Strained relations over ancient ruins wrecking lives

Most religious sites invite quiet contemplation, but this border temple of Preah Vihear excites only intemperate passion.

14/10/2010
By Barbara Woolsey
Bangkok Post

The battles have been waged on international platforms and behind closed cabinet doors, but this is more than just politics - this is playing with people's lives.

The Thai-Cambodia border dispute over the Preah Vihear temple is over a century long and for many of the locals, conflict is all they have ever known.

Resting atop a cliff over 1,500 feet above sea level, the ancient place of worship presents a stunning view of extraordinary ruins and endless jungle.

However, its natural beauty and spiritual resonance has been stripped in the ensuing violence undertaken in the name of sovereignty.

Its engimatic beauty is irrelevant. Preah Vihear is a war zone.

Preah Vihear was awarded to Cambodia by the International Court of Justice in 1962, but the clash didn't stop there. When the temple was declared a Unesco World Heritage Site in 2008, the tension between Thailand and its neighbour came to a head - and is arguably now worse than ever.

For many Thais, the Preah Vihear issue is one of security and nationalism. In a recent poll by the National Institute of Development Administration (Nida), nearly 70% of Thai citizens agreed that the government should push Cambodians out of the overlapping area.

But for locals living in the 13 villages across the Thai-Cambodia border, the temple is much more than a symbol of patriotism - it is a constant reminder of economic hardship.

Despite history, "the relationship between Thais and Cambodians used to be like brothers and sisters", said Visit Duangkeaw, a life-long resident of Si Sa Ket province.

"It was very convenient before. We were able to do business on the other side of the border. We could walk freely, that's how easy it was."

When the temple was declared a World Heritage Site, everything changed.

PAD protests against Unesco's decision, border skirmishes and the resulting military presence threw locals for a loop. They expected the temple to become a popular tourist destination, not target practice.

"People used to be able to exchange information with each other, instead of the military standing on either side of the border," said Mr Visit. "Now, I can see the other person, but we can't even contact each other."

In June, access to the temple from Thailand was blocked off completely. The temple is still reachable through a packed laterite road from Siem Reap, passing directly through a Cambodian military base.

For many tourists, Preah Vihear is not worth the travel or the risk.

"I invested a lot of money in my business [when it became a World Heritage Site] and my business has failed," said merchant Chit Pranpop from Pomsarol village in Si Sa Ket.

Ms Chit borrowed money to expand her small restaurant along the Thai gate to Preah Vihear, which has since closed. She is deeply in debt, working at a temporary work agency as a server.

"[My business failed] only because I can no longer contact the other side where people used to buy my stuff," said Ms Chit. "I would like for that old channel to still exist. That was the only way that I could find money for as long as I can remember."

The situation is the same for many locals, who have been forced to leave their villages and seek employment in urban centres.

"I don't have money to feed my children or send them to school," said Pranom Baoton, who left Si Sa Ket province to work in Bangkok. "It used to be convenient to cross the border but I can't do that anymore. That was my business, and now there's no means of income in that area."

The razor wire along the Thai-Cambodian border might as well be laced with bureaucratic red tape. Negative public opinion and the long history of turmoil makes progress slow. For Saing Yon, the damage is done. Last September, the farmer from Oddar Meancheay province in Cambodia found his son in the jungle, shot dead.

"I want to find justice for my child," said Saing. "I want the government to investigate the case and take legal action for my son and other casualties of the conflict. But it's hard to reach those levels.

"I want the Thais to go to Cambodia and the Cambodians to come to Thailand. I want to see committed, strong action legally to understand each other."

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and his Cambodian counterpart Hun Sen have met multiple times - most recently at the Asean-US summit in New York - and vowed cooperation to build checkpoints and end the movement of forces at the border.

While their governments are only beginning to work together amicably, the locals of the Thai-Cambodia border have been strongly unified in their request for a long time.

"Whenever I'm over there, this side or that side, military is all I can see," said Pranom. "I want to see Cambodian and Thai leaders turn face-to-face and talk based on the needs of the people, to find an end to the problems so that people don't suffer like they do today."

Thailand Is Waiting For Appropriate Time To Talk With Cambodia - Suthep

BANGKOK, Aug 5 (Bernama) -- Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban said that Thailand is now waiting for an 'appropriate time' to hold talks with its neighbouring Cambodia over the Preah Vihear temple dispute, Thai News Agency said Thursday.

"The talks could be held later when both nations are more calm, and that is why Thailand did not reserve the right to begin talks," he said when asked to comment on Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's statement on Wednesday.

Abhisit said he was ready to assign his deputy Suthep Thaugsuban to hold talks with Cambodia on the Preah Vihear dispute if the Khmer leadership gives a positive signal for negotiation.

Tension between Thailand and Cambodia rose after the Thai government's delegation objected to Cambodia's unilateral management plan of the ancient temple as the two neighbours could find no common ground to settle the disputed 4.6 sq km of land adjacent to the temple which was granted world heritage status in 2008.

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) through its World Heritage Commission (WHC) consequently last week postponed its discussion of the plan until next year when it meets in Bahrain.

On another issue, Suthep urged civil groups to refrain from rallying under a state of emergency.

Following the planned rally of activist groups at Government House led by Veera Somkwamkid against the Thai government's stance on the issue, Suthep stated that the government is now working to its best ability to protect Thailand's national interest.

He said the Cabinet has already appointed Minister of Natural Resources and Environment Suwit Khunkitti to form a committee to prepare information to argue against Cambodia's attempt to propose a temple management plan.

Suthep urged the activists to hear the correct information on the dispute, while warning those who plan demonstrations at Government House that the State of Emergency is still in force in the capital and that the gathering is considered as violating the law.

He urged the activists to send their representatives to submit their complaint letter to him or to the premier and asked them to bear in mind the law and order of the country.

"Any group who plans to gather to block Government House and stay overnight there is definitely considered violating the law. Please do not come as it will cause more problems," said Suthep.

"I'm not challenging them, but just ask for cooperation."

Meanwhile, on Thursday, Veera said his network comprised of 52 civil groups will rally in Si Sa Ket province bordering Cambodia on Saturday, assserting the move is about the protection of national sovereignty, not politically motivated colour-clad reasoning.

Veera said the government has ignored the problem, as seen from the mistake that the previous government signed the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Cambodia in 2000.

If negotiation between Suthep and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen were held, Veera said it will be mainly for [Suthep's] personal benefit rather than national interest.

Preah Vihear protest: Phuket PAD off to Bangkok

Thursday, August 5, 2010
Phuket Gazette (Thailand)

PHUKET: Phuket members of the People’s Alliance for Democracy will travel to the capital tomorrow to join a rally at Government House, where they will pressure the government to resolve the ongoing dispute over the Preah Vihear temple.

Preah Vihear temple, built on the hilly border between Thailand and Cambodia, was awarded to Cambodia by the International Court of Justice in 1962. It was named a World Heritage site in 2008, but an unresolved dispute over 4.6 square kilometers of land in the area has raised nationalist passions on both sides.

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage Commission (WHC) last week postponed discussing Cambodia's development-management plan for the ancient temple until next year, after it became clear the two countries could not settle the land dispute.

PAD Phuket coordinator Aparat Chartchutikumjorn said the Phuket contingent will leave tomorrow in order to be at Government House in time for the presentation of a protest letter to the Abhisit government on Saturday.

PAD members are certainly no strangers to the protest site. After months of continuous anti-government street protests in Bangkok that began in May 2008, PAD protesters in August that year laid siege to Government House, staying there more than three months with no serious police or military effort to evict them.

When they finally did leave, it was to force the closure of Suvarnabhumi Airport.

This time they plan a much shorter stay in the area, however.

“I am not sure when we will come back, but we won’t stay for too long. We just want to present a letter that asks for clear information about the agreement that Natural Resource and Environment Minister Suwit Khunkitti signed with UNESCO, as we are afraid that he might have signed an agreement with Cambodia [that infringes on Thai sovereignty],” she said.

“We will also ask the government what they plan to do at the [UNESCO] meeting [in Bahrain] next year,” she said.

Phuket PAD members on Tuesday returned to the island from Bangkok after meeting with members of another group. The Phuket PAD chapter falls under a regional grouping with affiliates in 16 other provinces, she explained.

After the Government House rally, some of the Phuket PAD members plan to travel to Srisaket to assist Thais living in the disputed zone.

“The people in that zone have a lot of problems and are unable to earn a living there,” she said.

Most of the PAD members who would join in this effort would be from nearby provinces, but five or six Phuket PAD members as well as some other Phuket supporters will probably join them, she said.

Tens of thousands of people from all parts of the country would join the protest on Saturday, but it is not expected to last long, she said.

Book Review: Thaksin and Thailand's Contentious Foreign Policy

Tuesday, 03 August 2010
Written by John Berthelsen
Asia Sentinel

Reinventing Thailand: Thaksin and His Foreign Policy. Pavin Chachavalpongpun, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies and Silkworm Books . 354 pp. Paperback, available from Amazon, US$74.90.

Former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's drastic remaking of Thailand's economy and society didn't just stop at the country's borders. Almost as soon as he took office in 2001, he set out to drastically remake the country's foreign policy as well, seeking to alter Thailand's famed "bamboo diplomacy" to mould himself into Southeast Asia's newest regional leader in the footsteps of Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew and Malaysia's Mahathir Mohamad.

"Thaksin aspired to transform Thailand into a regional player. To be able to accomplish his goal, he crafted an active foreign policy," writes Pavin Chachavalpongpun, a former Thai diplomat who is currently a Fellow at the Regional Strategic and Political Studies Program at the ASEAN Studies Center, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore. Pavin is the author of the heavily footnoted and scholarly Reinventing Thailand: Thaksin and his Foreign Policy. Thaksin, Pavin writes, "pushed the envelope by binding tightly the country's foreign policy with his domestic populist programs."

The ousted premier's intention to use foreign relations to score political points at home became the driving force for the announcement of a new direction in foreign policy, seeking to make Bangkok a regional center of gravity for mainland Southeast Asia. But as with his domestic policy, Thaksin‘s rise posted a serious threat to the traditional foreign policy elite that had guided policy for generations, and as the domestic establishment did, they sought to cast him out.

A telling episode, the foreword by the UK-based scholar Duncan McCargo, for instance, recounts a famous World War II episode in which the Phibun Songkhram government formed an alliance with Japan and declared war on the United States. However, Seni Pramoj, then the ambassador to Washington, failed to deliver the declaration. When the allies emerged victorious, Thailand claimed its "Free Thai" resistance movement represented the country's real stance. Thus, McCargo writes, "Thailand succeeded in being on both sides during World War II, a rare feat of foreign policy flexibility" and an example of the bamboo diplomacy that allowed policy to bend with the wind.

That was hardly Thaksin's aim. His ambition to reassign Thailand as a "regional hegemon" got assistance from foreign powers, particularly a United States eager to tolerate the prime minister's increasingly autocratic ways in its search for allies to combat what the George W Bush administration called the "global war on terror." Thaksin was very much the globalization advocate, arguing that Thailand had to be prepared for the shifting environment in four areas – the free flow of people and labor, trade and services, investment, and information and technology, and that "the roles of ambassadors and consuls-general were to maintain and expand Thailand's export markets."

In particular, Thaksin reversed policy and steered Bangkok close to the despotic regime in Burma. He also turned Thai foreign policy towards both China and India, both of which proffered wider policy options for Thailand, a recognition that political and international realities were turning away from the west.

Pavin opens the book with 12 pages of pictures illustrating just how much Thaksin appeared overseas – hugging Hun Sen of Cambodia, knee to knee with Lee Kuan Yew, shaking the hand of then Chinese leader Jiang Zemin and Russian President Vladimir Putin, among others. "Thaksin's bold foreign policy agendas, his innovative vision of the world, his reasonable English, prompted him to flaunt his ambition to become the region's next leader." Thaksin had taken power as an unabashed business leader with the ambition to bring business principles to governing.

With the old guard going into retirement – Kuan Yew in Singapore, Mahathir in Malaysia, Suharto falling from power in Indonesia – Thaksin began to look like the next architect of a dynamic, emerging Southeast Asia, no matter how much the hackles were rising on the back of the necks of both his domestic and foreign policy establishment in Thailand. Unfortunately, it began to appear that his business interests, with the sale of his Shin Corp to Singapore's Temasek sovereign wealth fund, and his machinations with providing communications infrastructure to the Burmese, were paramount, and they played a major role in providing the excuse for his ouster.

His ambitions were famously cut short on Sept. 19, 2006, when Thailand's military, backed by royalist factions, removed him from power while he was on an overseas trip and instigate nearly four years of chaos that only ended in May when the Bangkok elite appeared to have finally settled all of the scores and took over. And how that the dust apparently has finally settled, with the elite firmly back in charge, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and the Democrat Party having put down the Red Shirt insurrection, what did Thaksin leave behind him?

"Abhisit has reinstated Asean as the cornerstone of Thai foreign policy," Pavin writes. "Democracy and respect of human rights, long-claimed trademarks of the Democrat Party, feature prominently in Abhisit's foreign policy." Abhisit, Pavin continues, also learned from Thaksin's mistakes, "especially in turning foreign policy into a machine that promoted private interests, and in making an unrealistic and unsustainable foreign policy that focused solely on Thai domination."

Thailand's relationships with its next-door neighbor Cambodia continue to suffer and in fact have been exacerbated by events over the intervening years since Thaksin's ouster, particularly over the Preah Vihear temple, in which Thai nationalists sought to inflame nationalistic sentiment for domestic political reasons. Thaksin, of course, has remained close to Cambodian leader Hun Sen, to Bangkok's outrage.

Thailand's foreign ministry, Pavin writes, "has undoubtedly fallen into the pit of political conflict. The current political situation sees two main opposing political factions, one that supports Thaksin and the other that, to a certain extent, represents the Bangkok elite, exploiting the ministry and using it as a tool to put their political messages across." As a result, "the foreign ministry has been dragged into a seemingly endless, vicious political game that has tainted its reputation deeply and diminished its relative independence in the conduct of diplomacy."

The power struggle of 2001 in the ministry, Pavin, writes, "brought about so many promises in regard to the making of a better and more powerful Thailand in the eyes of outsiders."

Pavin's verdict in the end is that the flaws imbued in Thaksin's foreign policy proved that his vision of foreign affairs was troublesome. The engine that drove his ambitions occasionally sputtered, thus diminishing the credibility of Thailand's diplomacy."

Nor are things likely to get better very soon. As with his domestic policy, that is the sad legacy of a prime minister who sought to grow too big, too powerful, too fast, and the sun melted the wax on his wings. It has been a long and painful fall and, if Pavin is right, it isn't over yet.

The bright yellow washing detergent

1/08/2010
Voranai Vanijaka
Bangkok Post

If it looks like a Hindu, if it was built by a Khmer and if it has all the characteristics of a Cambodian - then it must belong to Thailand. But rest assured, the dispute over the 4.6 square kilometre portion of the Preah Vihear temple isn't really about the 4.6 square kilometres.

It isn't even about Preah Vihear itself. Therefore, this commentary will not dwell on who Preah Vihear really belongs to.

Though this must be said, people seems to neglect the fact that another World Heritage site, Vihear Phra Mongkolpitr in Ayutthaya, may be taken off the World Heritage list by Unesco. The reason is because it's so poorly run that it has become more like a weekend market filled with garbage.

And we, Thailand, still have the gall, the audacity, to make claims with the World Heritage Committee.

But this isn't about Preah Vihear or Vihear Phra Mongkolpitr. This is about the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD). This is about the New Politics Party.

This is about the yellow shirts.

In 2005 when the PAD came out in droves and shook the capital city of Bangkok, they managed to bring the poor and elites together.

Covered head-to-toe in sunscreen, high society khunyings put on their Gucci sunglasses and donned yellow silk blouses and flowery hats. Umbrellas in hand, they took to the streets with their prai counterparts.

How was this possible? The PAD's slogans sang to everyone's heartstrings: down with corruption, taking pride in nationalism and - last but not least, in fact, it's definitely the most - protect the royal institution.

It was simple political ingenuity. It was brilliant.

Suddenly, Thaksin Shinawatra making funny faces during an audience with His Majesty the King became a matter of national controversy.

''He made funny faces. He must be a traitor!''

''He made funny faces. He must want to bring down the monarchy and become president!''

Smack it, wrap it and pack it - the people bought it, hook, line and sinker.

If that wasn't enough, there's Preah Vihear - a place most Thais had never even heard of until the PAD mentioned it.

Sovereignty. Pride. Nationalism.

''That traitor is trading our heritage, our land, our history, for a casino in Koh Kong!''

''He's in collusion with a foreign country!''

Oh how that whipped the Thai people into a fury - then and now.

I say then and now, because that is the cow that the PAD will milk until it runs dry. But you see, this cow never runs dry, for her name is ''pride'', ''nationalistic pride''.

Never mind the corruption bit - any old political movement can sing that tune. But nationalism, sovereignty and the royal institution? Now that is some strong detergent for a thorough washing of the brain.

Do not be surprised that the yellow movement, which has been relatively quiet over the past year, is now making plenty of headlines.

They have merely been building their political networks.

Do not be shocked that Major General Chamlong Srimuang can led a political gathering of hundreds of people to the Unesco offices in Bangkok - a city under emergency decree where a political gathering of the red shirts means a police round-up and into the prison they go.

But a political gathering of the yellows? Well, here's a newsflash: the emergency decree has been renamed ''the Emergency Red Only, with Special Exception to His Excellency Chamlong Srimuang the Untouchable Decree''.

Do not even raise an eyebrow that the yellow banners of nationalism, sovereignty and the royal institution are flying again.

After all, they are now the New Politics Party and Bangkok district elections are coming up.

As well, the general election - by all accounts - could be coming as soon as early next year. Not to mention, the Democrat Party might be dissolved by the Constitution Court over alleged illegal donations.

Somebody is licking their chops at filling the vacuum.

On the Preah Vihear issue, if we were to look at the Thai press we would see columns and articles decrying: ''Abhisit is acting too late!''

''The government is losing our sovereignty!''

''Ignorance and lethargy are causing us to lose our national integrity!''

Well, the mind of the media is as easily washed as anyone else's. It is all playing into the hands of the yellow shirts.

Naturally, in the past week the prime minister came out swinging hooks and uppercuts about saving the integrity of 4.6 square kilometres that looks like a Hindu, was built by a Khmer and has all the characteristics of a Cambodian - all of which supposedly stands on Thai soil.

Fortunately for the prime minister, victory to Thai pride was hailed and integrity was safe. We managed to get a delay in the decision because we threatened: ''We're gonna quit and won't play with you guys anymore! Boo hoo!''

At the heart of it, the prime minister didn't have much choice. Failing to act, he may have been branded ''a sell-out'' or even ''a traitor''. No politicians, especially ones in government, can afford that.

Shouting the slogans of pride, nationalism, sovereignty and the royal institution worked out wonderfully for the yellow shirts four years ago in helping to bring down Thaksin Shinawatra. Today, the same slogans will help to expand their political power.

Patriotism is the love of one's country. Nationalism is the vanity of one's country. You see, dear readers, it is not about 4.6 square kilometres. It is not about Preah Vihear.

It's about the yellow shirts. It's about the PAD.

It's about the New Politics Party making its move to win the Thai people's hearts and minds, and hence our votes, by appealing to that basest of society's instincts - nationalism.

Thailand and Cambodia vie over temple [-Correction: Preah Vihear temple is Cambodia's property!]

Saturday, July 31, 2010
Zoe Daniel
ABC (Australia)

Listen to this story (MP3)

ELIZABETH JACKSON: A renewed stoush has broken out over the management of the disputed Preah Vihear temple on the border of Thailand and Cambodia.

Two years ago the temple was given World Heritage Status and now Cambodia has submitted a management plan for the site.

But this week protestors took to the streets of Bangkok opposing the plan.

The Thai government threatened to pull out of UNESCO altogether, arguing the plan threatens Thai sovereignty and regional peace.

South East Asia correspondent Zoe Daniel reports from Bangkok.

ZOE DANIEL: There are few more divisive issues in South East Asia than the ownership of the majestic Preah Vihear temple that perches on the mountainous border between Thailand and Cambodia.

The temple was declared to belong to Cambodia in 1962 and in 2008 it was given World Heritage Status.

But Thailand has always disputed Cambodia's ownership of the site and opposed the World Heritage application.

Now Cambodia's management plan for the area has re-opened debate. Thailand argued against it even being considered by UNESCO.

Thailand is now celebrating after discussion on the plan was delayed.

Natural Resources and environment minister Suwit Khunkitti.

SUWIT KHUNKITTI (translated): The important outcome was the postponement of the decision until next year.

ZOE DANIEL: UNESCO says the Cambodian plan was submitted to the wrong committee. It involves the management of the temple and its surrounds.

But Thailand argues that it breaches its sovereignty because 4.6 square kilometres of the surrounding area belongs to Thailand.

Cambodian Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan disagrees.

PHAY SIPHAN: We do our best to keep that area to be peace and respect the people interests and respect what decision of the World Heritage. So we as a civilised nation, we treat everybody like a- respectably like a civilised nation – abide with our international obligation.

ZOE DANIEL: In fact Thailand's prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva threatened that Thailand would resign from UNESCO if the plan was adopted.

About one thousand people rallied outside UNESCO's offices in Bangkok in support of his stance.

There have been intermittent skirmishes between Thai and Cambodian troops in the vicinity of the temple in the past two years and the prime minister warned the Thai army stands ready to defend the country's sovereignty.

Cambodian Council Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan accuses him of playing politics.

PHAY SIPHAN: I’m just back from the border and the military – Thai military – they understand that. I told them and they told me that ‘We’re not going to fight (inaudible) because of politics’.

They know that a current government – Thai government – lead by Abhisit is looking for political support by using Preah Vihear as the extreme nationalist for them to earn support, earn popularity from the Thais. He’s not honest (with) the Thai people.

ZOE DANIEL: The plan for the management of the temple will now be considered next year.

ELIZABETH JACKSON: Zoe Daniel with that report from Bangkok.

Politics, confusion stall temple solution

September 2, 2009
By Supalak Ganjanakhundee
The Nation

The dispute with Cambodia over Preah Vihear Temple will not end easily since political forces in Thailand are keen only on presenting more problems, rather than pushing for a constructive solution. The unnecessary conflict with Cambodia broke out more than 13 months ago when the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and the Democrat Party, then in opposition, forced the Thai government to object to Cambodia's proposal to list the 11th century Khmer sanctuary as a world heritage site.

Since the Thai attempt to block the World Heritage Committee's decision to grant the status failed, the fight should now be over. Two border skirmishes in October last year and April this year, which claimed seven soldiers on both sides and injured many others, should have been a high enough price for Thai jealousy.

People in the border province of Si Sa Ket were supposed to have resumed their businesses, earning income from the attractive world heritage listed site. Closure of the tourism site for more than a year is not good for anybody.

Thousands of troops from both sides, deployed to the disputed area adjacent to the Hindu temple more than a year ago, should have a chance to relax and rejoin their families. There's no point in having troops confront each other, since the two countries have no real intention of waging a war.

Thai and Cambodian commanders have no desire for conflict. They have talked several times and agreed again and again to solve the problem peacefully.

In the latest development, the Cambodian army has cut 50 per cent of its troops at the disputed area and withdrawn to their barracks in the southwest Kampot province - the outcome of a meeting last week between Thai Supreme Commander General Songkitti Jaggabatra and his Cambodian counterpart, General Pol Saroeun. Nevertheless, a significant number of troops remain and the Preah Vihear stays closed.

Foreign ministries from the two countries have made it clear they should sit together for talks and end the conflict diplomatically. They began their work late last year when the Thai-Cambodian Joint Commission on Demarcation for Land Boundary (JBC) met in November in Siem Reap, the first ever after the Preah Vihear new riff. The JBC met twice this year in February and April to lay out plans for boundary demarcation and provisional arrangements.

However, further discussion could not be pursued since the Thai Constitution's article 190 requires the Foreign Ministry to bring minutes of the three meetings back for Parliament's consideration.

It is widely misunderstood among some academics and senators that the JBC has set the provisional arrangements, causing a loss of Thai sovereignty over the disputed area of 4.6 square kilometres. Some senators threatened to reject the committee reports during a session on Wednesday, blocking further talk of the JBC.

In fact, what the JBC has done regarding the provisional arrangement for the disputed area has been to reach an agreement to name security units there as 'temporary military monitoring'. The real arrangement has yet to be done.

The provisional arrangement is needed for both sides to jointly run the disputed area as long as the demarcation remains unfinished. It includes a plan for troop redeployment in the disputed area.

It remained unclear whether it is purely the PAD-backed senators' misunderstanding or political motivation driving their objection to the JBC report.

The opposition Pheu Thai Party, supposedly experts on the matter since their experience in government last year, managed to delay the Parliament session on Monday, cornering Defence Minister Pravit Wongsuwan over Cambodia's road construction in the disputed area.

They know very well that the road problem can be solved only through the JBC, but intend to delay JBC talks by derailing the Parliament session to discredit and gain revenge on the Democrat-led government.

As Parliament has opened a session for Preah Vihear debate again today, all politicians should not delay it again but encourage the JBC to work to bring peace into the border area.

The use of Cambodia's Preah Vihear dispute to provoke political conflict in Thailand could lead to a state of lawlessness: Former Thammasat U. rector

Rector: Charter amendment time bomb

20/08/2009
BangkokPost.com

The September 2006 military coup will not be the last because the constitutional amendment proposals are a political time bomb, former Thammasat University rector Charnwit Kasetsiri said on Thursday.

His was speaking at a forum on “The way out of social, economic and political crisis” organised by the university.

Mr Charnwit also said the failure of the old political party to win the hearts of most people through its populist policies amounted to a second political time bomb.

“The country is likely to face a political tsunami as there is no solution to the social, economic and political problems”, he said said.

He was concerned that there could be a state of lawlessness in the country because the Preah Vihear dispute with Cambodia, which should have been put to rest five decades ago, was being used to provoke political conflict.

Mr Charnwit suggested four solutions;

1) Create a sense of unity between the grassroots and the middle and high classes in Bangkok and other big cities.
2) The 2007 constitution should be rewritten to ensure a true democracy.
3) The monarchy must be enshrined as the country’s highest institution to prevent it from being exploited for political gain by any particular group.
4) The military, civil and and justice arms of government must be free from political interference.

If these four factors did not materialise the country would never escape the continual upheaval, he concluded.

Thailand raises Preah Vihear issue to divert attention away from its domestic political problems

20 June 2009
By Mom Sophon
Radio Free Asia
Translated from Khmer by Socheata
Click here to read the article in Khmer

An opposition MP indicated that Thailand is diverting its domestic political problem by blaming UNESCO for listing Cambodia’s Preah Vihear temple as a World Heritage site. Furthermore, he indicated that Thailand still refuses to accept responsibility for its armed clashes with Cambodia near the temple.
The above statement was a response by an opposition MP to the recent statement made by Abhisit Vejjajiva, Thailand PM, who told reporters that he wanted UNESCO’s World Heritage committee to review the listing of Cambodia’s Preah Vihear temple. Abhisit claimed that prior to the listing of the temple, there were no serious armed confrontations near the temple zone.

SRP MP Son Chhay declared: “We observe that the political problems in Thailand have not been resolved yet, therefore, every one of the Thai leaders used the Preah Vihear issue to divert attention from their domestic political problems and to calm down their population. For Cambodia, we believe that the government will take a number of measures. UNESCO cannot make a decision, and then revisits this decision again based on the will of a country.”

Son Chhay added that Cambodia has all the necessary rights based on the 1962 decision handed down by The Hague International Court of Justice, and on the decision made by the UNESCO World Heritage committee during its meeting in Quebec, Canada. Furthermore, Cambodia’s territorial integrity is also guaranteed by the Paris Peace Agreements.

On 20 June, HRP MP Yem Ponharith said that Thailand continues to pursue its violation on Cambodia’s territory, and it also continues to try to obtain benefits from Preah Vihear temple in spite of the fact that The Hague International Court of Justice had decided that the temple belongs to Cambodia.

Yem Ponharith said: “I believe that the way they [Thailand] talk, they seem to consider Preah Vihear temple as being theirs, and that’s why they ask for a review. Now, the [Cambodian] government should understand this issue clearly, it should not allow this situation to go on from one day to another anymore. I believe that this is a clear violation on our national independence and sovereignty.”

Last week, Hun Sen told reporters also that Thailand’s attempt to ask UNESCO to review the listing of Preah Vihear as a World Heritage site during UNESCO’s 33rd meeting in Spain in June will not be successful.

Sacrava's Political Cartoon: Mr. Pardon

Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com)

Politicising Preah Vihear issue could make things worse

March 26, 2009
By Supalak Ganjanakhundee
The Nation

The opposition and red-shirted protesters should not "politicise" the Thailand-Cambodia border issue for their own benefit in the battle against the government, since such a move could spoil the on-going border settlement efforts. Ads by Google

This country has already learnt from previous episodes of power struggle that nationalism and politicised border conflict can worsen relations with its neighbour.

The red-shirted Democratic Alliance against Dictatorship (DAAD) should not repeat this mistake because it would not bring any good to the country, only problems and trouble.

The yellow-shirted People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) protesters employed the notion of bruised nationalism to politicise the border dispute at Preah Vihear to shoot down Noppadon Pattama from his post as foreign minister last year.

The PAD and its allies in Parliament accused Noppadon of claiming lost sovereignty over the disputed areas adjacent to the temple. The attack not only toppled Noppadon but also brought on a border skirmish in October 2008, which killed four soldiers on both sides.

Former foreign minister Tej Bunnag spent every minute of his one month in office fixing the problem. He reinstalled the Thai-Cambodia Joint Commission on Demarcation of the Land Boundary (JBC), a mechanism of negotiation for demarcation and provisional arrangement to handle the disputed areas.

The JBC is now working hard to lay out fundamental plans and infrastructure to demarcate the boundary and settle the dispute.

However, the task is still at an early stage and the boundary is not yet clear. Some disputes still remain since both sides have not stopped developing the border for economic benefit. Cambodia has built a new road to the Preah Vihear through an overlapping area, prompting diplomatic protests from Thailand.

Of course, making any change in the overlapping area is against the Memorandum of Understanding signed by both countries in 2000, but such a violation should not lead to a major conflict between the two sides.

The JBC could handle the issue. It can use diplomatic negotiation and technical methods to settle the problem provided the issue is not over-politicised.

Unfortunately, the opposition Pheu Thai Party during the censure debate last week borrowed the PAD and Democrat's tactics to turn the tables, using the Thai-Cambodian border issue to attack Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya. The opposition, together with DAAD, accused Kasit of losing 250 metres of territory as he ignored Cambodia's road construction in the overlapping area. They demanded that Kasit adopt the very same rhetoric he used when he joined the PAD protest last year.

They know, like Kasit and the PAD, that nationalism is nonsense in this context and never helps settle a border dispute with a neighbouring country; it could even worsen the situation. A worse border situation would mean trouble for the government in domestic political affairs.

The JBC is scheduled to have the next round of meetings in Phnom Penh on April 6-7 to continue negotiations on boundary demarcation and a provisional arrangement for the disputed area near Preah Vihear. Political pressure at home could jeopardise the talks.

The JBC has some differences to overcome in the next meeting - seeking a common term to call the Hindu temple on the cliff, which Thailand wants to call Phra Viharn while Cambodia prefers Preah Vihear. They also need a single name for a security unit to take care of the area.

Vasin Teeravechyan, head of Thai JBC, said he could not expect the next meeting to yield a breakthrough, since both sides have no point of compromise.

As long as terms for the temple are not settled, the minute of agreement could not be signed and other tasks could not be started, he said.

However, negotiators and technicians could find a solution eventually, he said, as long as politicians and protesters don't pressure the talks.

"I always say that the boundary demarcation is time-consuming work. If we rush to get the result, we will lose everything," he said.

Cambodia denies Thaksin link in Thai temple spat

Fri Jun 27, 2008
By Ek Madra

PHNOM PENH (Reuters) - Cambodia denied on Friday claims by a group trying to oust the Thai government that Bangkok had covertly ceded land near the disputed 900-year-old Preah Vihear temple on their joint border.

Foreign Minister Hor Namhong said there was also no truth in the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) assertion that Thailand had backed Cambodia's bid to list the temple as a U.N. World Heritage Site in return for business concessions for ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

"This has nothing to do with that. But these people used it as pretext for their own political exploitation," he told a news conference.

"Thailand did not lose any land -- not even a square centimeter or handprint," he said.

"They took up this issue for political purposes in their aims to topple the Thai government, which would hurt the cooperation and friendship with Cambodia."

Preah Vihear, built by Khmer kings in the 11th century at the start of the Angkorian period, sits on top of a jungle-clad escarpment that forms a natural boundary between Cambodia and Thailand and has been a source of tension for decades.

The site was awarded to Cambodia by the International Court of Justice in 1962 in a decision that rankles with most Thais.

The ruins were off-limits for much of the 1970s to the 1990s, while the temple and surrounding forest were occupied by Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge.

Cambodia closed the temple again this week for fears a nationalist frenzy whipped up by the anti-Thaksin PAD and the opposition Democrat party during a no-confidence debate in parliament could turn into a major ruction.

Several dozen Thai activists with 40,000 signatures went to U.N. cultural agency offices and the Cambodian embassy in Bangkok calling for a delay in the listing until both countries had settled the dispute.

"We want to tell them that the people of Thailand disagree with what our stubborn government is doing," campaign leader Walwipha Charoonroj, who said she had received help from the PAD, told Reuters.

Fears of a major fallout over Preah Vihear are not fanciful, given that a nationalist mob torched the Thai embassy in Phnom Penh in 2003 over purported comments from a Thai soap star that Cambodia's Angkor Wat temples actually belonged to Thailand.

After the closure, Defence Minister Tea Banh denied a Thai newspaper report he was sending extra soldiers to the border, but said he was "watching the situation closely".

Tea Banh was quoted last month in Thai newspapers as saying Thaksin, ousted in a 2006 coup, was looking to invest in a resort-style entertainment complex on the Cambodian island of Koh Kong.

(Additional reporting by Nopporn Wong-Anan in Bangkok; Writing by Ed Cropley; Editing by Jerry Norton)

Thai Temple Protests 'Exploitation': Minister

By Mean Veasna, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
27 June 2008

Click here to listen the Khmer audio program

Foreign Minister Hor Namhong said on Friday he regretted the "political exploitation" of protests in Thailand over the application of Preah Vihear temple for Unesco World Heritage protection.

Thousands of demonstrators led by the Thai opposition party, the People's Alliance for Democracy, have taken to the streets of Bangkok in recent weeks over an agreement between Thailand and Cambodia to allow Cambodia to forward the Preah Vihear temple application.

A small number of protesters made their way to the border temple last week, but they have gone now, and the temple was temporarily closed to visitors as a result.

"I deeply regret that some Thai politicians and political parties have taken this question of Preah Vihear to political exploitation without basis," Hor Namhong told reporters Friday. The protesting "causes injury to friendship and cooperation, which are very good between our two countries."

Thai entrance to the temple remains closed, but the temple is open from the Cambodian side, a Preah Vihear provincial official said Friday.

Preah Vihear temple was built in the 10th Century and its Cambodian ownership disputed. A 1962 International Court ruling sided with Cambodia's claims to the temple, but the borderlands surrounding it remain in dispute.

Cambodia warns border temple debate could harm Thai relations

June 27, 2008
AFP

PHNOM PENH - FLARING nationalist sentiment in Thailand over a contested Hindu temple on the Cambodian border threatens to harm ties between the neighbours, Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong said on Friday.

The two countries have reached a deal setting out the border around the Preah Vihear temple, which Cambodia wants to have recognised by the UN's cultural body UNESCO as a World Heritage site, in hopes of drawing tourists.

But Thai Foreign Minister Noppadan Pattama has come under fire for agreeing to the deal, which became a key issue in a no-confidence debate against the Thai government this week.

The Thai government easily survived the vote of no confidence on Friday, but the debate has moved the temple to the forefront of domestic politics.

'Political parties in Thailand should not exploit the Preah Vihear temple issue in their domestic struggles. That could cause harm to the good cooperation and friendship between the two countries,' Mr Hor Namhong told reporters.

Cambodia this week closed the temple after more than 100 Thais marched to the compound to protest the deal, which they say resulted in Thailand losing territory at the border point.

Mr Hor Namhong insisted that Thailand will not lose any territory.

'The drawing of the Preah Vihear map to be listed as a World Heritage site does not affect the border at all,' Mr Hor Namhong told reporters. 'Thailand will not lose even one centimetre of land.' Cambodia last year attempted to have the ancient Hindu temple, perched on a mountaintop on the Thai-Cambodia border, listed by UNESCO. But that effort failed, amid rumours Thailand had blocked the deal.

Cambodia began seeking World Heritage status for the temple, which has long plagued relations between the two countries, nearly six years ago.

Both countries have historically laid claim to the site, which sits on Cambodian soil but can only be easily accessed from Thailand.

Former Cambodian King Norodom Sihanouk took Thailand to the World Court in 1962 over the two countries' claim to Preah Vihear. The court ruled the temple belonged to Cambodia.

Cambodia says no reason to politicise temple

Phnom Penh (dpa) - Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong Friday accused elements in the Thai opposition of politicising the disputed 11th century Hindu temple of Preah Vihear and called it "regretable."

"I deeply regret that some political parties in Thailand use Preah Vihear temple to push the Thai government and disrupt relations between our two countries," he told a press conference.

"Thailand has not ceded one centimetre of land to Cambodia there."

Cambodia closed the border at the site of the hilltop temple late Sunday after a rally by anti-Thai government protestors there.

With ongoing political tensions in Thailand and national elections scheduled for July 27 in Cambodia, the government said the closure was a proactive measure to ensure the safety of citizens on both sides of the border and prevent the issue from escalating.

Hor Namhong said Cambodia's application to have the temple, sacred to both countries, listed as a World Heritage site was in no way related to Cambodian politics and had been underway long before national election campaigning began.

The International Court in The Hague awarded the temple to Cambodia over Thailand in 1962.

Hor Namhong's dominant Cambodian People's Party (CPP) is expected to handsomely win the upcoming elections.

Unlike some of its opposition parties, the CPP, which prides itself on universal diplomacy and has particularly close links with Vietnam, traditionally focuses its campaigns on improvements in local infrastructure and shies away from nationalistic rhetoric.

Thai premier survives no-confidence vote

Thu, Jun 26, 2008
The Associated Press

Thailand's prime minister survived a no-confidence vote Friday, fending off opposition accusations of incompetence, mismanagement and yielding national sovereignty.

The parliamentary opposition's motion against Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej was rejected Friday in the 470-member lower house of Parliament by a vote of 280-162, with the rest of the lawmakers abstaining or absent. The lawmakers also rejected no-confidence motions against seven other Cabinet members.

The voting results were largely expected because Samak's six-party coalition, led by his People's Power Party, controls two-thirds of the seats in the lower house.

Despite the victory, Samak and his government continue to face political hurdles including street protests that have hounded his government for the past month.

Critics accuse Samak's government, which took office in February, of mismanaging the ailing Thai economy and of being a proxy for ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. He has angrily denied all the allegations.

The opposition also accused him of bypassing Parliament last week when he endorsed Cambodia's application for UNESCO World Heritage Site status for a disputed border temple. The temple is located on still-disputed territory although it was awarded to Cambodia by the International Court of Justice in 1962.

The 11th-century temple has been the subject of a territorial dispute between Cambodia and Thailand for decades and many Thais still claim the temple for Thailand.

Protesters led by the People's Alliance for Democracy have rallied on the streets of Bangkok for a month and have occupied the area around Government House, the seat of Thailand's government, since breaking through a police cordon one week ago.

The protesters allege that Samak's government is interfering with corruption charges against Thaksin, who was ousted in a 2006 coup.

The alliance led mass demonstrations before the 2006 coup demanding Thaksin step down for alleged corruption and abuse of power. The alliance leaders have said they will not be satisfied until Samak's entire government steps down.

Opposition leader Abhisit Vejjajiva accused Samak during debate earlier in the week of mishandling the economy and failing to ease the impact of soaring oil prices, interfering with freedom of the press and violating national interests.

"Even after four months in power, the administration massively mismanaged the country, with no unity, no direction and no efficiency," Abhisit said.

Samak defended the government's economic policy, saying the whole world faced soaring costs driven by oil price hikes.

A Cambodian Temple Roils Thai Politics

26 June 2008
Brian McCartan Asia Sentinel (Hong Kong)

Opponents of the Samak government find a new cause in a border dispute with Cambodia

The censure debate against Thailand’s ruling Samak Sundaravej administration is increasingly focused on a red herring -- the government’s support for Cambodia’s application for World Heritage status for a ninth-century temple at the centre of a long standing border dispute.

While the Samak government can be accused of many sins, the controversy over the Preah Vihear temple is relatively minor in comparison. However, in intensely nationalist Thailand any perceived threat against national sovereignty and territorial integrity is sure to provoke an outcry, and opposition parties out to oust the Samak government have seized on the temple issue as yet another way to add to the pressure.

Samak’s government is already in the hot seat due to allegations of corruption, an unnecessary attempt to amend the constitution, claims of proxy politics and especially its inability to deal with rising energy costs, inflation and economic issues, and particularly its perceived closeness to the opposition’s bête noire, the ousted former prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra.

Dissatisfaction with the government has led to more than a month of street demonstrations in Bangkok organized by the People’s Alliance for Democracy, which was instrumental in Thaksin’s ouster by the military in September of 2006. The current demonstrations begun on 25 May, were initially organized to protest proposed amendments to the constitution that were deemed as unnecessary and aimed only at allowing the reinstatement of banned politicians of Thaksin’s Thai Rak Thai party.

The push for constitutional amendments was eventually dropped by Samak’s People Power Party-led coalition government, but the street protests continued, escalating their demands to the ouster of the Samak regime. On June 20, the demonstrators broke through police barriers to surround Government House, the seat of the Thai government. They have remained there, setting up makeshift tents and vowing to stay until Samak and his cabinet step down.

Rising fuel and food costs have resulted in other protests across the country by farmers, truckers and others that have added weight to the PAD protests. However, as of yet, the PAD has received very little support from the middle class, especially in Bangkok. The middle class, who did come out in large numbers during the anti-Thaksin demonstrations, are deemed to be essential for the successful removal of the government, such as what happened to the Chavalit Yongchaiyudh government in 1997 following the Asian financial crisis of the same year.

The demonstrators have also received little hint of sympathy from the military or the royal family, also essential to their success. Samak appears to have come to some kind of an agreement with Army commander General Anupong Paochinda, who would prefer not to have to call the army out of its barracks. Samak also has strong ties to the royal palace, where his family has worked for generations.

In a nationally televised meeting between Thai King Bhumibol Adulyadej, Prime Minister Samak and Samak’s deputies on 19 June, the King appeared to give tacit approval to Samak’s administration. King Bhumibol told Samak, “I expect that you will do what you have promised and when you can do that, you will be satisfied.” The monarch went on to say, “With that satisfaction the country will survive. I ask you to do good in everything, both in government work and other work, so that our country can carry on and the people will be pleased.” That was two days after the cabinet had ratified the Cambodian temple pact.

Samak, however, played into the opposition’s hands when he allowed Noppadon to sign the joint communiqué on the temple. The opposition Democrats and the PAD are aware that the censure debate is unlikely to unseat Samak’s administration without a break in his coalition government. They are also aware that the protests do not yet have the numbers or the crucial support of the middle classes, the military or the royal court to bring about the government’s downfall. By stirring up nationalist sentiment and painting Samak and Thai Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama and by extension their government, as selling out Thailand to Cambodia, the opposition hoped to sway more people over to its side.

The day after the cabinet endorsed the Joint Communiqué, 18 June, the PAD latched onto the deal to whip up nationalist fervor, something that in ultra-nationalist Thailand is sure to win supporters. The opposition Democrat Party followed suite in the censure debate and made the issue a central component of their attack on the Samak government.

The Preah Vihear Hindu temple itself was built between the ninth and 12th centuries. The temple grounds lie astride the Thai-Cambodian border with the temple itself on the Cambodian side, but with the approach and a ceremonial pool on the Thai side. A high, steep cliff on the Cambodian side makes access very difficult making the only entrance through Thailand.

The area has long been contested by the Thai and Cambodian governments. After French colonial troops pulled out of Indochina in 1954, the Thai army occupied the site. In 1959, the Cambodian government protested the Thai presence and took the case to the World Court, whose 1962 decision said that the temple belonged to Cambodia. The decision was based on a map drawn up by French colonial authorities in 1907 as a result of a joint Thai-French border commission.

The map that showed Preah Vihear temple on the Cambodian side of the border was sent to the Thai government at the time. The World Court cited the Thai government’s lack of objection to the map in the intervening 50 years as proof of their acceptance of the border demarcation. Thailand, while abiding by the court’s decision, claimed it reserved the right to contest the issue. The court’s decision did not, however, decide ownership of a further 4.6 kilometers of border to the west and north of the temple which remain in dispute.

The issue of ownership of the temple and the disputed border areas around it came to a head again in 2007 when the Cambodian government put forward the site to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization for World Heritage status. The attempt resulted in protests from Thailand, especially since the proposal included not only the temple but the 4.6 kilometers of disputed territory. The military-backed government of Surayudh Chulanont, in an attempt to diffuse any possible tensions over the area, suggested a joint application, but this was rejected by the Cambodian government.

Cambodia refiled their application this year and again courted the Thai government for its approval. This time Samak’s government decided to support the Cambodian push for UNESCO registration. After negotiations in Phnom Penh a joint communiqué endorsing Cambodia’s application was signed by Noppadon and Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Sok An and endorsed by the Thai Cabinet on June 17. UNESCO is due to consider the application at a meeting in Quebec on 2-10 July.

Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva invoked nationalist feelings in the parliament by telling lawmakers, “I hope that all Thai MPs will show distruct of the prime minister and the foreign minister. And I ask all Thai MPs to be open minded and listen to the opposition’s information, so that they will realize what to do next.” The loss of any territory is seen by most Thais as a grave affront to national pride. In recent years there have been several shooting matches between the Thai and Burmese armies over boundary disputes along Thailand’s northern border. A brief border war was fought with Laos in 1987-88 over a boundary dispute in the northeast.

Preah Vihear temple, however, seems to be a non-issue. Samak certainly seems to think so. During Monday’s censure debate he cited Article 61 of the World Court’s regulations which states that, “No application for revision may be made after the lapse of ten years from the date of judgment.” He further argued that Thailand already lost the case in 1962 and it is time that Thais come to terms with it. Samak and Noppadon have also claimed that both the Army and the Survey Department have looked at the Cambodian map, compared it to their own maps, and have agreed that the deal did not infringe on Thai sovereignty. The army has yet to make a public statement on the issue.

This is something Thais are obviously not yet ready to do. Over 300 distinguished Thais, including several senators, artists and academics, submitted a letter of protest to UNESCO over the decision on 24 June. A petition was also filed with the Administrative Court by opponents of the deal on the same day. The Administrative Court was slated to hold a hearing yesterday to consider an injunction against the cabinet’s decision.

The opposition claims the decision should have been put before parliament first since it could be deemed an international treaty. Article 190 of the constitution calls for treaties to be deliberated in parliament before being agreed to. The opposition alleges that Samak and Noppadon bypassed parliament and the Thai people in agreeing to a deal that could affect national sovereignty.

At issue for some is why did the Samak government rush into the deal and not press for a joint application like the previous government? A joint application, it is reasoned by some Thai academics and politicians, would be advantageous to both sides and defuse land disputes around the temple. Samak and Noppadon argue that the only thing they have agreed to is that the temple is owned by Cambodia and that no Thai land has been given up. Instead they have called for a buffer zone be created out of the disputed 4.6 kilometers around the temple.

The PAD says they have the answer. They allege that the temple was “sold” to Cambodia in exchange for gas deals in the recently found gas fields off Cambodia’s coast and for a deal to construct a casino on Koh Kong Island adjacent to Thailand’s eastern Trat province. Although no real concrete evidence has been presented to back up these claims, the lack of trust in the Samak government is enough for most people to believe it is possible.

Rather than argue about more relevant issues, like the economy, inflation, rising fuel prices, the continuing insurgency in the South and allegations of the PPP government functioning as a proxy for Thaksin’s banned Thai Rak Thai, all of which the government has done almost nothing about, the opposition and the PAD have resorted to stoking the fires of nationalism over an ancient Khmer temple whose ownership was decided 46 years ago and is perched on about seven kilometers of land that has almost no relevance to the lives of the majority of Thais besides those who run tours to the temple or own shops selling food, drink and souvenirs in the area. The ploy is unlikely to work.

THAI POLITICS: The censure debate and its implications

Friday June 27, 2008
THITINAN PONGSUDHIRAK
Bangkok Post

The concerted movement to bring down the People Power party-led government of Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej this week shifted its focus from street protests to a parliamentary censure debate.

As parliament's current session ends tomorrow, the government initially wanted only to debate the Budget Bill rather than to allow a censure motion, as it has been in power for just four months. However, the pressure from street demonstrators under the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) prompted the government to concede to a censure debate. While the government is likely to win the vote in the Lower House when the debate concludes today, Mr Samak and a clutch of his cabinet ministers will be so bruised with their credibility shaken to a point that a wide-ranging cabinet reshuffle will be needed.

After the censure debate, the PAD will continue to undermine the government's credibility and legitimacy in the streets, stymieing Mr Samak's limited ability to address pressing economic difficulties. His position after the censure debate will thus become untenable.

As the only party in opposition, the Democrat party has decided to focus its attack on only seven ministers from the PPP, leaving aside all the cabinet members from the other five coalition partners. This tactic is designed to isolate Mr Samak and the largest ruling party, opening up the possibility of coalition partners crossing over and the remote chance that Democrat party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva will cobble up an alternative coalition and scale to the premiership in the event the sitting prime minister is compelled to resign.

The opposition is now part of a three-pronged attack, led in the censure debate by the Democrats and in a separate anti-government motion by the mostly appointed portion of the Senate, as well as outside parliament by the PAD.

The beleaguered Samak government still commands almost two-thirds of MPs in the 480-member Lower House, with more than 220 under the PPP. Notwithstanding the manoeuvres during the debate, the government's numbers are sufficient to ensure political survival when the censure motion goes to a vote today.

However, the PPP's partners will gain more leverage within the ruling coalition and may try to convert it for better portfolio allotments down the line.

The opposition has had ample ammunition to take the Samak government to task. It has mostly focused on policy missteps, standard-of-living issues and alleged conflicts of interest. Central to the Democrats' censure manoeuvres has been the hot controversy surrounding Preah Vihear temple along the Thai-Cambodian border. The Samak government has inked a settlement that recognises Cambodia's sovereignty over the temple complex and its adjoining parcel of land. A verdict by the International Court of Justice in 1962 indicated that the temple belonged to Cambodia but Thai perceptions insist that its location has been, and should be, on Thai soil, despite growing accounts by respected Thai historians to the contrary.

Stirring up nationalist fervour, the PAD has accused the government of selling out to Cambodia with vested interests hidden behind the deal, an allusion to former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra's reported business intentions in Cambodia, with particular reference to the development of Koh Kong island.

The Preah Vihear temple affair is being shaped by the PAD and the opposition as the equivalent of Mr Thaksin's sale of his family-owned Shin Corp conglomerate to Singapore's Temasek Holdings in early 2006, which became the last straw that eventually overthrew his regime.

The Samak government did not help matters by pressing ahead without doing the necessary homework and earning public trust to settle the temple ownership, border demarcation, and registration as a World Heritage site.

While this issue is unlikely to be enough for a government downfall, it will continue to erode the government's credibility in the absence of corrective measures and adequate explanations to the public. It is incumbent on the government to take a pause on the Preah Vihear controversy in order to clarify and overcome doubts and allegations of a sell-out.

The censure debate has highlighted Mr Samak's weaknesses and his government's shortcomings. The prime minister is now embattled. He has a narrow base within PPP, which is beset with internal rumblings from different factions. Mr Samak also faces friction with other parties in the coalition. His lack of policy expertise and his ill temper have worsened his lot in the eyes of the public, fanning the PAD's flames.

At minimum, he will have to revamp his cabinet to shore up government performance. Getting rid of cabinet liabilities, such as Interior Minister Chalerm Yubamrung, would be a start, but more policy hands are needed in key economy-related portfolios. More policy coordination between ministries led by PPP and coalition partners is needed. The semblance of policy effectiveness in the face of growing hardships and rising food and energy prices is imperative.

Even if he manages a significant cabinet reshuffle and more responsive policy measures, Mr Samak will still be pressed by the PAD and its anti-government allies in parliament. His endgame will be drawn out but its denouement is likely weeks away. The key now is not whether he will be forced out well before his term ends, but how Mr Samak intends to leave the stage.

Foremost in his mind should be a transition that is within parliamentary and constitutional boundaries, not the detour and short cut that the PAD is demanding in the name of a warped paradigm called Thailand's so-called "new politics" of less representation and more nomination and appointment.

The writer is Associate Professor and Director of the Institute of Security and International Studies, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University.

Court asked to nullify deal on Preah Vihear: Democrats, senators say Noppadon wrong

Burning of the Thai embassy in Cambodia in 2003

Friday June 27, 2008
Bangkok POST REPORTERS

Supreme Commander Gen Boonsang Niampradit said the air force had already put its C-130 aircraft on standby in case it was necessary to evacuate Thais from Cambodia if the issue gets out of hand.

The Democrat party and a group of senators are separately asking the Constitution Court to nullify Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama's signing of the joint statement with Cambodia to back Phnom Penh's bid to have the Preah Vihear temple listed as a World Heritage site. The move comes as the Administrative Court yesterday started the process of deciding whether to accept the case forwarded by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) to nullify the cabinet resolution on June 17 to endorse the map of the temple.

The map and the joint statement will be used by the Cambodian government to forward its listing proposal to a World Heritage Committee meeting starting next week in Quebec.

The committee comes under the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco).

Democrat leader Abhisit Vejjajiva said yesterday that Democrat MPs would ask the Constitution Court probably by Monday to rule if Mr Noppadon had acted beyond his authority by signing the joint statement with Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Sok An in Bangkok on June 18.

Mr Abhisit cited Article 190 of the constitution which requires the government to seek parliamentary approval before signing any international agreement that affects national sovereignty. A move to impeach the minister would come later, he added.

The opposition also said if the House votes against Mr Noppadon after the censure debate, then that vote could convince Unesco not to list the Preah Vihear temple.

In the censure debate a few days ago, the Democrats insisted the Thai government's support for Cambodia's unilateral listing of Preah Vihear would remove Thailand's right to have ownership of the temple reviewed.

Mr Abhisit said the Cambodian map Mr Noppadon had acknowledged could put Thailand at a disadvantage in talks to settle the borderline with Cambodia.

Senator Somchai Sawaengkarn said his group of senators was also preparing to ask for a similar ruling from the Constitution Court. He was confident the group could gather at least 63 signatures, as the charter requires, to back the petition. More than 50 senators signed yesterday, including Rosana Tositrakul, Wichian Khanchong and Sumon Sutawiriyawat.

If the Constitution Court rules that Mr Noppadon's action was unconstitutional, he should show responsibility at once so senators would not need to push for his impeachment, Senator Somchai said.

Historian Thepmontri Limpaphayom suggested that if the Cambodian request is put on the agenda of the World Heritage Committee in Quebec early next month, Thailand's World Heritage Committee should resign to pressure other member states on the World Heritage Committee to postpone considering the issue.

Supreme Commander Gen Boonsang Niampradit said the air force had already put its C-130 aircraft on standby in case it was necessary to evacuate Thais from Cambodia if the issue gets out of hand.

He also warned the government to carefully consider the territorial issue with Cambodia. Any loss of land would provoke similar situations concerning many disputed areas with other neighbouring countries, he said.

At the Administrative Court yesterday, Mr Noppadon assigned director-general of the Treaties and Legal Affairs Department Krit Kraichitti to testify before the court on his behalf.

Thai PM looks set to win vote in parliamentary no-confidence motion

2008-06-27

BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) - Thailand's prime minister faced a no-confidence vote Friday in Parliament that he was likely to win despite a week-long grilling by political opponents accusing him of incompetence and yielding national sovereignty.

Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej's six-party coalition commands a healthy majority in the Parliament's lower house, where the vote was to take place later Friday after a week of sometimes-stormy debate.

Critics accuse Samak's government, which took office in February, of mismanaging the ailing Thai economy and of being a proxy for ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. He has angrily denied all the allegations.

The opposition also have faulted him for acknowledging Cambodia's ownership of a disputed border temple when he endorsed the Cambodian application for UNESCO World Heritage Site status for the temple.

Many Thais still claim the temple for Thailand, although it was awarded to Cambodia by the International Court of Justice in 1962.

Adding pressure on Samak's government have been several weeks of street protests led by activists from the People's Alliance for Democracy, who have occupied the area around Government House, the seat of Thailand's government, since breaking through a police cordon one week ago.

The protesters allege that Samak's government is interfering with corruption charges against Thaksin, who was ousted in a 2006 coup.

Still, Samak's coalition showed no signs of cracking during the past week and he seemed poised to win the confidence motion, which targets Samak and seven of his ministers.

«The government will survive the no-confidence debate since the coalition is still intact. His partners do not care much about the content of the debate, but they care about their own survival,» said Sukhum Naunsakul, a political scientist at Bangkok's Ramkhamhaeng University.

Opposition leader Abhisit Vejjajiva accused Samak during debate earlier in the week of mishandling the economy and failing to ease the impact of soaring oil prices, interfering with freedom of the press and violating national interests.

«Even after four months in power, the administration massively mismanaged the country, with no unity, no direction and no efficiency,» Abhisit said.

Samak defended the government's economic policy, saying the whole world faced soaring costs driven by oil price hikes.