The Star (Malaysia)
Samak's future as Thai PM may be decided this week.
THAILAND’S current clamour for change is but a mirage, an illusion of progress masking stagnation or even regression. And that is just one of several ironies in the whole sad mess.
Premier Samak Sundaravej’s People’s Power Party (PPP) gained power in last December’s election that the Democratic Party more pointedly lost. Heading a new coalition, Samak had to live down the image of former premier Thaksin Shinawatra’s stooge, limiting his room for manoeuvre.
Thaksin remains influential without holding political office, raising fears of overturning the corruption and other charges against him. This lack of public confidence in due judicial process is largely behind current street protests, which in the absence of a clear post-Thaksin target is fixated on a PR-deficient Samak.
As protest rallies in Bangkok mounted over the weekend centring on Government House, the gruff premier bellowed: “On Monday I will go to work at Government House and there will be no problem getting in.” So he did, but staying in from next Monday could be another matter.
Much of Samak’s future as prime minister may be decided this week, with the result known within days. Since his prospect of staying in power seems as strong as that of his abrupt departure, with much depending on his mercurial nature, things could go either way.
Protests are unlikely to see much change because Samak is not as culpable as Thaksin on a range of issues, attracting less unified scorn. The protests also lack the moral legitimacy for change, coming just five months after the PPP-led coalition took office following an undisputed election.
There is also the crucial fact that the military is not pushing Samak out. The army in particular remains a factor in the nation’s politics, but the generals have yet to coalesce against Samak’s premiership.
Still, Samak is isolated even within his own party, enjoys no support from Thaksin, and has to compete against party colleagues for his job, as opponents hope that the resignation of a minister in the Prime Minister’s Office would start the ball rolling.
Furthermore, the military’s patience in seeing a return to the status quo is being tested as protests drag on.
Even as Samak seethes with impatience to take some action this week, he is constrained by parliamentary procedure. He is hamstrung by a censure motion, charges of mismanagement and a no-confidence debate being played out until today before a vote tomorrow.
For most of this week Samak has to take a back seat as events rush by him to determine his fate, with this flurry of activity deceptively concealing a basic stalemate.
Meanwhile, the protests are getting on Samak’s nerves and more so his pride. The reason he remains prime minister is incumbency: he does not wish to go, and there is no constitutional or military force to make him.
The opposition Democrat Party has tried to pour fuel on the fire by highlighting controversies like Cambodia’s plan to list the Preah Vihear temple on disputed territory as a world heritage site, but such efforts only mirror Bangkok’s confusion.
If the street protests achieve anything at all, it would only be Samak’s resignation rather than the Thaksin-friendly PPP’s removal. A major irony would see Samak succeeded by a party leader like Finance Minister Surapong Suebwonglee or Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama, both being closer aides to Thaksin.
The other irony is for the PPP’s minor coalition partners to drift to the Democrats in forming a new government. That would be undemocratic, despite the core party’s name, since the change would not then have been voted in.
Yet another major irony is how the protests spearheaded by the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) seems to entrench this non-democratic, extra-parliamentary route to change as a permanent fixture in the country’s political system.
Beyond exercising their democratic rights to free speech and assembly, protesters are pushing mass rallies into becoming the third principal agency of national politics, after Parliament and the military. That would make two out of Thailand’s three major political institutions undemocratic.
THAILAND’S current clamour for change is but a mirage, an illusion of progress masking stagnation or even regression. And that is just one of several ironies in the whole sad mess.
Premier Samak Sundaravej’s People’s Power Party (PPP) gained power in last December’s election that the Democratic Party more pointedly lost. Heading a new coalition, Samak had to live down the image of former premier Thaksin Shinawatra’s stooge, limiting his room for manoeuvre.
Thaksin remains influential without holding political office, raising fears of overturning the corruption and other charges against him. This lack of public confidence in due judicial process is largely behind current street protests, which in the absence of a clear post-Thaksin target is fixated on a PR-deficient Samak.
As protest rallies in Bangkok mounted over the weekend centring on Government House, the gruff premier bellowed: “On Monday I will go to work at Government House and there will be no problem getting in.” So he did, but staying in from next Monday could be another matter.
Much of Samak’s future as prime minister may be decided this week, with the result known within days. Since his prospect of staying in power seems as strong as that of his abrupt departure, with much depending on his mercurial nature, things could go either way.
Protests are unlikely to see much change because Samak is not as culpable as Thaksin on a range of issues, attracting less unified scorn. The protests also lack the moral legitimacy for change, coming just five months after the PPP-led coalition took office following an undisputed election.
There is also the crucial fact that the military is not pushing Samak out. The army in particular remains a factor in the nation’s politics, but the generals have yet to coalesce against Samak’s premiership.
Still, Samak is isolated even within his own party, enjoys no support from Thaksin, and has to compete against party colleagues for his job, as opponents hope that the resignation of a minister in the Prime Minister’s Office would start the ball rolling.
Furthermore, the military’s patience in seeing a return to the status quo is being tested as protests drag on.
Even as Samak seethes with impatience to take some action this week, he is constrained by parliamentary procedure. He is hamstrung by a censure motion, charges of mismanagement and a no-confidence debate being played out until today before a vote tomorrow.
For most of this week Samak has to take a back seat as events rush by him to determine his fate, with this flurry of activity deceptively concealing a basic stalemate.
Meanwhile, the protests are getting on Samak’s nerves and more so his pride. The reason he remains prime minister is incumbency: he does not wish to go, and there is no constitutional or military force to make him.
The opposition Democrat Party has tried to pour fuel on the fire by highlighting controversies like Cambodia’s plan to list the Preah Vihear temple on disputed territory as a world heritage site, but such efforts only mirror Bangkok’s confusion.
If the street protests achieve anything at all, it would only be Samak’s resignation rather than the Thaksin-friendly PPP’s removal. A major irony would see Samak succeeded by a party leader like Finance Minister Surapong Suebwonglee or Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama, both being closer aides to Thaksin.
The other irony is for the PPP’s minor coalition partners to drift to the Democrats in forming a new government. That would be undemocratic, despite the core party’s name, since the change would not then have been voted in.
Yet another major irony is how the protests spearheaded by the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) seems to entrench this non-democratic, extra-parliamentary route to change as a permanent fixture in the country’s political system.
Beyond exercising their democratic rights to free speech and assembly, protesters are pushing mass rallies into becoming the third principal agency of national politics, after Parliament and the military. That would make two out of Thailand’s three major political institutions undemocratic.
4 comments:
AH Abhisit Vejjajiva said that the Phrea Vihear case is a knock out punch for Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej to resign from power!
Well! This is what I can say to AH Abhisit Vejjajiva and I hope he become the Prime Minister of Thailame in the future but don't you dare set foot in Cambodia mother fucker!
AH Abhisit Vejjajiva is a modern day terrorist and disguises himself as the leader of democratic fool!
If you have ill will for Cambodia and her people and Cambodia and her people will have ill will for you too!
AH Abhisit Vejjajiva will be the last man on Earth to set on Cambodian soil!
Dont worry Abhishit Vajjina is just a bitch of the Siam king. He just got fuck in the ass by his king last night that's why he's so excited.
PS: For men that have been fuck by the king, it a "deep" honor for them. The king express his "deep" gratitude to his subject on a regular basis.
We should send Sihamoni to meet the king of the Siam.
Ah Siamese (PAD) leaders are stupid, why don't you turn to another coups?.. have no any supper power support you?.. what a 37 days chicken you're!.. do the way you always did, why your King so afraid this time? HASs!..!OH I know he is worry of losing another eye ball, what abrave you are!. My Q? is SIAMESE a real democratic Country?..?..
May god bless Khmer all!
Dear 10:08
His Majesty Samdech Preah Baromneath Sihamoni did meet His Majesty Bhumibol last year on his 60th year of ascending to the throne.
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