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Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Khmer, edited by Ms. Theary C. Seng)
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The Great Danger of the Khmer Nation - by Tieng Narith
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21 comments:
Sacrava,
You are right Hun Xen will be next. The main question is when?
SS
Does SRP know what it takes for the opposition in Zambawe to be so close to power?
Kuoy Pichet
When, 6:07? Year 3008, I say.
Hello there Viet pimp @6:23 AM,
What a freaking ugly looking Viet pimp like you doing on Khmer site/blog like KI-Media, lesjeuneskhmers.com, Khmer-network.com, khmerconnection.com eh?
First, you Viet pimp should learn to show some respect towards Khmer people dead or alive. But, again the world knows you Viet's true colors already. Need we say more?
Quit pretending to be Khmer giving Khmer a bad name and please don't bring more Viet prostitutes to Cambodia, okay?
You Viet pimp ought to leave Hun Xen alone, and the Cambodian people will take very good care of him. It's a promise from us Cambodian to you Viet pimp alright?
Yeah, it's time for you Viet pimp to pack up and leave Cambodia for good now!
Tail between your legs, Go Home Viet, go home!
Tail between your legs, Go Home Viet, go home!
The world knows you Viet's true colors already, not to worry!
Hen S family eat DOG best friend so He try to stay in power untill his leg can't hold his body. now his commander call for police veit cong to security vote in july .30,ooo.police veit Cong.
What we all can do
Well done!! This is a good one, Mr. Ung.
Once again, thank you for keeping up such a good work.
Great job Mr. Ung,
Please continue with your great work. Nothing can stop us now.
The political pluralism, the democracy, the human rights are political lies and illusions.
These things never have to help the poor men to live better.
On the contrary, these things allow the richest, the powerful to defend better their rights and their privileges and to exploit completely legally the weak and the poor men.
The political pluralism, the democracy, the human rights bring in poor countries social confusions who threatens the political instability and the peace and soon coup of and civil war for take power.
Nowadays, CPP betrayed the ideal of the socialist revolution.
The CPP became capitalist.
You, formers communists and those who are disappointed by CPP and who are against the other political parties, Vote in 2008 for the new communist party, reformist, modern, anti-capitalist , political anti-pluralism, anti-Pol Pot and faithful to the ideals of the socialist revolution: the CPPP (Cambodia Parnivat People Parti).
You , former communists and were disappointed by the CPP, do not vote for abstentions in July, 2008, vote for the CPPP.
The CPPP is more modern than the CPP and more successful in the social and economic reforms according to the more effective and socialist principles, more efficient to fight against the poverty and the disparities and the economic and social injustices.
The CPPP is the new hope for those who suffer injustices of all kinds and for who dream about a better world.
Because, the hope helps to live.
The CPPP is this hope!
The democracy, the political pluralism, and the human rights are political and ideological constructions of the liberalism to justify the existence of the various social classes, and the man's exploitation of man.
The liberalism considers that the poverty is a fate that it is necessary to accept as a evil.
These ideological constructions also serve for justifying the uneven political competition for the power in which only the rich, the powerful, will always win. The weak and the poor men will always be losing.
The democracy is a dupe’s game.
The only way which allows poor men, weak and people to take back their future in hand
is the socialist revolution!
From : Cambodia Parnivat People Party ( CPPP).
Hey Samdech Hun Sen gives we some money so that we are going to go up a new communist's party, modern, reformist, successful , and more adapted to the requirements of our current Cambodian society.
And the disappointed of the CPP can vote for us instead of voting for abstentions or for the other paries!
correction :
Hey Samdech Hun Sen gives we some money so that we are going to go up a new communist's party, modern, reformist, successful , and more adapted to the requirements of our current Cambodian society.
And the disappointed of the CPP can vote for us instead of voting for abstentions or for the other parties!
SRP or any opposition party can win when RIEL currency exchange equal $1 = 10,000,000 riels and inflation reach 300% a year like Zimbawee.
I believe SRP will win any time soon. Look at Mexican ruling party down below:
Mexico's ruling party fragmenting
By Gerardo Nebbia
8 April 1999
On March 4, Mexico's ruling party, the PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) commemorated its seventieth anniversary. The celebration took place under conditions of a profound transformation of Mexico's economy and society which is ripping apart the country's ruling party. With the collapse of Stalinist rule in the Soviet Union, the PRI in Mexico has the longest continuous tenure of any ruling party on the planet. But globalization has put an end to the PRI's longstanding nationalist program, and the ruling party is undergoing unprecedented upheavals and challenges.
The 70-year history of the PRI revolves around the dilemma of the Mexican ruling class. It made use of the working class to help establish its independence from foreign capital and at the same time it fears the strength of the working class--and the cruelly exploited peasantry--more than it fears the domination of foreign capital.
The PRI was established almost 10 years after the assassination of Emiliano Zapata and the defeat of Francisco (Pancho) Villa, events that closed a decade of civil war and marked the end of the Mexican Revolution.
The revolution had been initiated in 1910 by northern landowners who opposed the policies of dictator Porfirio Diaz. The revolt rapidly spread among the laboring masses. The northern oligarchy's program called for returning to the Mexican Constitution of 1857, which prohibited presidents from being elected to a second term. Socially, their aims were a mix of liberalism and nationalism, aiming to prevent the mortgaging of the Mexican economy to US imperialism, to limit the influence of the Catholic Church, and to recognize civil liberties, at least for the privileged layers of society.
The uprising of 1910 began amid widespread struggles of the working class and the peasantry. A series of bitter strikes had taken place in the northern copper mine of Cananea in 1906. Following that, a strike wave by textile workers spread, in 1908, to the major cities in Mexico. A young socialist movement led these struggles.
Among the peasantry in the central region of Mexico, a struggle over land had long been simmering. This involved the relation between the peasantry and the Catholic Church, which had recovered from the anti-clerical laws imposed by Benito Juarez in the 1860s and become the largest landowner in Mexico.
The insurgents of 1910 drew both these forces to their side. This was an uneasy alliance. Already in 1913, Zapata, the leader of the peasant rebellion, denounced the northern forces who had expelled Porfirio Diaz for betraying the cause of the peasantry, and put forth the Ayala Plan of land reform.
Victory finally came to the Constitutionalist Army of the northern leader Venustiano Carranza. In order to win, Carranza took advantage of Villa and Zapata's lack of program for the working class and appealed to the workers of Mexico City. His "red battalions," made up of workers, helped him conquer Mexico City from Villa and establish his regime. Once in power, Carranza dissolved the red battalions and persecuted their leaders. Carranza and his generals were careful to keep workers and peasants divided and subordinate to the Mexican bourgeoisie, with the Constitutionalist Army playing a classic bonapartist role, serving as the arbiter among the contending classes.
In 1917 the Constitutionalist officers adopted a new program which reflected the powerful democratic component of the Mexican Revolution. It called for a free and secular education for all. It prohibited religious schools. It incorporated the Ayala Plan, asserted state control over land and provided for land reform, prohibiting foreigners from owning land. It also established the eight-hour day, six hours for youth under 16, job safety regulations, a minimum wage, health facilities and schools for workers, and union rights.
The generals consolidate power
Within a few years, however, after the death of Zapata and Villa's defeat, these radical democratic measures had become dead letters. Much of the land reform was reversed, and the conditions for the working class and peasant farmers did not improve. The decade between the end of the revolution and the beginning of the Great Depression was one of reconstruction and consolidation.
Carranza managed to rule until 1920 but was overthrown by one of his generals, Obregon, who had Carranza assassinated. It was Obregon who initiated the tradition that the president should leave office after choosing his own successor. This gave the final shape to the state structure of Mexico, a self-perpetuating presidential autocracy in which power has been passed along from president to president within the ruling elite.
Obregon named Plutarco Calles, another general in Carranza's army, to succeed him in 1924. While Calles's term technically expired in 1928, he was the power behind the next three presidents, and in 1929 organized the founding of the PRI, first called the National Revolutionary Party or PNR.
The formation of the PNR--it was renamed the PRI after World War II--was a deliberate effort to create a party that would subordinate all classes to the state and the military. Any independent political or industrial action by the working class was prohibited, with the incorporation of trade union officials into the PNR and the outlawing of the Mexican Communist Party.
The new ruling party was founded on the eve of the Great Depression, whose impact on Mexico was very severe. Fearing social unrest, the Mexican ruling class turned to Lazaro Cardenas, who, as governor of Michoacan state, had initiated popular social reforms. Calles named Cardenas president in 1934 and was compelled to concede him real and not merely nominal power.
Cardenas revived the radical democratic promises of the 1917 constitution. Under his regime, the long-postponed agrarian reform was finally carried out, the foreign-owned oil companies were nationalized in 1938 and the state began to take a central role in the economic life of the country.
Like the Peruvian APRA and the Justicialista Party of Peron in Argentina, the PRI was a party that preached class harmony and nationalism under the aegis of a "progressive" military. It combined reactionary and repressive policies with respect to the working class with a more or less defiant attitude toward US imperialism. Its ability to prevent a social explosion during the Great Depression was made possible by Stalinism, that admitted no criticism of Cardenas or the PRI and blocked the development of a class alternative to the leadership of the national bourgeoisie.
During the Cardenas administration (1934-40), the PRI fully acquired its corporatist characteristics, analogous to Italian fascism, formally incorporating workers, farmers and the army as separate organizations within the structure of the PRI. In that way the PRI controlled the struggle of classes.
At the same time, President Lazaro Cardenas lifted the proscription on the Communist Party and opened Mexico's borders to left-wing political exiles, including thousands from fascist Spain and, most famously, exiled Russian Bolshevik leader Leon Trotsky.
Cardenas's PRI managed the nationalization of important industries, such as oil, all the while insisting that workers not strike against the new owner (the state.) It also carried out extensive land reform measures. During his regime the unions, under the CTM (Federation of Mexican Workers), grew and became integrated into the state apparatus. Once granted legal status the Stalinists of the Mexican CP and its offshoot, the PPS, became fervent supporters of the PRI and its corporatist control of the workers movement.
The "Mexican miracle" and its demise
Mexico came out of World War II as an emerging producer of oil and a supplier of minerals and other natural resources to a world that had gone through vast destruction of its industrial capacity and economic infrastructure.
From 1940 until 1980 the economic policies of the PRI were regarded as impressive for a country outside the Stalinist camp, and celebrated as the "Mexican miracle." In 1970 Mexico's rate of growth, 6.5 percent, was only surpassed by five nations in the capitalist world (Japan, Finland, Libya, South Korea and Israel).
The working class and peasantry, however, derived few benefits from this growth because of the collaboration between the CTM, the PPS, the Stalinists and the PRI. The growth of real wages was restrained, and any direct challenge to private property blocked, insuring that the lion's share of the growing wealth was appropriated by the national bourgeoisie.
The debt crisis which erupted in 1982 reflected fundamental changes in the world capitalist economy. The Lopez Portillo government came to the brink of default and his successor, Miguel de la Madrid, under pressure from the IMF, initiated a transformation in economic policy which meant the junking of the PRI's time-honored doctrine of economic nationalism and widespread state intervention.
It was not a matter of the PRI "betraying" a revolutionary program, as some latter-day nationalists now claim. The PRI was the ruling party of the Mexican bourgeoisie and its program was always centered on the defense of bourgeois property. In the repression of massive strikes in the 1940s and 1950s, and the massacre of students at Tlatelolco in 1968 during the Mexico City Olympics, the PRI demonstrated its fundamentally reactionary character.
Since the 1980s, however, the PRI has been openly repudiating its old nationalist program, the basis for its demagogic appeals to workers and peasants. By rejecting economic nationalism and privatizing the mineral and industrial wealth of the nation, by pushing aside the promises of land to farming communities and allowing foreign ownership of the land, by relaxing the restrictions on the Catholic Church and welcoming the Pope, recent governments have initiated a new period in Mexican politics.
Particularly since the Salinas administration of 1988, the interests of the Mexican ruling class have been increasingly integrated into the global market. A new group of capitalist billionaires has emerged, while international competition has laid waste to many traditional sectors of the Mexican economy.
This is the source of crisis within the PRI.
Factionalism and new methods of rule
The current state of the PRI is a reflection of the determination of the Mexican capitalist class to abandon the old forms of rule. Forced by the global market to attack past reforms and to cut social programs, the bourgeoisie is looking for political instruments that do not necessarily include the PRI.
At the seventieth anniversary rally on March 4, President Ernesto Zedillo declared that unlike previous presidents, he would not appoint a successor to serve as the candidate of the PRI for president in 2000. Instead, the candidate will be chosen by as yet to be determined internal balloting at a party National Assembly. This is not a measure to "democratize" the PRI, but rather an admission that Zedillo no longer can control the factional struggle within the ruling party.
Both in 1987 and in 1993, the designation of a presidential successor led to divisions in the PRI. When De la Madrid designated Salinas as the successor, Cuauhtemoc Cardenas (Lazaro's son) and Munoz Ledo led their faction out of the PRI and formed the PRD (Party of the Democratic Revolution). Cardenas probably won more votes than Salinas in 1988, but the PRI machine was able to falsify enough ballot results to prevail. In 1993, when Salinas designated Luis Colosio (who was assassinated soon thereafter) and then Zedillo as his candidates, Manuel Camacho Solis led his faction out of the PRI and formed the PCD (Party of the Democratic Center).
Today the PRI is even more deeply divided than in 1987 and 1993. Important sections of the PRI are calling for a return to the nationalist policies of the past. An attempt by Zedillo to impose a presidential candidate could lead to another major split in the party.
The strong possibility is that there will be another major division in the PRI. There are roughly a half dozen factions that now fight over the candidacy. The main division is between the "technocrats" and the rudos ("rough ones," paraphrasing a Mexican wrestling term).
The "technocrats" represent that layer of the capitalist class that is most closely linked to international finance capital and Wall Street. Typically, they favor the unrestrained activity of the market, when it comes to wages and prices of tortillas and other staples. As the recent rescue of failed banks and highway builders suggests, however, they favor government intervention on behalf of wealthy investors. Zedillo, former president Carlos Salinas, and Government Secretary Francisco Labastida Ochoa, who has the backing of the Clinton administration to succeed Zedillo, are considered representatives of the "technocrats."
The rudos represent that bourgeois layer that has suffered most under the economic laissez-faire, as well as those who want to avoid possible social strife if conditions of increasing poverty and inequality persist. In neither case do these factions represent real alternatives for the Mexican working class and peasant farmers.
One of the rudo factions, Grupo Renovador (Renewal Group) demands that the PRI turn its back on economic liberalism, and turn to a policy of social reforms. Grupo Renovador is demanding a party congress to reconfirm the PRI's return to the policies of economic nationalism. It is also demanding that the government give up its policy of privatizations, canceling the imminent selling off of Mexico's electric utilities.
In a recent ceremony, former presidents Echevarria, Lopez Portillo and De La Madrid threw their support behind Echevarria Ruiz, former Mexican Ambassador to Spain, who heads Grupo Renovador. They all posed symbolically for a photograph with Lazaro Cardenas's widow, Amalia Solorzano, who is also the mother of Cuahtemoc Cardenas.
It is by no means clear that the PRI candidate, whomever it may be, will prevail in the 2000 election. In the most recent state elections PRI candidates won in the central state of Guerrero and the Yucatan State of Quintana Roo, with the PRD a close second. The PRD controls Zacatecas, Tlaxcala and Baja California. Even though the PRI held on to Guerrero and Quintana Roo, there was an increase in reported electoral fraud in both states. When the first-ever election for mayor of Mexico City was held in 1997, Cauhtemoc Cardenas and the PRD won the vote easily.
The 1999 austerity budget, which includes the rescue of the banks, will cripple manufacturing and commerce. Unemployment will rise, as real wages fall. Coupled with that is a constant state of inflation, and devaluations every day affecting the living standards of the population. These conditions will increase the misery of the masses and lead to inevitable social explosions by the working class.
As the collapse of the peso in 1995 demonstrated, the Mexican economy has lost any shred of independence or insulation from the world economy, and is directly subordinated to the dictates of Wall Street and the movement of global capital. This has put an end to the protracted political domination of the PRI. It also means that Mexican workers and peasants will come into struggle for their own social interests, increasingly connected to the struggles of the working class throughout North and South America and the world.
Error.
Mexico is near to the territory of United States, under the sphere of influence and the private hunting ground of the Americans.
Cambodia is under the influence of the Chinese giant and the private hunting ground of Peking.
In Cambodia, The United States are very far from their territories and for United States, the interests strtégiques of Cambodia are weak.
Yeah, Lon Nol and Sirimatak in 1970 to have made the same error of strategic analysis by choosing the American's camp, everybody knows today how ended this adventure.
History is it eternal one resumption?
Just like the eternal cycle of the life made by death and by revival to which is subjected any human fate?
LOL, What about in Zimbabwe? Is it near USA or China? You got to analyze more.
The good always overcome the bad. It will prevail. Just soon or later. You can run but you can't hide.
When we work hard, even very hard to earn our live honestly and what with a hard won salary we cannot even live correctly, so what is of use the liberalism and the capitalism?
Poor people, small workers have to expect for nothing from the liberalism.
Because the liberalism it is the exploitation of the weak by the strongest and the poor men by the richest.
So corruption it is the result of the perversity of the liberal system and the wild capitalism.
Liberalism that I hated this word!
What means exactly the beautiful intellectual construction that is human rights?
It means that the man or the woman has rights.
It is what the partisans of human rights present you explain.
But what they do not say to you it is human rights also means that if you are rich, you are entitled to the wealth.
And if you are poor, you are entitled to the poverty.
If You have an accident, you became a disabled person, you cannot work any more and than you are poor, it is the fate.
Nobody can anything for you. Because we have the right to remain indifferent to your fate. We help you if we want, but it is not compulsory.
Only the communism’s system with its value of solidarity can erase this social injustice.
The liberalism and the wild capitalism make many damages in the companies(societies) where these political doctrines are put into practice.
In West and in the United States, the liberalism provokes massive unemployment, precariousness, homeless, beggars, crime, drug, all goes out of social plagues and did not manage to make put off the poverty.
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