join me. I wrote my father-in-law, describing my nightmare, promising to pay back any money I borrowed by working after my scholarship ended.

Miserably, the post workers in France at the time were on strike a lot. I rarely got letters from home. We had to open a post office box on the border of Switzerland that we checked every two weeks.

Finally, I got a letter from my sister-in-law, whose husband made tons of money as a manager at Tonle Sap Convoy, bringing food supplies into Phnom Penh after all the roads were cut off. She told me she had offered money to my husband, but he had refused it.

When Phnom Penh fell, my family was still there. In order to return, I had to apply for a change of passport, from Khmer Republic to National United Front of Kampuchea. I had to write a letter in support of the FUNK, who had then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk as its head. I didn't have the will to write these letters, so I asked someone to write them for me and I just signed them.

Those wishing to return to Cambodia had to bring their return ticket to the FUNK mission. Travel was organized in groups, via Air China, with an overnight stay in the Beijing airport. Those who changed their mind could return to France from Beijing, or they could sightsee for 60 francs a day.

Sunday, October 07, 2007

Ex-monk's story packs powerful message

BY ROSS FRESHWATER
The Enquirer (Cincinnati, Ohio, USA)


Over the past few weeks, my wife and I have been awoken each morning by our clock radio broadcasting the plight of Myanmar's democracy movement - specifically the torture and murder of Buddhist monks. For us, Myanmar's plight has struck a very personal chord.

This past summer we got married and hopped on a plane for a honeymoon adventure across Southeast Asia. We did not make it to Myanmar, for political conditions render it near impossible to gain entrance. We did, however, make it to neighboring Cambodia. It was there that we made a new friend. To protect his safety, I'll call him Ponleak, which in the local language means strength and endurance. Ponleak is exactly my age, 35, and a former Buddhist monk.

We began our stay in Cambodia with a visit to the Killing Fields. It was here a mere 30 years ago that a ruthless dictator named Pol Pot led a gruesome massacre of innocents that would take one-quarter of the country's population. Today, at the center of the site, stands a three-story glass pagoda piled high with the skulls of the anonymous masses.

With the passing of another decade and the dark episode now embodied within a towering memorial, we wanted to imagine that the country has come to terms with its past and moved on. Such a realization would also make it easier to move on to our primary reason for visiting the region - the ancient temples of Angkor Wat. Nonetheless, Cambodia's still-dark present would soon reveal itself via a former Buddhist monk.

We found ourselves sharing a taxi with Ponleak as a means to cut the cost of our five-hour journey to the ancient temple city. With hours to pass and the smooth lull of the country's only paved road, we would hear the unhurried telling of his story. When Ponleak was 14, his peasant father had two choices: Let Pol Pot impress his son into his genocidal army. Or hand him off to a Buddhist Monastery for hiding as a monk.

In a country where public education does not exist, the latter option allowed Ponleak to become the only educated child in his family. He learned six languages and passed eight years of quiet reflection over hundreds of books. History, politics, economics, religion, Ponleak clearly knew them all, with a grasp of language and critical thought that could easily make him a graduate of an esteemed college in the U.S.A.

In 1993, after the fall of the Soviet bloc, the United Nations finally stepped up to ensure fair elections in Cambodia. Yet, just five years later in 1998, when elections were due once again in a fledgling democracy that had recently been gutted of its educated class, the U.N. chose not to partake. The results were predictably bleak, and as keepers of the country's knowledge, Buddhist monks like Ponleak felt obliged to act. They became activists for honest democracy.

These monks were quickly hunted down and Ponleak's best friends killed. Ponleak escaped to Thailand where he spent the next three years mourning for his friends while his family mourned for him. He lamented to us his ordeal. "They thought I was dead ... They performed the funeral and all. It was very hard to spend my time there ... I had lost my best friends." The most surreal aspect of Ponleak's story was the warm aura and good humor that was ever-present throughout his telling of it. Many travelers call Cambodians the "Irish of Asia," and I began to see why.

The Cambodian government proclaimed Ponleak a "false monk," and, in what was perhaps an exchange for amnesty, Ponleak finally decided to trade in his saffron robes for civilian clothes, and to return to Cambodia. We hired Ponleak for our personal tour of Angkor Wat the following day.

If you've seen an Indiana Jones movie, you've glimpsed Angkor Wat. Like many temples built by a sister culture in Myanmar, it is without a doubt one of the ancient wonders of the world, on par with the great pyramids of Egypt and the towering pillars of Greece.

We spent a day meandering through these mythical ruins with Ponleak, as he alternated between detailed history lessons leaping forth from carved corridors and his own political reflections on the country today. "I want you to learn about the grand past of my people. But I also want you to see the real Cambodia for what it is today. I want to write about it, but I have no access to things like computers or the time in my day. This is one reason why I share them with you - so that you can write about the things that I say."

The recent atrocities in Myanmar have pushed me to deliver Ponleak's request. Like the Christian monks who preserved the wisdom of ancient Greece and Rome through the Dark Ages, Buddhist monks across Southeast Asia are doing the same with this region's own brilliant and imperiled knowledge. They cannot do it alone.

Ross Freshwater is a native of Cincinnati and graduate of St. Xavier High School. He holds a bachelor's in political science from Ohio State and a master's in social studies education from Harvard. He is currently a Ph.D. student in Education Leadership and Policy Analysis at the University of Wisconsin.