First published in October 2007 in The Phnom Penh Post as part of the Voice of Justice columns, but first written during my 3rd year of law school after having spent a semester studying and working in Pietermaritzburg, South Africa (June-Dec. 1999), a country I love deeply (for its natural beauty and its long-suffering, resilient, forgiving people) and was fortunate to visit again ten years later this past December 2009 as part of a group of experts and practitioners on reconciliation (funded by the Swedish government - in the exquisite wine country of Stellenbosch, staying in the oldest hotel of all of South Africa, in a suite the size of my current apartment - a very difficult life, I know :) !!). Despite the cultural, political and historical differences, we, Cambodians, have much to learn from South Africans and their ubuntu spirit. A good place to star (for us proficient in English) would be the contemplative reading of Nelson Mandela's inspirational Long Walk to Freedom and Desmond Tutu's No Future Without Forgiveness which I just finished for the first time. For those of us genuinely interested the concept of forgiveness, I have found both of Lewis B. Smedes' books on forgiveness (Forgive & Forget, 1984 and The Art of Forgiving, 1996) incredibly enlightening and helpful in understanding the universal contours of this concept; unfortunately again, not available in Khmer but English.
Beginning with Hitler
The second half of the 20th century has witnessed unprecedented advancement of human rights, from Haiti to the former Yugoslavia to Rwanda to Sierra Leone to East Timor, human values are piercing the veil of the monolithic state and challenging the foundation of its values. Adolph Hitler was the first to give the cause of action for this penetration into stale sovereignty. The atrocities of World War II aroused the ire of the Western world who viewed the mass extermination of Jews as an affront to the collective dignity of mankind. This moral outrage expressed itself in the Nuremburg Trials, which in turn formed the impetus for the founding of the International Human Rights Movement. For the first time in history, a state and individuals were held internationally responsible for crimes committed inside its territory and on a mass systematic scale. Spain's unilateral arrest of Chile's General Augusto Pinochet a few years back highlighted but one example of how content-rich yet ever contentious the human rights culture has become since its inception.
State Values
Despite immense progress in the internationalization of human rights, some as jus cogens - peremptory norms having the character of supreme law which cannot be modified by treaty or by ordinary customary law - all is not well. The transition from a bi-polar to a multi-polar world ended the Cold War but resulted in the proliferation of many "hot spots" around the world. The modern world knows many Hitlers and many killing fields, people and places brought out from their obscurity by national, ethnic, racial and religious "cleansing" that resulted in the eradication of huge sections of the population. However, because states continue to be the constitutive actor of the international system, the perpetrators of these atrocious crimes are more likely than not to roam freely under the protective guise of stale values.
Human Values
Despite the morass, international criminal justice and universal jurisdiction increasingly are championing human values over stale values - humanity over nations - whereby crimes whose commission offend the moral intuition of the international community, specifically that of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity are being brought to mixed and /or international tribunals.
The gross violations of these crimes are impelling, as a moral imperative, the global community towards increasing criminal sanctions against such actions. Because for us to remain silent and inactive in the presence of such evils strike at who we are as moral beings; these transgressions are a violent assault on human dignity. Thus, the apprehension and trial of these perpetrators lend expression to the moral outrage and revulsion felt by humanity. Only by voicing our disgust and thus publicly repudiating such conduct do we begin to restore the moral order within the system and within ourselves.
Justice demands retribution
Privy to the moral philosophy of punishment is the concept of justice. Justice demands retribution. In apportioning just deserts to the perpetrators, certain desirable values inevitably flow to the respective actors involved.
First, punishment administers accountability and responsibility on the perpetrators. Even if the perpetrators escape arrest the warrant for their arrest stigmatizes them as pariahs. The values of stigmatization and shame, although intangible, should not be underestimated.
Second, the community is restored when justice is meted out.
Third, the issuance of justice redresses the survivors' rights as legal citizens. Personal autonomy presumes every individual a 'legal person', that is, a carrier of formal rights and obligations. Notably, the criminal process lends legal recognition that justice is not a privilege but a right that is redressable for all citizens.
The provision for a civil party to join in the criminal proceeding (of which I am the first, not only for this Extraordinary Chambers but for all mixed tribunals) is only one of the most mind-boggling developments (particularly to someone brought up in the common law tradition) to give further credence to this idea of individuals as "legal person".
Finally, respect is bestowed upon the victims when a concerned community takes concrete steps on their behalf and in their memory. Therefore, a legitimate trial allows for individual and collective closure, the sense of finality that all that could have been done has been done. This closure in turn provides a necessary precondition for meaningful growth and development.
Deterrence: potential killers given notice
Another aspect of justice reasons that punishment contributes to the general deterrence of future crimes. The Preamble to the Rome Statute (establishing the International Criminal Court) succinctly states that the ICC "determine[s] to put an end to impunity for the perpetrators of these crimes and thus contribute to the prevention of such crimes..." Implicit in the argument is that potential violators are put on notice. Absent notice and punishment, a moral hazard exists, and thus in effect creating a de facto license to kill at will and with impunity.
It would be good if the international community could re-remind General Than Shwe and his Burmese military junta that they are no longer living within the context of 1988 where they could get away with the violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators because of weak implementation of universal jurisdiction and non-existence of the ICC. The warlords in Darfur can also use this reminder, as well as other rogues of this world.
In sum, the violent assault on human dignity triggers our moral obligation and sense of justice and impels us into action.
Rule of law
The moral imperative to action, ie court proceeding, is twinned to the legal obligation, opinion juris, which is rooted in history. Hence, the second rationale for international/mixed criminal proceedings finds justification in law and history. Any legal, system albeit domestic or international, rests on the concept of the rule of law. Meaning results when concepts are translated into function. Currently, we have a rich compendium of concepts; however, we are still wanting to actualize them into a functioning reality.
Democratic Governance
Another reason for criminal sanctions against mass crimes is the development and promotion of the human rights culture and democratic governance.
On a pragmatic level, the judgments of these cases would produce a rich, contextual corpus of human rights scholarship, generate discussions, and stimulate public awareness of justice issues. We are more and more seeing this happening now in our Khmer society. Of course, more can be and should be had.
On a philosophical level, the adjudication of mass crimes would build on the achievements of the human rights culture in its fortification of the rule of laws — essentially democratic governance.
A democratic government guarantees the law to be the equalizer in content and application among its citizens. However, when the law punishes the petty and common crimes but allows mass murderers to circulate freely and comfortably among its citizens, democratic peace and stability are undermined and the law is relegated to meaninglessness. Unfortunately, as is the case: "For my friends, whatever they want; for my enemies the law." Garnering support for reform under such a mentality will be next to impossible. A failure to punish is then a clear abdication of democratic authority.
Criminal Responsibility
Here, it should be reminded that a person is criminally responsible when two conditions are met: actus reus (a wrongful act, deed) coupled with mens rea (guilty mind, criminal intention or recklessness). Simply put, you cannot be liable if there's only the wrongful act without any intention; you cannot be liable if you intended for the wrongful act, but did not carry out this act.
St. Augustine helps us to further understand the underlying rationale when he writes: "A fault cannot exist in the Highest Good, but it cannot exist except in some kind of good. Therefore good may exist on its own, but evil cannot... It is just, in that no one is punished for faults of nature but for faults of will; and even the wickedness which has became habitual, and has developed and hardened into 'second nature', had its origin in an act of choice... To try to discover the causes of such defection — deficient, not efficient causes — is like trying to see darkness or to hear silence. Yet we are familiar with darkness and silence, and we can only be aware of them by means of eyes and ears, but this is not by perception but by absence of perception... the failure is voluntary, not necessary " (The City of God, Book Xll, Chapters 3,7and 8).
We, the people, are living in an exciting international legal context that is more and more embracing human values over stale values; we, the Khmer people, are living in one rich example of the excitement and messiness of what all this means. At the end of the day, what we want to say through all these courts — national international or however special, extraordinary or mixed it is — every person must be responsible for his/her action.
"This article is an updated excerpt from a paper I wrote in May 2000 advocating for the establishment of the International Criminal Court, which since has come into existence with Cambodia as one of its first signatories. "
Theary C. SENG, a member of the New York Bar Association, former director of Center for Social Development (March 2006—July 2009), founder and Board of the Center for Justice & Reconciliation (www.cjr-cambodia.org), founding adviser of the Association of Khmer Rouge Victims (www.akrvc.org), is currently writing her second book, under a grant, amidst her speaking engagements.
ABOVE NATIONS, HUMANITY:
Universal Jurisdiction and International Criminal Justice
Universal Jurisdiction and International Criminal Justice
Beginning with Hitler
The second half of the 20th century has witnessed unprecedented advancement of human rights, from Haiti to the former Yugoslavia to Rwanda to Sierra Leone to East Timor, human values are piercing the veil of the monolithic state and challenging the foundation of its values. Adolph Hitler was the first to give the cause of action for this penetration into stale sovereignty. The atrocities of World War II aroused the ire of the Western world who viewed the mass extermination of Jews as an affront to the collective dignity of mankind. This moral outrage expressed itself in the Nuremburg Trials, which in turn formed the impetus for the founding of the International Human Rights Movement. For the first time in history, a state and individuals were held internationally responsible for crimes committed inside its territory and on a mass systematic scale. Spain's unilateral arrest of Chile's General Augusto Pinochet a few years back highlighted but one example of how content-rich yet ever contentious the human rights culture has become since its inception.
State Values
Despite immense progress in the internationalization of human rights, some as jus cogens - peremptory norms having the character of supreme law which cannot be modified by treaty or by ordinary customary law - all is not well. The transition from a bi-polar to a multi-polar world ended the Cold War but resulted in the proliferation of many "hot spots" around the world. The modern world knows many Hitlers and many killing fields, people and places brought out from their obscurity by national, ethnic, racial and religious "cleansing" that resulted in the eradication of huge sections of the population. However, because states continue to be the constitutive actor of the international system, the perpetrators of these atrocious crimes are more likely than not to roam freely under the protective guise of stale values.
Human Values
Despite the morass, international criminal justice and universal jurisdiction increasingly are championing human values over stale values - humanity over nations - whereby crimes whose commission offend the moral intuition of the international community, specifically that of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity are being brought to mixed and /or international tribunals.
The gross violations of these crimes are impelling, as a moral imperative, the global community towards increasing criminal sanctions against such actions. Because for us to remain silent and inactive in the presence of such evils strike at who we are as moral beings; these transgressions are a violent assault on human dignity. Thus, the apprehension and trial of these perpetrators lend expression to the moral outrage and revulsion felt by humanity. Only by voicing our disgust and thus publicly repudiating such conduct do we begin to restore the moral order within the system and within ourselves.
Justice demands retribution
Privy to the moral philosophy of punishment is the concept of justice. Justice demands retribution. In apportioning just deserts to the perpetrators, certain desirable values inevitably flow to the respective actors involved.
First, punishment administers accountability and responsibility on the perpetrators. Even if the perpetrators escape arrest the warrant for their arrest stigmatizes them as pariahs. The values of stigmatization and shame, although intangible, should not be underestimated.
Second, the community is restored when justice is meted out.
Third, the issuance of justice redresses the survivors' rights as legal citizens. Personal autonomy presumes every individual a 'legal person', that is, a carrier of formal rights and obligations. Notably, the criminal process lends legal recognition that justice is not a privilege but a right that is redressable for all citizens.
The provision for a civil party to join in the criminal proceeding (of which I am the first, not only for this Extraordinary Chambers but for all mixed tribunals) is only one of the most mind-boggling developments (particularly to someone brought up in the common law tradition) to give further credence to this idea of individuals as "legal person".
Finally, respect is bestowed upon the victims when a concerned community takes concrete steps on their behalf and in their memory. Therefore, a legitimate trial allows for individual and collective closure, the sense of finality that all that could have been done has been done. This closure in turn provides a necessary precondition for meaningful growth and development.
Deterrence: potential killers given notice
Another aspect of justice reasons that punishment contributes to the general deterrence of future crimes. The Preamble to the Rome Statute (establishing the International Criminal Court) succinctly states that the ICC "determine[s] to put an end to impunity for the perpetrators of these crimes and thus contribute to the prevention of such crimes..." Implicit in the argument is that potential violators are put on notice. Absent notice and punishment, a moral hazard exists, and thus in effect creating a de facto license to kill at will and with impunity.
It would be good if the international community could re-remind General Than Shwe and his Burmese military junta that they are no longer living within the context of 1988 where they could get away with the violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators because of weak implementation of universal jurisdiction and non-existence of the ICC. The warlords in Darfur can also use this reminder, as well as other rogues of this world.
In sum, the violent assault on human dignity triggers our moral obligation and sense of justice and impels us into action.
Rule of law
The moral imperative to action, ie court proceeding, is twinned to the legal obligation, opinion juris, which is rooted in history. Hence, the second rationale for international/mixed criminal proceedings finds justification in law and history. Any legal, system albeit domestic or international, rests on the concept of the rule of law. Meaning results when concepts are translated into function. Currently, we have a rich compendium of concepts; however, we are still wanting to actualize them into a functioning reality.
Democratic Governance
Another reason for criminal sanctions against mass crimes is the development and promotion of the human rights culture and democratic governance.
On a pragmatic level, the judgments of these cases would produce a rich, contextual corpus of human rights scholarship, generate discussions, and stimulate public awareness of justice issues. We are more and more seeing this happening now in our Khmer society. Of course, more can be and should be had.
On a philosophical level, the adjudication of mass crimes would build on the achievements of the human rights culture in its fortification of the rule of laws — essentially democratic governance.
A democratic government guarantees the law to be the equalizer in content and application among its citizens. However, when the law punishes the petty and common crimes but allows mass murderers to circulate freely and comfortably among its citizens, democratic peace and stability are undermined and the law is relegated to meaninglessness. Unfortunately, as is the case: "For my friends, whatever they want; for my enemies the law." Garnering support for reform under such a mentality will be next to impossible. A failure to punish is then a clear abdication of democratic authority.
Criminal Responsibility
Here, it should be reminded that a person is criminally responsible when two conditions are met: actus reus (a wrongful act, deed) coupled with mens rea (guilty mind, criminal intention or recklessness). Simply put, you cannot be liable if there's only the wrongful act without any intention; you cannot be liable if you intended for the wrongful act, but did not carry out this act.
St. Augustine helps us to further understand the underlying rationale when he writes: "A fault cannot exist in the Highest Good, but it cannot exist except in some kind of good. Therefore good may exist on its own, but evil cannot... It is just, in that no one is punished for faults of nature but for faults of will; and even the wickedness which has became habitual, and has developed and hardened into 'second nature', had its origin in an act of choice... To try to discover the causes of such defection — deficient, not efficient causes — is like trying to see darkness or to hear silence. Yet we are familiar with darkness and silence, and we can only be aware of them by means of eyes and ears, but this is not by perception but by absence of perception... the failure is voluntary, not necessary " (The City of God, Book Xll, Chapters 3,7and 8).
We, the people, are living in an exciting international legal context that is more and more embracing human values over stale values; we, the Khmer people, are living in one rich example of the excitement and messiness of what all this means. At the end of the day, what we want to say through all these courts — national international or however special, extraordinary or mixed it is — every person must be responsible for his/her action.
"This article is an updated excerpt from a paper I wrote in May 2000 advocating for the establishment of the International Criminal Court, which since has come into existence with Cambodia as one of its first signatories. "
Theary C. SENG, a member of the New York Bar Association, former director of Center for Social Development (March 2006—July 2009), founder and Board of the Center for Justice & Reconciliation (www.cjr-cambodia.org), founding adviser of the Association of Khmer Rouge Victims (www.akrvc.org), is currently writing her second book, under a grant, amidst her speaking engagements.
9 comments:
Democratic Kampuchea Pol Pot Khmer Rouge Regime
Members:
Pol Pot
Nuon Chea
Ieng Sary
Ta Mok
Khieu Samphan
Son Sen
Ieng Thearith
Kaing Kek Iev
Hun Sen
Chea Sim
Heng Samrin
Hor Namhong
Keat Chhon
Ouk Bunchhoeun
Sim Ka...
Committed:
Tortures
Brutality
Executions
Massacres
Mass Murder
Genocide
Atrocities
Crimes Against Humanity
Starvations
Slavery
Force Labour
Overwork to Death
Human Abuses
Persecution
Unlawful Detention
Cambodian People's Party Hun Sen Khmer Rouge Regime
Members:
Hun Sen
Chea Sim
Heng Samrin
Hor Namhong
Keat Chhon
Ouk Bunchhoeun
Sim Ka...
Committed:
Attempted Murders
Attempted Murder on Chea Vichea
Attempted Assassinations
Attempted Assassination on Sam Rainsy
Assassinations
Assassinated Journalists
Assassinated Political Opponents
Assassinated Leaders of the Free Trade Union
Assassinated over 80 members of Sam Rainsy Party.
"But as of today, over eighty members of my party have been assassinated. Countless others have been injured, arrested, jailed, or forced to go into hiding or into exile."
Sam Rainsy LIC 31 October 2009 - Cairo, Egypt
Executions
Executed over 100 members of FUNCINPEC Party
Murders
Murdered 3 Leaders of the Free Trade Union
Murdered Chea Vichea
Murdered Ros Sovannareth
Murdered Hy Vuthy
Murdered Journalists
Murdered Khim Sambo
Murdered Khim Sambo's son
Murdered members of Sam Rainsy Party.
Murdered activists of Sam Rainsy Party
Murdered Innocent Men
Murdered Innocent Women
Murdered Innocent Children
Killed Innocent Khmer Peoples.
Extrajudicial Execution
Grenade Attack
Terrorism
Drive by Shooting
Brutalities
Police Brutality Against Monks
Police Brutality Against Evictees
Tortures
Intimidations
Death Threats
Threatening
Human Abductions
Human Abuses
Human Rights Abuses
Human Trafficking
Drugs Trafficking
Under Age Child Sex
Corruptions
Bribery
Illegal Arrest
Illegal Mass Evictions
Illegal Land Grabbing
Illegal Firearms
Illegal Logging
Illegal Deforestation
Illegally use of remote detonation on Sokha Helicopter, while Hok Lundy and other military officials were on board.
Illegally Sold State Properties
Illegally Removed Parliamentary Immunity of Parliament Members
Plunder National Resources
Acid Attacks
Turn Cambodia into a Lawless Country.
Oppression
Injustice
Steal Votes
Bring Foreigners from Veitnam to vote in Cambodia for Cambodian People's Party.
Use Dead people's names to vote for Cambodian People's Party.
Disqualified potential Sam Rainsy Party's voters.
Abuse the Court as a tools for CPP to send political opponents and journalists to jail.
Abuse of Power
Abuse the Laws
Abuse the National Election Committee
Abuse the National Assembly
Violate the Laws
Violate the Constitution
Violate the Paris Accords
Impunity
Persecution
Unlawful Detention
Death in custody.
Under the Cambodian People's Party Hun Sen Khmer Rouge Regime, no criminals that has been committed crimes against journalists, political opponents, leaders of the Free Trade Union, innocent men, women and children have ever been brought to justice.
yeah we get the point. you don't need to paste the same comment over and over. If you have to do so, stop duplicating the same one. Indeed as one reading said, annoying!
It doesn't add anything to the forum. It doesn't even let me know your thoughts.
Theary: PLEASE stop writing articles that contain zero original research.
This is really ignorant, and really painful to read.
Your use of English is good, but the historical content is just old propaganda re-cycled at a highschool level.
Why write an article if it contains zero original research?
Theary, you do not know enough about the history of Europe, WWII, Haiti, the UN, etc. etc., to write an article of this kind: so just stop it.
The level of ignorance here is much worse than reading Wikipedia, and I think Theary did not take time to even read the Wikipedia articles on these subjects.
2:11PM, Thanks for your time to point this out. I never mention it because I don't want to heart her feelings. Seriously, I just stop reading her stuffs. Most of them are old work anyway......
Accountability take guts to say if mistakes were made. For a nation as Cambodia, the challenge is to confirm that we have no time to loss because we are far behind the world in all aspects. The disservice we are doing to ourselves when we think that we are good enough..look beyond today, plan ahead,and take intelligent steps to do the right things. Stupid leaders lead the nation to be more stupid.
I don't know why Ki Media keeps posting her article. Hitler was not the first person who exterminated so many people. Since the dawn of civilization, people always killed each other. Many wars happened in Europe, Asia. I don't your article becasue it is ancient. do something that make much constructive to khmer society.
6:04,
khmer are stuburn. we don't take care, and always lookdown each other. Never learned from history.
2:11pm
Theary Seng isn't a scholar, so do not expect to see her writing comparable to the one written by a scholar. Some aspects of her writing are average, which is suitable for an average person like you to read. In fact, yours is below average anyways.
Your picture is very beautiful, too beautiful to be real, would you replace it with a recent one :)
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