By Kavi Chongkittavorn
The Nation
THE FALL of the Berlin Wall two decades ago has ushered in a great transformation to the lives of millions of Eastern Europeans. The continent of Europe as a whole has become stronger than ever and has a bigger profile in international politics. Greater impacts are also being felt at the global level with more openness, democratisation and flow of peoples across borders.
Unfortunately, within Southeast Asia, the invisible Berlin Wall or rather Iron Curtain remains, dividing the former Indochinese states and non-communist countries along ideological lines, even though they are now in one family.
In March 1987, when former Soviet Union Foreign Minister Eduard Shevarnadze passed through Bangkok, he said his country would soon withdraw from the political entanglements in Indochina - no more proxy wars. His comment did not make news headlines as there were no other visible indications that the Cold War was going to end soon. Earlier, the 1986 Vladivostok speech by Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev had given a hint of such disengagement.
After the Wall's collapse and the Soviet pull back, the war of attrition subsided in the region, which used to be a hotbed of East-West conflicts. Former Indochinese countries such as Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos had to struggle on their own without assistance from their former patrons. Vietnam was ahead of the curve as Hanoi quickly adapted to the new regional landscape. Within six years of the fall of the Berlin Wall, Vietnam became the first to join Asean, its former arch-enemy. By 1999, all the other former foes, including Burma, had joined the bloc without any pre-conditions.
Expectations ran high at the time that the region would be forever transformed into a united and dynamic region with a vibrant economy and political openness - like Eastern Europe - with a huge market of nearly 600 million people. That dream of accelerated integration was cut short due to the harsh reality on the home front among the new Asean members. The economic crisis in 1997 further dashed such hopes.
As it turned out, new members had minds of their own. With strong determination and common strategies, they have chosen to integrate with the grouping's overall schemes at their own pace and comfort level. In that sense, an Iron Curtain continues to exist, dividing the old and new members, especially on issues related to security and political freedom, human rights and engagement with civil society organisations.
Interestingly, the fall of communism in Europe has allowed the former Indochinese countries to develop their own unique but dogmatic political systems, blending Western capitalism and economic pragmatism.
New economic prosperity has become the bedrock of legitimacy for ruling parties, even though communist patrons elsewhere had all but vanished.
It is not surprising then that Southeast Asia today continues to encompass a myriad of political systems, ranging from a harsh stand-alone regime like Burma to Cambodia's strongman rule; from absolute monarchy in Brunei to constitutional monarchy in Thailand; from half-baked democracy in the Philippines to a full-blown but nascent democracy in Indonesia.
Cambodia is a good example. With assistance from the UN and the international community in restoring peace and setting up a political framework in the early 1990s, Cambodia has emerged as an illiberal and fragile democracy, with a strong one-party rule. Prime Minister Hun Sen has been in power for the past 25 years, the region's longest reigning political leader.
After joining Asean in 1999 - the last country to do so - Cambodia has played a unique role in Asean. As the only new member with a semblance of democracy, Phnom Penh can lift the Iron Curtain if it so wishes and bridge the divide between the old and new members. Its recent opposition to the joint Asean appeal for Aung San Suu Kyi's freedom was a good case in point.
After all Cambodia was the jewel of Asean's collaborative peaceful efforts.
In a similar vein, Vietnam's role and influence inside Asean is expanding. Within the Asean circle, Vietnam is considered the driving force of new members. As the next Asean chair, Hanoi can either promote or dampen the grouping's openness and strengthen its external relations. Hanoi's attitude towards engagement with the region's civil-society groups and the implementation of Asean's new human rights body remain to be seen. Quite often, since joining Asean, Vietnam has been instrumental in protecting the grouping's "status quo and the Asean way". Laos and Burma are also strong supporters of Vietnam's propositions.
Looking ahead on this historic day, Asean's much cherished motto: "One Vision, One Identity, One Community", remains elusive. It is being promoted as part of the campaign to shore up the support of Asean citizens and bring to their attention that by 2015, or 1777 days from now, they will become a single community. With a strong "Iron Curtain" mentality surviving in nearly half of the grouping's members, can the Asean Community become a reality?
Unfortunately, within Southeast Asia, the invisible Berlin Wall or rather Iron Curtain remains, dividing the former Indochinese states and non-communist countries along ideological lines, even though they are now in one family.
In March 1987, when former Soviet Union Foreign Minister Eduard Shevarnadze passed through Bangkok, he said his country would soon withdraw from the political entanglements in Indochina - no more proxy wars. His comment did not make news headlines as there were no other visible indications that the Cold War was going to end soon. Earlier, the 1986 Vladivostok speech by Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev had given a hint of such disengagement.
After the Wall's collapse and the Soviet pull back, the war of attrition subsided in the region, which used to be a hotbed of East-West conflicts. Former Indochinese countries such as Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos had to struggle on their own without assistance from their former patrons. Vietnam was ahead of the curve as Hanoi quickly adapted to the new regional landscape. Within six years of the fall of the Berlin Wall, Vietnam became the first to join Asean, its former arch-enemy. By 1999, all the other former foes, including Burma, had joined the bloc without any pre-conditions.
Expectations ran high at the time that the region would be forever transformed into a united and dynamic region with a vibrant economy and political openness - like Eastern Europe - with a huge market of nearly 600 million people. That dream of accelerated integration was cut short due to the harsh reality on the home front among the new Asean members. The economic crisis in 1997 further dashed such hopes.
As it turned out, new members had minds of their own. With strong determination and common strategies, they have chosen to integrate with the grouping's overall schemes at their own pace and comfort level. In that sense, an Iron Curtain continues to exist, dividing the old and new members, especially on issues related to security and political freedom, human rights and engagement with civil society organisations.
Interestingly, the fall of communism in Europe has allowed the former Indochinese countries to develop their own unique but dogmatic political systems, blending Western capitalism and economic pragmatism.
New economic prosperity has become the bedrock of legitimacy for ruling parties, even though communist patrons elsewhere had all but vanished.
It is not surprising then that Southeast Asia today continues to encompass a myriad of political systems, ranging from a harsh stand-alone regime like Burma to Cambodia's strongman rule; from absolute monarchy in Brunei to constitutional monarchy in Thailand; from half-baked democracy in the Philippines to a full-blown but nascent democracy in Indonesia.
Cambodia is a good example. With assistance from the UN and the international community in restoring peace and setting up a political framework in the early 1990s, Cambodia has emerged as an illiberal and fragile democracy, with a strong one-party rule. Prime Minister Hun Sen has been in power for the past 25 years, the region's longest reigning political leader.
After joining Asean in 1999 - the last country to do so - Cambodia has played a unique role in Asean. As the only new member with a semblance of democracy, Phnom Penh can lift the Iron Curtain if it so wishes and bridge the divide between the old and new members. Its recent opposition to the joint Asean appeal for Aung San Suu Kyi's freedom was a good case in point.
After all Cambodia was the jewel of Asean's collaborative peaceful efforts.
In a similar vein, Vietnam's role and influence inside Asean is expanding. Within the Asean circle, Vietnam is considered the driving force of new members. As the next Asean chair, Hanoi can either promote or dampen the grouping's openness and strengthen its external relations. Hanoi's attitude towards engagement with the region's civil-society groups and the implementation of Asean's new human rights body remain to be seen. Quite often, since joining Asean, Vietnam has been instrumental in protecting the grouping's "status quo and the Asean way". Laos and Burma are also strong supporters of Vietnam's propositions.
Looking ahead on this historic day, Asean's much cherished motto: "One Vision, One Identity, One Community", remains elusive. It is being promoted as part of the campaign to shore up the support of Asean citizens and bring to their attention that by 2015, or 1777 days from now, they will become a single community. With a strong "Iron Curtain" mentality surviving in nearly half of the grouping's members, can the Asean Community become a reality?
1 comment:
Why didn't the Nation mention something about the Thai's democrazy which dictated by military coupe again ang again... The hippocrit alwayst criticize others and never stands in front of the mirror and looks at itself. Perhaps, the crit is afraid seeing a monster in the monster.
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