KHMER-THAI: Friend or Foe? Suwat Kikhuntod, Songrit Pongern and Supalak Ganjanakhundee Indochina Publishing, 257 pp, 180 baht ISBN 987-9743075780Monday December 08, 2008
ANURAJ MANIBHANDU
Bangkok Post
Book Review
Time for peace among neighbours
In KHMER-THAI: Friend or Foe? the authors send two messages to Thais and Cambodians: Don't stir up nationalism for political ends, and consider developing Preah Vihear as a site for researching their countries' respective histories and cultures instead of focusing only on tourism.
The trio of journalists trace the history of relations between Thailand and Cambodia, look at the sources of the uneasiness that dominates the present, and suggest how to manage the future.
Suwat Kikhuntod writes about the Khmer kings who built and renovated Preah Vihear, and the depth of the"historical wounds" suffered by the two countries. Songrit Pongern looks into the economic and political contexts of the ongoing row between the two governments. Supalak Ganjanakhundee points to regional development schemes and suggests economic cooperation as a way forward.
Suwat notes a belief that the Khmer king who built Preah Vihear, Yasovarman I, intended the temple to "enjoy relations" with what is the Northeast of Thailand today. He cites the unusual orientation of the temple, which faces north, looking to Thailand's Isan, while other temples in Cambodia face east, the direction associated with birth and prosperity.
Suwat points out that the Hindu temple lapsed into oblivion after the death of King Suriyavarman II, builder of the better-known temple city of Angkhor Wat and an able soldier who spread his wings to northern Thailand and central Vietnam. Both Suwat and Supalak note how much Cambodians were agitated by the seizure of their ancient capital city in 1431 by forces from the then Siamese capital of Ayudhya.
In tracing the history of the border dispute to the 19th-century row between Siam and France, Suwat notes the strategic importance of Preah Vihear's position on high ground. He believes Siam's failure to protest France's deviation from the agreement on yardsticks for the borderline inspired Thailand to act promptly earlier this year to ensure that the listing of the temple as a World Heritage site excluded the disputed area measuring 4.6 square kilometres.
Songrit makes the point that economic problems and internal politics in Cambodia energised Phnom Penh's push to convince the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco) to register Preah Vihear as a World Heritage Site.
When Unesco declared Preah Vihear a World Heritage Site on July 8, media coverage left no doubt as to the benefit that triumph gave Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen. Less than three weeks later, his Cambodian People's Party (CPP) won a landslide victory in the general elections, taking 90 of the 123 seats in the National Assembly.
Songrit gives readers the background, observing that both the CPP and its rivals used the row with Thailand to advance their positions during that crucial stage of the campaigns. While the CPP claimed credit for Unesco's decision on the temple, the opposition parties faulted the ruling party for failing to sort out the territorial disputes with Thailand.
Songrit also points to the steps Hun Sen took to keep the lid on his political opponents. Not least, Songrit lists the grievances ordinary Cambodians held against Hun Sen, including forced relocation, the freezing of the minimum wage, and dramatic rises in the prices of oil and rice. He also mentions large-scale illegal logging, quoting Global Witness.
Though details of Hun Sen's opponents may intrigue Cambodia watchers, Songrit is probably most interesting when he writes about the thirst for oil and natural gas in the overlapping Thai-Cambodian maritime boundary.
He gives a blow-by-blow account of how Cambodia has been courted by the US, China, France, as well as former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, after Chevron Corp of the US reported, in 2005, the discovery of substantial amounts of oil and natural gas in the maritime area claimed by both Thailand and Cambodia.
Supalak identifies history, nationalism, border issues and economic planning as key factors in bilateral relations. He is scathing of a Thai history textbook that depicts Cambodians as opportunists who attacked Ayudhya when Siamese forces were tied up in their fights with the Burmese. The truth is, the Siamese did the same, attacking Laos and Cambodia when they were safe from the Burmese, he writes.
Supalak's presentation of border issues is extensive and informative. He identifies all the sticky points relating to the land mass affecting five border provinces, and the thorny issues connected with the sea.
On economics, he points to Cambodia's inclusion in regional development schemes, key Thai investments in Cambodia, and touches on the growing interest in sources of hydrocarbons in the Gulf of Thailand.
The way forward, he says, is for the two sides to come together to set the historical record straight, turn down feelings of nationalism, and find a new approach for co-existence as neighbours.
Apart from the two countries' use of different maps and agreements, the wiles of nature have also contributed to complicating the issue, as yardsticks based on features like water channels and ridges have changed over time.
"If we can't find a way to keep them still, we have to find a way to live peacefully with such a changeable situation," he writes. Supalak's suggestion to the two countries: take part in an economic development plan in which the benefits are shared fairly.
In KHMER-THAI: Friend or Foe? the authors send two messages to Thais and Cambodians: Don't stir up nationalism for political ends, and consider developing Preah Vihear as a site for researching their countries' respective histories and cultures instead of focusing only on tourism.
The trio of journalists trace the history of relations between Thailand and Cambodia, look at the sources of the uneasiness that dominates the present, and suggest how to manage the future.
Suwat Kikhuntod writes about the Khmer kings who built and renovated Preah Vihear, and the depth of the"historical wounds" suffered by the two countries. Songrit Pongern looks into the economic and political contexts of the ongoing row between the two governments. Supalak Ganjanakhundee points to regional development schemes and suggests economic cooperation as a way forward.
Suwat notes a belief that the Khmer king who built Preah Vihear, Yasovarman I, intended the temple to "enjoy relations" with what is the Northeast of Thailand today. He cites the unusual orientation of the temple, which faces north, looking to Thailand's Isan, while other temples in Cambodia face east, the direction associated with birth and prosperity.
Suwat points out that the Hindu temple lapsed into oblivion after the death of King Suriyavarman II, builder of the better-known temple city of Angkhor Wat and an able soldier who spread his wings to northern Thailand and central Vietnam. Both Suwat and Supalak note how much Cambodians were agitated by the seizure of their ancient capital city in 1431 by forces from the then Siamese capital of Ayudhya.
In tracing the history of the border dispute to the 19th-century row between Siam and France, Suwat notes the strategic importance of Preah Vihear's position on high ground. He believes Siam's failure to protest France's deviation from the agreement on yardsticks for the borderline inspired Thailand to act promptly earlier this year to ensure that the listing of the temple as a World Heritage site excluded the disputed area measuring 4.6 square kilometres.
Songrit makes the point that economic problems and internal politics in Cambodia energised Phnom Penh's push to convince the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco) to register Preah Vihear as a World Heritage Site.
When Unesco declared Preah Vihear a World Heritage Site on July 8, media coverage left no doubt as to the benefit that triumph gave Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen. Less than three weeks later, his Cambodian People's Party (CPP) won a landslide victory in the general elections, taking 90 of the 123 seats in the National Assembly.
Songrit gives readers the background, observing that both the CPP and its rivals used the row with Thailand to advance their positions during that crucial stage of the campaigns. While the CPP claimed credit for Unesco's decision on the temple, the opposition parties faulted the ruling party for failing to sort out the territorial disputes with Thailand.
Songrit also points to the steps Hun Sen took to keep the lid on his political opponents. Not least, Songrit lists the grievances ordinary Cambodians held against Hun Sen, including forced relocation, the freezing of the minimum wage, and dramatic rises in the prices of oil and rice. He also mentions large-scale illegal logging, quoting Global Witness.
Though details of Hun Sen's opponents may intrigue Cambodia watchers, Songrit is probably most interesting when he writes about the thirst for oil and natural gas in the overlapping Thai-Cambodian maritime boundary.
He gives a blow-by-blow account of how Cambodia has been courted by the US, China, France, as well as former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, after Chevron Corp of the US reported, in 2005, the discovery of substantial amounts of oil and natural gas in the maritime area claimed by both Thailand and Cambodia.
Supalak identifies history, nationalism, border issues and economic planning as key factors in bilateral relations. He is scathing of a Thai history textbook that depicts Cambodians as opportunists who attacked Ayudhya when Siamese forces were tied up in their fights with the Burmese. The truth is, the Siamese did the same, attacking Laos and Cambodia when they were safe from the Burmese, he writes.
Supalak's presentation of border issues is extensive and informative. He identifies all the sticky points relating to the land mass affecting five border provinces, and the thorny issues connected with the sea.
On economics, he points to Cambodia's inclusion in regional development schemes, key Thai investments in Cambodia, and touches on the growing interest in sources of hydrocarbons in the Gulf of Thailand.
The way forward, he says, is for the two sides to come together to set the historical record straight, turn down feelings of nationalism, and find a new approach for co-existence as neighbours.
Apart from the two countries' use of different maps and agreements, the wiles of nature have also contributed to complicating the issue, as yardsticks based on features like water channels and ridges have changed over time.
"If we can't find a way to keep them still, we have to find a way to live peacefully with such a changeable situation," he writes. Supalak's suggestion to the two countries: take part in an economic development plan in which the benefits are shared fairly.
18 comments:
Can our PhD scholars write a book about that, instead of wasting time and energy showering Hun Sen and Bun Rany with endless and useless flattery?
Where are they when we need one to be on the same level as these 3 Thai authors? "For no man wages war except in ignorance."
9:34AM - we don't need PhD to write similar article. Any Khmer with university education can do that, and we have a lot of them in Cambodia and abroad.
But unfortunately, as I said repeatedly, Khmer people seem to be more interested in cursing Hun Sen rather than doing useful work.
That's our unfortunate mentality - do nothing, just blaming someone else.
Good Khmer
Thailand have more educators than Cambodia. I still don't trust These Thai PHD. They are bias in their writing. It seems thatthey put the blame on Hun Sen for politicizing the Preah Vihear situation. It was Thia's PAD that used it or politicized it to get rid of the PPP's priministers. Hun Sen did not need to drag Preah Vihear situation into polictics. He will be power until his death guarantee. He has the money and the power and the Vietnamese.
A majority of Thai scholars and ministers are biased from Khuang to Kukrit Pramoj and so on...The Thais should thank the Khmer people for allowing them live on Khmer land as they sought refuge from southern China until modern day transforming into a nation 3 times the size of Cambodia. They should thank the Khmer people for their adaptation of the Khmer culture, art, language, customs, food, dance, etc. Instead of promoting friendship brotherly neighbors as did by Her Royal Highness Phra Thep, the majority of Thais are just too greedy. They can't get enough of Khmer temples, lands, maritime seas, islands. How can you Thai people be so cuel...look at yourselves in the mirror...you are a reflection of the Khmers, for crying out loud!
Achar Penh Wat Phnom
PhD from PP is useless for now.
And better yet, no one will listen or give me a credential. Credit is worthless.
Thai authors still want to share the economic prosperity of Preah Vihear equally. They don't deserve it after they stole many of khmer provinces. If you let them use presh vihear, they think it belong to them and they will fight for it in the future.
Preah Vihear belong to khmer. Khmer shall benefit all monetary collect from Preah Vihear. The one thing khmer should allow is for those long lost khmer in thailand, if they speak khmer and live in a certain geographic area, they should be allow to enter khmer temple in khmer for free of charge, because they are khmer who help built the temples.
I hope most of you agree with me.
Los Angeles, California.
Folks,
Thai so called scholars betrayed historical facts and fabricated incrddible facts to hypothesize their view.
Siam(lost race) and artificial Thai identity is knock off from the west or Singapura in colonization Khmerland/Laoland.
Categorically,Siam made Khmer its enemy along time ago. Those who had been living on border camps or exploited to fight with Khmer indside should know how Siam treated Khmers especially those of brown skin.
In short,I say Siam was never a friend to Khmer.
Can't trust their words.
And Youn too. now they are all in Cambodia. What should we do? It's the fact now...wake up today and we don't have to feel sorry for tomorrow........
Khmer oversea must not support Ah cpp anymore. They will drag cambodia into vietnamization... Youns everywhere in Cambodia..... khmers need corruption law and it has be promised by cpp for over ten years. khmer oversea must stop donating in any form to this corrupt gov.t...... look for Non-gov.t organization with clear vision and mission to help poor khmers.....support any projects with determination to be implemented by any individuals or organization..... and stop supporting cpp or you will be blamed and feel regret for your whole life.
Tomorrow is today and today there are YOUNS everywhere. Khmers must do something about it.
Every Khmer people knew all of these thing, we did not need that Thai Ph.D to wrote and told us.
The main point of those 3 authors is diverting Khmer opinions. They wanted all Khmer people against Hun Sen. More than that, they were intentionally to make us fight each other like Thai did previously.
But most of Khmer people already against Hun Sen.
They seemed to be a good man. Indeed, they do not but make more trouble.
* Good reason but bad good effect *
Thanks Fucking Siam Ph.Dick
* No need to teach Khmer how to read and history *
* Teach your Siam king and people how to realize a history * And stop lying yourself *
I think Khmer people can only curse and insult each other. Just look in this blog, and you can generally get an idea of how stupid Khmer people have become. Here is the reason: I read recently comments by a poster named Penh Panha arguing why he would not support the opposition citing a number of points to back up his opinion. Those who support the opposition did not counter by citing better examples, but instead insult him and curse him as a yuon.
And generally, people here curse each other a lot, and it is just insensible to do these things over something so minute as an article over the Internet. Again, this demonstrates the low calibre of Khmer people.
Thais are much better educated, civilized, and forward-looking than Khmer. To suggest that anyone could write it could not be further from the truth: no Khmer journalist ever even come close to write a historical analytical journal since the break out of the crisis.
Observer.
Phra Viharn belongs to Khmer on the mountain. All invaders must be halted.
People don’t need to buy a book to read about the Khmer-Thai dispute over the Khmer temple, people can read at Voice of America or Radio Free Asia on line for free. People can read, observe, analyze and judge themselves how the Khmer-Thai relationship over the Khmer temple a Friend or a Foe.
Siamese are scary cats they dare not turn around and bark westward toward Myanmar...as the Burmese once did destroy Ayuthaya...next time they will crushed Bang-Cock! Hun Sen will then kick them from east!
the way i see it, this can be a good opportunity for thailand to mend fences and make lasting friendship with cambodia if it knows how to do just that, however, one wrong move will forever lose that great opportunity of a lifetime. cambodia is actually have a lot of smart individuals and is waiting for someone to treat us right. we believe in changes like the how the wind changes direction. so, thailand can reap what they planted. stay away from cambodia's preah vihear is one of that mending the fences things we're talking about here. god bless cambodia.
1:46
Some Khmer people in here are IDIOTS!
To generalized all Khmer people insult and curse each other is wrong.
In general, Khners are kind and helpful. We help each other out a lot. I've only met a few people that have made the assumptions that Khmer people like to insult and curse at each other. Because they themselves like to do that and assume that other khmers are the same. Other Asian race are worst.
the rudest people i noted happened to be the vietnamese who are so rude people. i guess they must have learned from chinese or something! and maybe,too, the KR taught people in cambodia to be rude as well. maybe being rude is good for the country.
The Thais should have another party call:
"Thais kill Thais" party = พรรค"ไทยฆ่าไทย"
ให้พวกมันฆ่ากันตายทั้งประเทศไปเลย!
Since these slimy people migrated from
Southern China and settled on Khmer
land...they bring nothing but missery to
our people...it's time that we unite and push
them back to Nan Chao.
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