Sat, July 29, 2006
In December 1975, US President Gerald Ford visited Indonesia to meet with President Suharto.
They discussed the security situation in Southeast Asia in the wake of the American defeat in the Vietnam War that April and the nature of American assistance to Asean states to combat the communist threat emanating from Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos.
Ford asked Suharto whether Thailand's security was being threatened by Vietnam. Suharto unhesitatingly answered in the affirmative, citing the long history of hatred between the two states.
But on August 6, 1976, Thailand and Vietnam established diplomatic relations, and the 30th anniversary of that historic occasion is fast approaching.
As an overview, the development of Thai-Vietnamese relations in the 20th century - particularly from 1954-1992 - were conditioned or determined by the ideological conflict called the Cold War, which was divisive rather than unifying. Thai-Vietnamese relations during the Cold War were characterised by antagonism, hostility and deep suspicion. Needless to say, cooperation between the two states was minimal.
Both countries perceived their respective national interests through the lens of conflicting ideologies. Superpower rivalry circumscribed the autonomy of their foreign relations, reducing their flexibility and manoeuvrability. Thai-Vietnamese relations were thus very static and had a determined pattern. The Cold War also deeply affected the political form and development of Thailand and Vietnam.
The development of Thai-Vietnamese relations was at its nadir from 1978-1989, when Vietnam occupied Cambodia. And after the 1976 coup d'etat in Thailand, an ultra-right government headed by Thanin Kraivixien dominated Thai politics.
Many factors contributed to the gradual rapprochement between Thailand and Vietnam, persuading both states to see each other as legitimate adversaries rather than as enemies and to explore avenues for cooperation:
However, that does not mean Thai-Vietnamese relations will be conflict-free, but rather that any conflicts that do occur between the two states will be "ordinary" - the types of conflict one would expect between friendly neighbouring countries. In other words, these conflicts will not breed hostility and divisiveness as during the Cold War; they will no longer be ideological or susceptible to interference by great powers outside the region.
Thai-Vietnamese relations are thus now at a point where both uphold friendship, cooperation, peace, independence, respect of territorial sovereignty and the pursuit of mutual interests. Put another way, both Thailand and Vietnam understand very well that amity and respect fosters regional peace, stability, security and prosperity.
August 6 will mark the 30th anniversary of Thai-Vietnamese diplomatic relations. These past three decades attest to both countries' determination to normalise and subsequently strengthen their relations as members of the Asean family. They have proved successful on both counts. This signifies a historic victory of amity and cooperation over hostility and divisiveness.
The future is, of course, unpredictable. But based on the present realities, we can confidently say Thai-Vietnamese relations will continue to progress, both quantitatively and qualitatively. There remain many dimensions in which the two states may expand and deepen their relationship.
The Thai government should not overlook the importance of Vietnam's role in Asean, both now and in the future. Competition between our two states is natural and perhaps healthy. But it is not the end of the story. Several other issues still need serious exploration in regard to cooperation and mutual national interests deriving from common geopolitical and geostrategic considerations.
Needless to say, organising an annual ministerial meeting between the two nations for public-relations purposes is at best insufficient and at worst pathetic. Of course, any foreign policy consists of both form and substance. But a good foreign policy - one that is reasonable and based on truth - must be of real substance and not dominated by the vested interests of individual national leaders and their ruling parties.
In other words, foreign policy must not be all about economic benefits. That would be a terrible case of reductionism. Foreign policy is different from international trade. It is not a means that an unethical national leader can exploit to make a quick buck or as a publicity stunt to shore up his or her sagging popularity at home.
Surapong Jayanama
Surapong Jayanama was the Thai Ambassador to Vietnam from 1990-1992.
They discussed the security situation in Southeast Asia in the wake of the American defeat in the Vietnam War that April and the nature of American assistance to Asean states to combat the communist threat emanating from Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos.
Ford asked Suharto whether Thailand's security was being threatened by Vietnam. Suharto unhesitatingly answered in the affirmative, citing the long history of hatred between the two states.
But on August 6, 1976, Thailand and Vietnam established diplomatic relations, and the 30th anniversary of that historic occasion is fast approaching.
As an overview, the development of Thai-Vietnamese relations in the 20th century - particularly from 1954-1992 - were conditioned or determined by the ideological conflict called the Cold War, which was divisive rather than unifying. Thai-Vietnamese relations during the Cold War were characterised by antagonism, hostility and deep suspicion. Needless to say, cooperation between the two states was minimal.
Both countries perceived their respective national interests through the lens of conflicting ideologies. Superpower rivalry circumscribed the autonomy of their foreign relations, reducing their flexibility and manoeuvrability. Thai-Vietnamese relations were thus very static and had a determined pattern. The Cold War also deeply affected the political form and development of Thailand and Vietnam.
The development of Thai-Vietnamese relations was at its nadir from 1978-1989, when Vietnam occupied Cambodia. And after the 1976 coup d'etat in Thailand, an ultra-right government headed by Thanin Kraivixien dominated Thai politics.
Many factors contributed to the gradual rapprochement between Thailand and Vietnam, persuading both states to see each other as legitimate adversaries rather than as enemies and to explore avenues for cooperation:
- Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost and perestroika ultimately contributed to the dissolution of communism in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe from 1987-1990 and the demise of the Cold War structures at the global level.
- A programme of economic reform called "doi moi" (renovation) initiated by the Vietnamese government in 1986 permitted free-market enterprise, including foreign direct investment, and signalled acceptance of a capitalist-dominated world. Under doi moi, the Vietnamese economy was gradually restructured along capitalist lines.
- The withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia in 1989.
- As a result of Vietnam's signing of the 1991 Paris agreement for the comprehensive political settlement to the Cambodian conflict, many states ended their economic sanctions against Hanoi - sanctions that had been in place throughout the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia.
- The normalisation of relations between China and the former Soviet Union in 1991.
- The normalisation of Sino-Vietnamese relations in 1991.
- The continuous democratisation of Thailand from 1977 to the present, with the brief exception of May 1992.
- Vietnam's entry into Asean in 1995.
However, that does not mean Thai-Vietnamese relations will be conflict-free, but rather that any conflicts that do occur between the two states will be "ordinary" - the types of conflict one would expect between friendly neighbouring countries. In other words, these conflicts will not breed hostility and divisiveness as during the Cold War; they will no longer be ideological or susceptible to interference by great powers outside the region.
Thai-Vietnamese relations are thus now at a point where both uphold friendship, cooperation, peace, independence, respect of territorial sovereignty and the pursuit of mutual interests. Put another way, both Thailand and Vietnam understand very well that amity and respect fosters regional peace, stability, security and prosperity.
August 6 will mark the 30th anniversary of Thai-Vietnamese diplomatic relations. These past three decades attest to both countries' determination to normalise and subsequently strengthen their relations as members of the Asean family. They have proved successful on both counts. This signifies a historic victory of amity and cooperation over hostility and divisiveness.
The future is, of course, unpredictable. But based on the present realities, we can confidently say Thai-Vietnamese relations will continue to progress, both quantitatively and qualitatively. There remain many dimensions in which the two states may expand and deepen their relationship.
The Thai government should not overlook the importance of Vietnam's role in Asean, both now and in the future. Competition between our two states is natural and perhaps healthy. But it is not the end of the story. Several other issues still need serious exploration in regard to cooperation and mutual national interests deriving from common geopolitical and geostrategic considerations.
Needless to say, organising an annual ministerial meeting between the two nations for public-relations purposes is at best insufficient and at worst pathetic. Of course, any foreign policy consists of both form and substance. But a good foreign policy - one that is reasonable and based on truth - must be of real substance and not dominated by the vested interests of individual national leaders and their ruling parties.
In other words, foreign policy must not be all about economic benefits. That would be a terrible case of reductionism. Foreign policy is different from international trade. It is not a means that an unethical national leader can exploit to make a quick buck or as a publicity stunt to shore up his or her sagging popularity at home.
Surapong Jayanama
Surapong Jayanama was the Thai Ambassador to Vietnam from 1990-1992.
1 comment:
Siam and Yuan are belonging to the same stock from South end tip of Qin empire.
Both are conniving and handbiting people.
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