By Kittipong Thavevong
The Nation
Public attention is firmly focused on the House of Representatives, which is set to vote today after three days of censure debate against Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej and seven Cabinet members.
All of the Cabinet members targeted in the no-confidence grilling are from the People Power Party (PPP), the largest coalition partner.
The outcome is predictable, however. All of the targets will be given a majority vote of approval. In fact, that has been the case throughout Thai political history.
Coalition parties are unlikely to vote against the targeted ministers, even though some of their MPs may complain about "unclear" or "insufficient" explanations offered by certain Cabinet members to the opposition's allegations.
It has been a long-held custom for MPs from coalition parties to vote in support of targeted Cabinet members. The worst thing they can do to particular ministers they really don't trust is to abstain, although it is a secret ballot.
Something more interesting is the consequence of the censure debate.
The prime minister is unlikely to resign his seat and dissolution of the House of Representatives is out of the question.
Samak would rather opt to change the line-up of his Cabinet, in order to mitigate damage done during the censure grilling.
At least two of those targeted in the opposition's censure motion are expected to be replaced in an imminent Cabinet shake-up. They are Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama and Deputy Premier and Commerce Minister Mingkwan Sangsuwan.
Five other Cabinet seats are likely to be affected in a "major" reshuffle, according a source from the ruling PPP, who said the conclusion was arrived at during a discussion between the party's key figures and some banned executives of the disbanded Thai Rak Thai Party.
Outside of Parliament, the street rally by the anti-government People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) is unlikely to be as forceful as before. Most of the issues it raised against the government have been discussed in Parliament.
The government's decision to allow two key parliamentary debates earlier this week - the Senate's general debate on Monday on the country's problems and the lower House's censure debate over the three following days - is like opening the valve to release some political pressure, although the move may have been viewed as too late to resolve the ongoing political crisis.
The controversy over Cambodia's Preah Vihear Temple appeared to draw a large amount of people to the PAD's rally before the censure debate. Many PAD supporters are convinced the foreign minister's recent communique with Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Sok An in support of that country's bid to register the temple ruins as a World Heritage site could cause Thailand to lose more territorial area around Preah Vihear.
The PAD can still use the Preah Vihear controversy as the main ammunition in its assault on the government as long as the foreign minister is allowed to remain in office.
The government needs to sacrifice him for its survival.
The PAD may come up with yet another big issue to attack the government but it is unlikely to be as effective as the Preah Vihear controversy, which has managed to fire up widespread nationalistic fervour.
There is no end in sight for the PAD rally outside of Government House. But as long as the government refrains from use of force with the protesters, its legitimacy is intact.
After a Cabinet shake-up, the government is likely to be left with no major headaches for some time - until it trips itself up again.
All of the Cabinet members targeted in the no-confidence grilling are from the People Power Party (PPP), the largest coalition partner.
The outcome is predictable, however. All of the targets will be given a majority vote of approval. In fact, that has been the case throughout Thai political history.
Coalition parties are unlikely to vote against the targeted ministers, even though some of their MPs may complain about "unclear" or "insufficient" explanations offered by certain Cabinet members to the opposition's allegations.
It has been a long-held custom for MPs from coalition parties to vote in support of targeted Cabinet members. The worst thing they can do to particular ministers they really don't trust is to abstain, although it is a secret ballot.
Something more interesting is the consequence of the censure debate.
The prime minister is unlikely to resign his seat and dissolution of the House of Representatives is out of the question.
Samak would rather opt to change the line-up of his Cabinet, in order to mitigate damage done during the censure grilling.
At least two of those targeted in the opposition's censure motion are expected to be replaced in an imminent Cabinet shake-up. They are Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama and Deputy Premier and Commerce Minister Mingkwan Sangsuwan.
Five other Cabinet seats are likely to be affected in a "major" reshuffle, according a source from the ruling PPP, who said the conclusion was arrived at during a discussion between the party's key figures and some banned executives of the disbanded Thai Rak Thai Party.
Outside of Parliament, the street rally by the anti-government People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) is unlikely to be as forceful as before. Most of the issues it raised against the government have been discussed in Parliament.
The government's decision to allow two key parliamentary debates earlier this week - the Senate's general debate on Monday on the country's problems and the lower House's censure debate over the three following days - is like opening the valve to release some political pressure, although the move may have been viewed as too late to resolve the ongoing political crisis.
The controversy over Cambodia's Preah Vihear Temple appeared to draw a large amount of people to the PAD's rally before the censure debate. Many PAD supporters are convinced the foreign minister's recent communique with Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Sok An in support of that country's bid to register the temple ruins as a World Heritage site could cause Thailand to lose more territorial area around Preah Vihear.
The PAD can still use the Preah Vihear controversy as the main ammunition in its assault on the government as long as the foreign minister is allowed to remain in office.
The government needs to sacrifice him for its survival.
The PAD may come up with yet another big issue to attack the government but it is unlikely to be as effective as the Preah Vihear controversy, which has managed to fire up widespread nationalistic fervour.
There is no end in sight for the PAD rally outside of Government House. But as long as the government refrains from use of force with the protesters, its legitimacy is intact.
After a Cabinet shake-up, the government is likely to be left with no major headaches for some time - until it trips itself up again.
