Source: CAPJ
Two weeks before the elections in Cambodia, unidentified men shot and killed journalist Khim Sambo and his son, Khat Sarin Theada. The twin murders capped the violence, harassment and perceived government manipulation surrounding the 27 July polls, leaving media observers wondering about the fate of press freedom in Cambodia.
Going by how the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) is said to have manipulated the conduct of the 27 July elections to achieve a landslide victory, the local media remain uneasy at the prospect of five more years under PM Hun Sen.
SEAPA partner Cambodian Association for the Protection of Journalists (CAPJ) says that even though all 11 political parties had access to the state media such as TVK and the national FM and AM radio stations, the ruling party used government resources like the bureaucracy and security forces to keep the upper hand in mass communications.
This was clearly seen on the allocation of airtime to the political parties. The National Election Committee (NEC) officially granted each party a 10-minute TV slot twice daily to present their respective programs, platforms and achievements. And yet the ruling party in fact enjoyed virtual monopoly over the state-owned media and had influence over nine private TV stations and 38 radio stations, allowing it to enjoy 95% of the total airtime.
Opposition parties were allowed to buy one to two hours of airtime each day from the private media. Even then, the opposition was at a disadvantage. Though they were able to buy airtime from private radio stations like FM 105 Mhz (the most independent radio station), FM 93.5 Mhz, FM 105.25 Mhz in Siem Reap and FM 104 Mhz, private TV stations charged exorbitant prices: CAPJ says private TV operators—who must secure a license to operate from the government—were in truth hesitant to book oppositionists for fear of government reprisal.
Opposition parties also complained that the images of their spots in government-run TVK were blurred.
The government also took blatant moves to silence the opposition. The night before the polls, some 20 armed policemen raided the FM 93.5 radio station, known for its support of the opposition, and closed it down without an order from the court or the Information Ministry.
The order for the closure came out only the next day. It accused the station of defying an NEC rule to stop political broadcasts by July 26, the eve of the elections. The FM station noted, however, that the government had overlooked similar violations by government stations favorable to the administration and the CPP.
The twin killings of journalist Khim Sambo and his son are also believed to be directly related to politics. Sambo was a reporter for the "Moneakseka Khmer (Khmer Conscience)" newspaper, which is known for supporting the SRP. The police are still investigating the case.
Moneakseka Khmer's editor, Dam Sith, had been recently charged for printing allegations that Cambodia's foreign minister had ties to the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime. The charge was later dropped, but CAPJ said that the attack on Khim Sambo came soon after his editor's release.
Despite the ruling party's landslide victory, CAPJ notes that with the CPP's use of the state apparatus to control the media during the elections, the future of genuine democracy in Cambodia under Hun Sen remains challenged and in doubt.
Going by how the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) is said to have manipulated the conduct of the 27 July elections to achieve a landslide victory, the local media remain uneasy at the prospect of five more years under PM Hun Sen.
SEAPA partner Cambodian Association for the Protection of Journalists (CAPJ) says that even though all 11 political parties had access to the state media such as TVK and the national FM and AM radio stations, the ruling party used government resources like the bureaucracy and security forces to keep the upper hand in mass communications.
This was clearly seen on the allocation of airtime to the political parties. The National Election Committee (NEC) officially granted each party a 10-minute TV slot twice daily to present their respective programs, platforms and achievements. And yet the ruling party in fact enjoyed virtual monopoly over the state-owned media and had influence over nine private TV stations and 38 radio stations, allowing it to enjoy 95% of the total airtime.
Opposition parties were allowed to buy one to two hours of airtime each day from the private media. Even then, the opposition was at a disadvantage. Though they were able to buy airtime from private radio stations like FM 105 Mhz (the most independent radio station), FM 93.5 Mhz, FM 105.25 Mhz in Siem Reap and FM 104 Mhz, private TV stations charged exorbitant prices: CAPJ says private TV operators—who must secure a license to operate from the government—were in truth hesitant to book oppositionists for fear of government reprisal.
Opposition parties also complained that the images of their spots in government-run TVK were blurred.
The government also took blatant moves to silence the opposition. The night before the polls, some 20 armed policemen raided the FM 93.5 radio station, known for its support of the opposition, and closed it down without an order from the court or the Information Ministry.
The order for the closure came out only the next day. It accused the station of defying an NEC rule to stop political broadcasts by July 26, the eve of the elections. The FM station noted, however, that the government had overlooked similar violations by government stations favorable to the administration and the CPP.
The twin killings of journalist Khim Sambo and his son are also believed to be directly related to politics. Sambo was a reporter for the "Moneakseka Khmer (Khmer Conscience)" newspaper, which is known for supporting the SRP. The police are still investigating the case.
Moneakseka Khmer's editor, Dam Sith, had been recently charged for printing allegations that Cambodia's foreign minister had ties to the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime. The charge was later dropped, but CAPJ said that the attack on Khim Sambo came soon after his editor's release.
Despite the ruling party's landslide victory, CAPJ notes that with the CPP's use of the state apparatus to control the media during the elections, the future of genuine democracy in Cambodia under Hun Sen remains challenged and in doubt.
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