By Sopon Onkgara
The Nation
AS JUDGEMENT DAY for the Supreme Court to rule on the status of Thaksin Shinawatra's frozen assets, worth Bt76 billion, draws near, the fugitive former premier intensifies his campaign to topple the Abhisit government and reclaim political power by any means.
Those means and strategies include unrelenting campaigns by the red shirts, pestering Thaksin's adversaries; heckling in the House; and other subversive methods by militia comprising retired military generals, who are practically political soldiers of fortune.
Let's define the current status of Thaksin and his struggle to regain power. In a recent video link for a pep talk to his red shirts, the disgraced billionaire was seen together with two lieutenants - ex-ministers Yongyuth Tiyapairat and Jakrapob Penkair - who are supposed to be the chief strategists in exile.
What did such display on the video link tell us? An unmistakable message is that Thaksin, in practice and reality, has already formed a government in exile to fulfill his drive to regain power. However, he has yet to formalise its establishment for the world to recognise his struggle.
Thaksin knows that he cannot announce a formal government in exile due to his lack of credibility and image problems. He cannot enter the US, the EU, or most countries in Asia and the Pacific, including Australia and New Zealand. Other areas off-limits include Eastern Europe.
Currently he can visit Middle East countries, using Dubai as his main base, while doing some business in Africa, where he is said to have interests in diamond and gold-mining. This has not been independently verified; we have only his claims to rely on.
If he were to formally set up a government in exile, it would represent an open battle with the Abhisit administration. That would endanger the red shirts, the militia, and whoever openly supports Thaksin's attempt to topple the government. Such a destructive, illegal campaign could indeed be termed as treason.
The government is aware that Thaksin intends to win the impending so-called ultimate showdown. February 26 is the judgement day, and the fugitive will unleash all available resources and destructive power to oust the government and protect his assets. Losing the battle will lead to complicated and prolonged consequences for himself, his family members, and those who are loyal to him and his money.
But Thaksin must also limit his campaign because he knows that he is an international pariah, and as such it would certainly be hard for civilised countries to recognise a government in exile. Even now, he has enough trouble just prolonging his refuge in Dubai, while grudgingly having to maintain a low profile.
In the long term, the United Arab Emirates will take away the welcome mat, now that the Thai Foreign Ministry wants to complete an extradition treaty with the sheikhdom as soon as possible. Thus, Thaksin will have to find another place of refuge.
As of now, what is left to him as a Thai national could be just his driving licence. His ID card, if expired, cannot be renewed outside the country. And this is not to mention the fact that he cannot even set foot on Thai sovereign soil at any Thai embassy.
Thaksin's passports, known to have been issued by Montenegro and Nicaragua, do not bear his original name. He has become a person almost without roots. It is rumoured that he has become a citizen of Cambodia, due to his advisory role for the government there and his role as a personal adviser to Prime Minister Hun Sen, the foul-mouthed tyrant.
If not already in Cambodia, Thaksin is expected there soon, to draw the final strategy and battle plan for his combined forces of militia, hired goons and those seeking money - amidst news that his financial resources are dwindling, which he denies.
It will be a revolution, he asserts. But we all know that he is fighting only for his money and to save his own neck. If opportunities exist, remotely or otherwise, he will part with funds for another political investment to regain power. In that case, the nation will remain in peril as long as his uncontained sinister ambition remains alive.
If Abhisit and his self-serving coalition partners don't get the picture, the people will certainly be better prepared for the eventualities if Thaksin's bite this time is more harmful than his repeated barks.
Those means and strategies include unrelenting campaigns by the red shirts, pestering Thaksin's adversaries; heckling in the House; and other subversive methods by militia comprising retired military generals, who are practically political soldiers of fortune.
Let's define the current status of Thaksin and his struggle to regain power. In a recent video link for a pep talk to his red shirts, the disgraced billionaire was seen together with two lieutenants - ex-ministers Yongyuth Tiyapairat and Jakrapob Penkair - who are supposed to be the chief strategists in exile.
What did such display on the video link tell us? An unmistakable message is that Thaksin, in practice and reality, has already formed a government in exile to fulfill his drive to regain power. However, he has yet to formalise its establishment for the world to recognise his struggle.
Thaksin knows that he cannot announce a formal government in exile due to his lack of credibility and image problems. He cannot enter the US, the EU, or most countries in Asia and the Pacific, including Australia and New Zealand. Other areas off-limits include Eastern Europe.
Currently he can visit Middle East countries, using Dubai as his main base, while doing some business in Africa, where he is said to have interests in diamond and gold-mining. This has not been independently verified; we have only his claims to rely on.
If he were to formally set up a government in exile, it would represent an open battle with the Abhisit administration. That would endanger the red shirts, the militia, and whoever openly supports Thaksin's attempt to topple the government. Such a destructive, illegal campaign could indeed be termed as treason.
The government is aware that Thaksin intends to win the impending so-called ultimate showdown. February 26 is the judgement day, and the fugitive will unleash all available resources and destructive power to oust the government and protect his assets. Losing the battle will lead to complicated and prolonged consequences for himself, his family members, and those who are loyal to him and his money.
But Thaksin must also limit his campaign because he knows that he is an international pariah, and as such it would certainly be hard for civilised countries to recognise a government in exile. Even now, he has enough trouble just prolonging his refuge in Dubai, while grudgingly having to maintain a low profile.
In the long term, the United Arab Emirates will take away the welcome mat, now that the Thai Foreign Ministry wants to complete an extradition treaty with the sheikhdom as soon as possible. Thus, Thaksin will have to find another place of refuge.
As of now, what is left to him as a Thai national could be just his driving licence. His ID card, if expired, cannot be renewed outside the country. And this is not to mention the fact that he cannot even set foot on Thai sovereign soil at any Thai embassy.
Thaksin's passports, known to have been issued by Montenegro and Nicaragua, do not bear his original name. He has become a person almost without roots. It is rumoured that he has become a citizen of Cambodia, due to his advisory role for the government there and his role as a personal adviser to Prime Minister Hun Sen, the foul-mouthed tyrant.
If not already in Cambodia, Thaksin is expected there soon, to draw the final strategy and battle plan for his combined forces of militia, hired goons and those seeking money - amidst news that his financial resources are dwindling, which he denies.
It will be a revolution, he asserts. But we all know that he is fighting only for his money and to save his own neck. If opportunities exist, remotely or otherwise, he will part with funds for another political investment to regain power. In that case, the nation will remain in peril as long as his uncontained sinister ambition remains alive.
If Abhisit and his self-serving coalition partners don't get the picture, the people will certainly be better prepared for the eventualities if Thaksin's bite this time is more harmful than his repeated barks.
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KHMER WORDS IN THE THAI LANGUAGE
Astonishing facts of Khmer influences in the Thai language (up to 40% according to research):
* อิทธิพลของภาษาเขมรในภาษาไทยมีถึง ๔๐% ในภาษาไทยทั่วไป ที่เราเรียกกันว่า "กัมพุชพากย์" ซึ่งคนไทยทุกๆคนควรรู้ (...ถ้าเราเกลียดเขมร แล้วจะเอา คำเหล่านี้ออกจากภาษาไทย...ผมเชื่อว่าเราจะแย่กันแน่นอน!)
ภาษาเขมรมีอิทธิพลในภาษาไทยมาช้านาน โดยมีหลักฐานชัดเจนย้อนหลังไปอย่างน้อยในสมัยกรุงศรีอยุธยา โดยปรากฏในปริบทต่างๆ ดังนี้
๑. ในวรรณคดี (เช่น ลิลิตยวนพ่าย, โคลงกำสรวล, คำฉันท์ดุษฎีสังเวยกล่อมช้าง) ได้แก่ เพ็ญ, พร, ไถง, ผกา, ผอูน, แข, อัญขยม, ฉนำ, ฉงน, จำรัส, กบาล, ละออ, ชิด, ลือ, ไพร, ดุจ,
ดำรง, ผจญ, ผลาด, แผนก, ผนวด, ฯลฯ
๒. ในภาษาพูดทั่วไป เช่น จมูก, ถนน, สพาน, เพลง, สระ, เสมียน, แห่, ขบวน, จาก, จบ, จำ, นำ, ยำ, ใน, นี้, ที่, ตาม, ยาม, คง, คือ, ช่าง, ช่วย, แนะนำ, วง, วัง, วัย, มูล, ก็, ง่าย, สม, สงสัย, พรรค, พวก,พยายาม, ปัญหา, หัด, ภัย, กำลัง, กำไร, ร่วม, รวบรวม, เรียบเรียง, เรียบร้อย, เรื่อง, รุ่งเรือง, เครื่อง, ครอบครอง, เคารพ, กังวล, สหาย, สนิท, สนม, ทหาร, ชน, ชนบท, จ่าย, จำหน่าย, จัด, กำจัด, ตรวจ, ตำรวจ, อาจ, อำนาจ, เดิน, ดำเนิน, เกิด, กำเนิด, กด, กำหนด, ตรา, ตำรา, ตรวจ, ตำรวจ, อวด, อำนวด, ชาญ, ชำนาญ, เชิญ, อัญเชิญ, พร, อวยพร, แต่ง, ตำแหน่ง, รำ, ระบำ, นึก, รำลึก, เสร็จ, สำเร็จ, เสียง, สำเนียง, สรุป, สวด, สะอาด, ฉลาด, สนุก, สบาย, สว่าง, สร้าง, ก่่่อสร้าง, นัก, นาง, นาย, ตา, ยาย, แม่, ลา, ลาภ, ออกญา, สนม, เสียดาย, ขาด, ทุน, ข้อ, บวก, ร่วม, ราย, ประชาชน, ประชากร, ประจำ, ประกาศ, ประกวด, ประกอบ, ประมุข, ประณีต, ประดับ, กระจัด, กระจาย, กระแส, กระเบื้อง, จับ, จอง, ปัจจุบัน, ประมาณ, ปรากฏ, เสมอ, เสนอ, โรง, เรียน, รักษา, บำรุง, บำเรอ, บำรัส, บำบัต, บัง, แบบ, บาง, บวด, ชี, ละเอียด, ทราบ, ตะบอง, ตอบ, ต่อ, ตั้ง, เตือน, แถม, หรือ, สำหรับ, สำคัญ, ครบ, คิด, ผลิต, สัมผัส, แผน,โดย, ควร, เฉพาะ, เพราะ, เคาะ, เกาะ, กรุง, เขต, ตำบล, ทะเล, ทะเลสาบ, ฯลฯ
๓. ในราชาศัพท์ เช่น ขนง, โขนง, เขนย, เสวย, บรรทม, เสด็จ, สมเด็จ, พระองค์, พระนาง, พระเจ้า, กรมพระ, กรมหลวง, กรมขุน, ทรง, กราบ, ถวาย, ละออง, ธุลี, พระบาท, แถลง, ทูล, บังคม, ประชวน, พระราชดำริ, ฯลฯ
๔. ในชื่อ จังหวัด เช่น กรุงเทพมหานคร, ศรีอยุธยา, สุโขทัย, นครราชสีมา, กาญจนบุรี, เพชรบุรี,ราชบุรี, ชัยภูมิ, กำแพงเพชร, ลพบุรี, นครนายก, ฉะเชิงเทรา, นครพนม, สุรินทร์, บุรีรัมย์, ศรีสะเกษ, อำนาจเจริญ ฯลฯ
๕. ในตัวเลขสิบตัว เช่น ๐, ๑, ๒, ๓, ๔, ๕, ๖, ๗, ๘, ๙
๖. เป็นแม่แบบอักษรไทยทั้ง ๔๖ พยัญชนะ และ สระ (ก่อนไทยเอามาแก้ให้สดวกง่ายขึ้นมา) ตัวอักษรเขมรที่ไทยใช้ตลอดมาและไม่ได้เปลี่ยนลักษณะ (ซึ่งเขมรยังใช้อยู่ปัจจุบันเหมือนกัน) เช่น ร, -ัั, -า, -ำ, -ิ, -ี, -ึ, -ื, -ุ, -ู, เ-, ฯ, ๆ, -็, -์, -ํ, ๏, ๚, ๛
Some past and present Thai kings and queens of Khmer ancestry since the first inception of the Thai Kingdom of Sukhothai (A.D. 1238) to now:
ตั้งแต่สมัยสุโขทัยมาจนปัจจุบันมีกษัตริย์และราชินีสยามหลายพระองค์ที่ติดเชื้อสายเขมรเช่นดังนี้:
--สมเด็จพระราเมศวร ที่ ๑,ที่ ๒ (ราชวงศ์อู่ทอง)
--สมเด็จพระรามราชาธิราชพิจารณา
--สมเด็จพระรามาธิบดีที่ ๑
--ท้าวศรีสุดาจันทร์ (ในภาพยนต์เรื่องสุริโยทัย)
--พระบาทสมเด็จพระพุทธยอดฟ้าจุฬาโลกมหาราช
--พระนางเจ้าสุวัทนา พระวรราชเทวี ในรัชกาลที่ ๖
--สมเด็จพระเจ้าภคินีเธอ เจ้าฟ้าเพชรรัตนราชสุดา สิริโสภาพัณณวดี (พระธิดาในรัชกาลที่ ๖)(First cousin of King Bhumibol Adulyadej and third cousin of King Sihanouk)
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