Prince Thomico in his house on the grounds of the Royal Palace in Phnom Penh, where he lived as a child. Photo by: Tracey SheltonPassionate, political Prince
Monday, 01 December 2008
Written by Sebastian Strangio
The Phnom Penh Post
Outspoken royal Prince Sisowath Thomico speaks about the monarchy, the 1968 riots, and why he still opposes the KRT
Tell me a little bit about your own past. Where did you grow up?
I went to France in 1956, and I spent only one year studying in Cambodia - in 1969. In 1968, I joined in the demonstrations with the French students and my parents did not really appreciate it, my going around with the leftist students, so they sent me back to Cambodia for a year. Otherwise, I did all my studies in France.
Did the 1968 demonstrations in France leave an impression?
I joined a Trotskyist group at the time, and all my thoughts - especially my political thinking - was marked by my experience of the 1968 events. My readings were in French, revolutionary people like Danton, Robespierre, Saint Just and afterwards Marx and Hegel. I was deeply and profoundly marked by my experiences.
When the Khmer Rouge took over in Cambodia in 1975, and your family was caught up in that, did your political views change?
I never believed in the Khmer Rouge, never. Even though I was considered an ultra-leftist, I never agreed with the direction the Khmer Rouge took, from the very beginning. I was non-violent, such as the French anarchist Proudhon, and I never believed that the use of violence could bring something new to the world.
Was it apparent at the time that the Khmer Rouge were as bad as later became obvious?
Many French philosophers, such as Andre Glucksman, backed the KR. Even I, in my own family and among my own friends, had a lot of big problems explaining the country was going in a good direction, but at that time the world was either black or white, it was either the free world against the communist world.
It was very difficult for me to explain myself, even with my own father. [In] late 1975, I drove my father to the airport - he was going back to Cambodia to be a diplomat for the KR, since he had joined up with Prince Sihanouk when he was overthrown in 1970. After he left France we had no news from him until the beginning of the 1980s, when people were coming out from Boeung Trabek [Prison] and arrived in France with news from him.
The last thing that my father told me was to apologise to me, and to say, ‘I'm sorry, I misunderstood you'. From my father, it is something I will never forget. I was the one who should have said I am sorry.
Following that period, in the early 1980s, did you return immediately to Cambodia?
No, I joined then-Prince Sihanouk in the fight against the Vietnamese occupation as one of the main leaders and founders of the Funcinpec party. I was appointed as the representative to the European Parliament in Strasbourg, but I had many contacts and exchanges with the resistance.
I was in touch with them even before Funcinpec was created, and it was only natural for me to go on talking with them about some of the political issues, such as the future of Cambodia after the victory, and the solution to the Cambodian problem.
Funcinpec and the Son Sann group [KPNLF] were in nominal alliance with the Khmer Rouge during this period. Did that worry you at all?
That was not until 1982. The KPNLF was created on October 9, 1979. At that time, Prince Sihanouk was asked to lead the KP, but just because it was founded on the October 9, which was the anniversary of the declaration of the republic in Cambodia in 1970. Just for that reason, Sihanouk could not lead the KP. October 9 was not chosen by Son Sann himself. It was imposed on him by the Thais: At that time they did not want to see Prince Sihanouk around, and they tried to drive him away.
In your time at the palace, how have you seen the role of the monarchy change?
The Cambodian royal family has always been very involved in contemporary politics. My uncle, Prince Yuthevong, was the founder of the Democratic Party and headed [it] in the first elections in 1947, when the Democrats won and he became prime minister. Another prince, Prince Norodom Monireth, was the head of the Liberal Party and also became prime minister at that time.
I want the royal family to stand as a symbol of Cambodian unity, and I have to say that King Sihamoni has done a great job ever since he was elected. First of all, he changed the way the monarchy was thought of by the people in Cambodia. The only figure that people had in mind was King Sihanouk, and Sihanouk was a tremendous personality in Cambodian politics as well as on the international stage, so it was very difficult to succeed him. [Sihamoni] has given another direction to the monarchy: He is not involved in politics, he has never made any comment about the political situation. And that's the way the king should be. King Sihanouk is a special case, a very special case.
Some people in the ruling party have said just that - that it drags down the King if royals get involved in politics.
Until 2006, when I created my own party [the Sangkum Jatiniyum Front Party], I was not involved in politics, I just wrote papers stating my own point of views. But I was threatened at that time, around 2005, and I was just a private secretary to King Sihanouk. On the one hand, the CPP cannot say that the royalists should stay away from politics and then on the other threaten them when they give their vision of Cambodian society and politics. I have to be respected for what I say, otherwise I will have to be involved just to give me a justification.
Was Sihanouk's abdication the end of an era, in terms of the involvement of the royals in politics?
[They succeeded] because they only used King Sihanouk's name, instead of explaining his vision. The main difference between 1960s Cambodia and today's Cambodia is the lack of vision. During the 1950s and 1960s Cambodia had a vision: that was the reason that Cambodia was seen as a model.
Lee Kuan Yew, after Singapore gained independence in 1965, declared he wanted to develop Singapore on the Cambodian model. It was a real compliment from somebody who has been leading Singapore since then. Just compare Singapore now and Cambodia now, and where Cambodia could have been if there were no war and if Prince Sihanouk was not overthrown in 1970. Now we have a strong leader, but I'm not sure that Cambodia has a vision. It looks to me like Cambodia is just a big vessel, floating on the sea, going here and there.
I have heard that you are planning to start a new royalist party. Are these plans still on the cards?
If royals can be respected for what they say and what they do, then it is useless for me to get involved in politics. I can just give lectures and so on, sharing my vision about what has to be done. But if it is not accepted, and if I am threatened for what I do, then the only way around for me is to set up my own political party, just to have the possibility to defend my ideas. And so far there is no sign of the royals being respected, so I am still thinking of setting up my own party.
You've have been quite outspoken in your views about the Khmer Rouge tribunal that had you removed from Funcinpec last year. Is that something you regret?
No, not at all. I don't believe in the KRT. I think that spending US$100 million just to try Duch is a big problem, because I don't think Khieu Samphan, Nuon Chea, Ieng Sary and Ieng Thirith will ever be tried. We have two million victims of the KR era, but we don't have the means to determine responsibility. Those people have been put in jail ever since 2006. I feel that they will be left in jail until their death, and the only one that will be tried is Duch, because we have testimonies.
The second reason is that Cambodia used to be colonised by France [which claimed] it had a duty to colonise under-developed countries, to bring them "civilisation". And to me, it appears the KRT is just another way to bring "civilisation" to Cambodia, because the KRT was not asked for by the Cambodian people; it was imposed as part of the so-called "international moral order".
But the international moral order should cope with Darfur before taking care of our own history. In 1977, it was known to every Western government that the genocide was going on in Cambodia, and the international community did nothing to stop it.
Interview by Sebastian Strangio
Tell me a little bit about your own past. Where did you grow up?
I went to France in 1956, and I spent only one year studying in Cambodia - in 1969. In 1968, I joined in the demonstrations with the French students and my parents did not really appreciate it, my going around with the leftist students, so they sent me back to Cambodia for a year. Otherwise, I did all my studies in France.
Did the 1968 demonstrations in France leave an impression?
I joined a Trotskyist group at the time, and all my thoughts - especially my political thinking - was marked by my experience of the 1968 events. My readings were in French, revolutionary people like Danton, Robespierre, Saint Just and afterwards Marx and Hegel. I was deeply and profoundly marked by my experiences.
When the Khmer Rouge took over in Cambodia in 1975, and your family was caught up in that, did your political views change?
I never believed in the Khmer Rouge, never. Even though I was considered an ultra-leftist, I never agreed with the direction the Khmer Rouge took, from the very beginning. I was non-violent, such as the French anarchist Proudhon, and I never believed that the use of violence could bring something new to the world.
Was it apparent at the time that the Khmer Rouge were as bad as later became obvious?
Many French philosophers, such as Andre Glucksman, backed the KR. Even I, in my own family and among my own friends, had a lot of big problems explaining the country was going in a good direction, but at that time the world was either black or white, it was either the free world against the communist world.
It was very difficult for me to explain myself, even with my own father. [In] late 1975, I drove my father to the airport - he was going back to Cambodia to be a diplomat for the KR, since he had joined up with Prince Sihanouk when he was overthrown in 1970. After he left France we had no news from him until the beginning of the 1980s, when people were coming out from Boeung Trabek [Prison] and arrived in France with news from him.
The last thing that my father told me was to apologise to me, and to say, ‘I'm sorry, I misunderstood you'. From my father, it is something I will never forget. I was the one who should have said I am sorry.
Following that period, in the early 1980s, did you return immediately to Cambodia?
No, I joined then-Prince Sihanouk in the fight against the Vietnamese occupation as one of the main leaders and founders of the Funcinpec party. I was appointed as the representative to the European Parliament in Strasbourg, but I had many contacts and exchanges with the resistance.
I was in touch with them even before Funcinpec was created, and it was only natural for me to go on talking with them about some of the political issues, such as the future of Cambodia after the victory, and the solution to the Cambodian problem.
Funcinpec and the Son Sann group [KPNLF] were in nominal alliance with the Khmer Rouge during this period. Did that worry you at all?
That was not until 1982. The KPNLF was created on October 9, 1979. At that time, Prince Sihanouk was asked to lead the KP, but just because it was founded on the October 9, which was the anniversary of the declaration of the republic in Cambodia in 1970. Just for that reason, Sihanouk could not lead the KP. October 9 was not chosen by Son Sann himself. It was imposed on him by the Thais: At that time they did not want to see Prince Sihanouk around, and they tried to drive him away.
In your time at the palace, how have you seen the role of the monarchy change?
The Cambodian royal family has always been very involved in contemporary politics. My uncle, Prince Yuthevong, was the founder of the Democratic Party and headed [it] in the first elections in 1947, when the Democrats won and he became prime minister. Another prince, Prince Norodom Monireth, was the head of the Liberal Party and also became prime minister at that time.
I want the royal family to stand as a symbol of Cambodian unity, and I have to say that King Sihamoni has done a great job ever since he was elected. First of all, he changed the way the monarchy was thought of by the people in Cambodia. The only figure that people had in mind was King Sihanouk, and Sihanouk was a tremendous personality in Cambodian politics as well as on the international stage, so it was very difficult to succeed him. [Sihamoni] has given another direction to the monarchy: He is not involved in politics, he has never made any comment about the political situation. And that's the way the king should be. King Sihanouk is a special case, a very special case.
Some people in the ruling party have said just that - that it drags down the King if royals get involved in politics.
Until 2006, when I created my own party [the Sangkum Jatiniyum Front Party], I was not involved in politics, I just wrote papers stating my own point of views. But I was threatened at that time, around 2005, and I was just a private secretary to King Sihanouk. On the one hand, the CPP cannot say that the royalists should stay away from politics and then on the other threaten them when they give their vision of Cambodian society and politics. I have to be respected for what I say, otherwise I will have to be involved just to give me a justification.
Was Sihanouk's abdication the end of an era, in terms of the involvement of the royals in politics?
[They succeeded] because they only used King Sihanouk's name, instead of explaining his vision. The main difference between 1960s Cambodia and today's Cambodia is the lack of vision. During the 1950s and 1960s Cambodia had a vision: that was the reason that Cambodia was seen as a model.
Lee Kuan Yew, after Singapore gained independence in 1965, declared he wanted to develop Singapore on the Cambodian model. It was a real compliment from somebody who has been leading Singapore since then. Just compare Singapore now and Cambodia now, and where Cambodia could have been if there were no war and if Prince Sihanouk was not overthrown in 1970. Now we have a strong leader, but I'm not sure that Cambodia has a vision. It looks to me like Cambodia is just a big vessel, floating on the sea, going here and there.
I have heard that you are planning to start a new royalist party. Are these plans still on the cards?
If royals can be respected for what they say and what they do, then it is useless for me to get involved in politics. I can just give lectures and so on, sharing my vision about what has to be done. But if it is not accepted, and if I am threatened for what I do, then the only way around for me is to set up my own political party, just to have the possibility to defend my ideas. And so far there is no sign of the royals being respected, so I am still thinking of setting up my own party.
You've have been quite outspoken in your views about the Khmer Rouge tribunal that had you removed from Funcinpec last year. Is that something you regret?
No, not at all. I don't believe in the KRT. I think that spending US$100 million just to try Duch is a big problem, because I don't think Khieu Samphan, Nuon Chea, Ieng Sary and Ieng Thirith will ever be tried. We have two million victims of the KR era, but we don't have the means to determine responsibility. Those people have been put in jail ever since 2006. I feel that they will be left in jail until their death, and the only one that will be tried is Duch, because we have testimonies.
The second reason is that Cambodia used to be colonised by France [which claimed] it had a duty to colonise under-developed countries, to bring them "civilisation". And to me, it appears the KRT is just another way to bring "civilisation" to Cambodia, because the KRT was not asked for by the Cambodian people; it was imposed as part of the so-called "international moral order".
But the international moral order should cope with Darfur before taking care of our own history. In 1977, it was known to every Western government that the genocide was going on in Cambodia, and the international community did nothing to stop it.
Interview by Sebastian Strangio
13 comments:
Stop making nonsense comments you stupid political prostitute Tomico.!!! You are one of the bastards the royal family ever produced. Get this stupid royalist off air pls...
This is just an information. Please tell us about yourself.
Pour Trunk Tomico que pense le NEAK SNEHACHEAT SIRIMATAK ? SAMDACH MONIRETH et L'érudit YOTHIVONG de votre comportement TRUK THOMICO JE VOUS SUGGERE DE RESTER DIGNE LA LIGNE SISOWATH MERCI
Tomico is a boy.
He is too young to play with politics.
Most of the members of the Royal family are stupid, while the head of the family is the crazy one.
He's dumb... he's stupid...& he's
ignorant!
There is some credibility to what he said. He didn't actually disagree. He just did not believe in it that it will happen, but will see.
Prince Thomico may be behind with time or underestimate the power of the justice. It may be also for real that our country again is under the civilization. Why? We seem to completely ignore the fact that 2 millions of our people were deaded under this terrible terrible crime against humanity and yet none of our people ( the big wig mostly ) have the ability to talk about or bring it to justice. It almost look like they are commiting the crime themself and that is very very bad and weak. Therefore asking for the international attention to do this for us once again just like we could not bring ourself to the civilization during the colonial time. Please tell if you know, anyone? who can bring the 2 millions death of our people to justice without the international's attention? Not even you Prince or the royal family can do it and you know it. They know it and if none of us cann't do it, that is just helpless, because it's very wrong to ignore the fact that we have real murderers going on in our country which can and will affect the whole world badly in the 21st century! To let them go that's just plan stupid. The world of crimimal justice is far out and ahead of us. They can do anything to prevent it. Our people's misery is just far too great to let it pass. Darfur may be next and perhaps will fall by itself once our case is solved. You may not know it and some people may not know it, but there are plenty of activists around the world out there that aren't going to just sit still and let it keeps happening. They are fighting for it everyday. It just a matter of time. So you have to get with it or risking yourself being dumb and irresponsible.
Mother fucker! Do you people under suppression can say any thing we realy want?
We people want justice, freedome and peace!
Your stupid familly thing we like to be rape by your princes? Only your fucking mother the hooker like that ah Teu meko, mother fucker!
please .prince shuld not talk about king was power ,recently is yuon power ,that controed all of us include all king family .we need another direction and guider who to strong rather beg ah Hun power .
Ah Hun is not last longer .he will be the same as ah hok lundy , yuon is not aallow purity khmer in power they try to bland to be yuon power soon .
Thomico is retarded like most of khmer royal family members. He wants to take back Cambodia the the Sangkum Reastr Niyum time. That is his own vision.
Thomico or ធម្មការ in Khmer as his name should be correctly pronounced and/or spelled has been and is still just a distraction to all.
អក
How does he relate to Narodom Sihanouk?
He is on Sisowatt side not that of Norodom?
What did he in the past?
His idea is still not open now. What can be expected from his idea ? he himself doesn't know yet...ha.ha
Post a Comment