Cambodia’s Unseen Horrors
Like other secretive and totalitarian regimes of the twentieth
century, Cambodia’s Khmer Rouge left behind hardly any visual record of
its murderous rule. Of course, the KR leadership, which held total power
in Cambodia from 1975 to 1979, had plenty of propaganda made to show
the glories of their remaking of Cambodian society. Notoriously, they
also left behind black and white head shots of every one of the fourteen
thousand people who were admitted to Tuol Sleng Prison in Phnom Penh,
officially known as S-21, who were then tortured and executed. But the
only two western reporters who were allowed into the country during the
KR years were largely unable to record what was happening. Last year one
of them, Elizabeth Becker, had an exhibition of her photographs in
Phnom Penh, which drew a large and intensely interested audience. Yet
while there are portraits of guerrilla soldiers, working peasants, and
plenty of the leaders of the Angkar, the Organization, especially Pol
Pot himself, there are no images of the starving children, torture,
executions, and scenes of grief and misery that were pervasive under a
regime that killed one-fifth of the Cambodian population.
The images that do not exist form the “missing picture” of Cambodian
filmmaker Rithy Panh’s newest documentary, which won a top prize at the
Cannes Film Festival earlier this year and is being screened at the New
York Film Festival this fall. (It will be more widely released in the
United States in the spring.) The Missing Picture is not a
systematic history of the KR era, but it follows the chronology of
events, beginning with a brief recollection of Phnom Penh when it was
still a languid and abundant Southeast Asian city, perfumed with the
scent of jasmine. Then, with the collapse of the American-supported
government, young Khmer Rouge soldiers emerged from their jungle
redoubts—they had been recruited mostly from Cambodia’s villages—and
took over the country’s capital. Panh remembers the silence and stares
of these well-indoctrinated boys who were almost children themselves,
the first sign of the regime’s mortal hostility to the city and its
inhabitants, and then the four years during which the Angkar killed off
hundreds of thousands of people—members of the ancien régime of course,
but also virtually anybody with an education, anybody who wore glasses,
anybody capable of independent thought. After only a short year or so,
Cambodia had already become “collectivist, uncorrupt, equal, and
prosperous,” as Pol Pot announced, though real life was “straw huts,
drought, exhaustion, hunger, speakers blaring slogans,” and, of course,
1.7 million deaths in a population of less than ten million.
In a way Panh has all along been presenting Cambodia’s missing
picture, struggling to remember, reminding his audiences, which, until
now, have been mostly in France (his films are made in French), of the
savage absurdity of the Khmer Rouge’s radical experiment in utopian
social engineering. But The Missing Picture marks a departure
from his earlier work. Until now, Panh has allowed the testimony of the
witnesses that appear in his film, their memories, their explanations,
justifications, excuses, and admissions of criminal conduct, to carry
his story. There is no narration, no explanation, no effort to put the
rise of the Khmer Rouge into a broader historical setting—the Vietnam
War, the American bombing, the sharp contrasts of wealth and poverty
that gave the Khmer Rouge much of its early following.
His new documentary is without interviews, without the intrusive
camera and magnified close-ups of victims and perpetrators alike that he
has used in the past. Unlike his earlier work, this new film provides
explanatory narration, written by Panh, that offers both memories of his
own experiences under the regime and terse, aphoristic observations on
the nature and the meaning of it all.
But how to depict the grisly reality of a period during which the
only permitted images were those of a controlled propaganda machine? As
in his other work, Panh uses some of the available historical footage to
good effect: grainy scenes of the rural work camps full of
identically-dressed masses of people dumping panniers of earth over an
embankment, images of the leaders of the Angkar smiling and applauding
on official visits. These are the pictures of the Khmer rouge that are
not missing, Panh says in his narration. They have survived along with
some almost comically propagandistic footage of the enemies of the
regime (presumably Vietnamese or soldiers of the previous Lon Nol
government) being mowed down by KR guerrillas armed only with bows and
arrows.
Yet none of this tells us what was really going on. To make up for
the pictures we don’t have, Panh uses small clay figurines, hundreds of
them, painted, clothed, with individual expressions on their faces, and
placed in meticulously detailed dioramas that he seems to have
reconstructed from the memories of his youth. Among the first of these
is a figure of Panh’s father, an official in the Ministry of Education
in a white suit and dark tie who, in what Panh eventually came to see as
a heroic act of resistance, starved himself to death rather than
allowing himself to be treated as a farm animal by Cambodia’s rulers.
There are scenes of Khmer Rouge hospitals where patients lay on beds of
wooden planks. And, then there’s the scene in a village, again recreated
with clay figurines, in which a nine year-old child who denounces his
mother for eating a mango, an act of selfish individualism. Afterwards
she is led into the forest and never returns.
These clay statuettes, never before used by Panh in any of his
earlier work, cannot, of course, fully depict the horror of the Khmer
Rouge story. They are necessarily silent, immobile, and therefore devoid
of the intensity of those moments in other Panh films where his camera
bores in on the face of a witness and lingers there as he remembers what
happened, or what he did. But as Panh’s narration in the new film
proceeds, the statuettes take on a reality of their own, a voodoo-like
power, their individual features an aid to avoiding what might otherwise
be a kind of depersonalizing abstraction.
Certain themes emerge, notably the degree to which the killings were
related to ideology, which in Democratic Kampuchea meant, as Panh puts
it, that reality had to conform with Pol Pot’s wishes. Since capitalist
machines were “corrupt,” peasants would use their bodies as machines,
and though it might kill them, their deaths would be pure. But perhaps
the greatest immediate value of Panh’s heroic efforts to preserve the
memory of the Cambodian Holocaust is the implicit reminder that films
like The Missing Picture provide of what is, in effect, a
culture of oblivion and impunity in Cambodia today. The crimes were
unspeakable, horrific, and well-known, and yet so far only one person,
Duch, has been convicted of them—by the Special Cambodian-United Nations
Tribunal that has been meeting in Phnom Penh now for almost four years.
Many of the top KR leaders, including Pol Pot, are dead; only two other
senior leaders remain on trial, and the government of the autocratic
Prime Minister Hun Sen, which includes a number of people who were
themselves close to the Khmer Rouge, has resisted expanding the trial to include other Khmer Rouge officials who were directly involved in orchestrating the killings.
At one moment in The Missing Picture, a photograph that is
not missing appears on the screen. It shows Panh’s nieces and nephews in
a happy moment before the KR takeover, not long before they died of
starvation as a result of the KR’s savage misrule. Panh’s documentary is
an accusation against those who killed them, and who remain unpunished,
at large, immune from prosecution.
Rith Panh’s The Missing Picture (L’image manquante) is being shown at the New York Film Festival on October 8 and will be released in the US in March.
2 comments:
នៅពេលជាមួយគ្នានេះ ខ្ញុំកំពុងតែស្ដាប់ លោក សាន សូវិត និយាយគ្នាជាមួយនឹង លោក នួន សារ៉ាយ បងប្អូនប្រាកដជាបានឮដែរហើយ! ត្រង់នេះ ខ្ញុំយល់ថា៖ ប្រធាន គណៈបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ គួរតែយកចិត្តទុកដាក់ឲ្យបានដល់កម្រិតផង!
ខ្ញុំសុំមានសំណួរខ្លះ៖
តើវាមានដែរឬទេ ដែលថាក្នុងប្រព័ន្ធ គណៈបក្ស គេមានរាបជារបៀប ដូចជា បើចង់ជួបមេដឹកនាំកំពូល ទាល់តែមានការអនុញ្ញាតិ ទៅតាមលំដាប់លំដោយទើបបាន? បើមានវិញ តើអាចដែរឬទេដែលថា មនុស្សគ្រ័គ្គៗក្នុងប្រព័ន្ធនិមួយៗ របៀបជាឃុំគ្រងមេដឹកនាំកំពូល ឲ្យស្ដាប់តែពួកគ្នាឯង? ខ្ញុំតែឮជារឿយៗថា "បើចង់ជួបផ្ទាល់នឹងអ្នកធំ នុះវាមិនងាយទេហ្អើយ!"
ជឿដែរឬទេដែលថា ក្នុងប្រព័ន្ធនិមួយៗគ្មានមនុស្ស
ព្យាយាមកាត់ខ្សែរយៈពីអ្នកដទៃ រវាងអ្នកធំ ហើយទុកយកគុណសម្បត្តិសម្រាប់តែខ្លួនឯង?
លោក នួន សារ៉ាយ ថា "ត្រូវតែ លោក មេ បក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិស៊ីញ្ញ៉េកុងត្រា ទើបបានជួយទៀត" តើកុងត្រានោះមានអ្វីខ្លះទៅ?
សួរថាកន្លងមក តិចឬច្រើនពួកយើង សុទ្ធតែពឹង ដង្ហើមមនុស្សខូនខ្លះដក បានវាទៅជាអញ្ចឹង?
តើអស់លោកក្នុងប្រព័ន្ធនិមួយៗ គោរពក្រមសីលធ៌ម បក្សប្រាកដប្រជាទេ?
ថែមពីលើនេះទៀត តើ លោក នួន សារ៉ាយ មានដែលឮដែរទេពាក្យថា "អ្នកធំមើលរំលងអ្នកក្រ ស្រវារកតែអ្នកមាន រីឯអ្នក្រវិញតូចទាបវិញ ហ៊ានបានត្រឹមតែប្រាពលូន នឹងទ្រនាប់"
យើងក៏មិនដឹងច្បាស់ថា អ្នកក្រោមបង្គាប់គ្រប់មេដឹកនាំសុទ្ធតែស្មោះ?
យើងបានឃើញហើយ កាលបោះឆ្នោតមុនៗ អស់លោកគ្រ័គ្គៗខ្លះ រត់ប្រសាច ចេញនឹងចូល បក្សនេះបក្សនោះ ដូចតួរល្ខោន! ខ្ញុំយល់ថាកាលណោះ ប្រហែលជាពលរដ្ឋ មិនទាន់ហ៊ានធ្វើម្ចាស់ខ្លួនឯងប៉ុន្មាននូវឡើយ បានពួកអស់លោកទាំងនោះ គិតតែពីលាភសការៈអញ្ចុងទៅ?
បើប្រជាពលរដ្ឋមិនកម្រើក រឿងចាស់នូវតែមាន លោក សម រង្ស៊ី នឹង លោក កឹម សុខា អត់មានឥទ្ធិពលលើរឿងត្រូវតែធ្វើអ្វី ឬ មិនត្រូវធ្វើអ្វីនោះទេ បើពួកគាត់ត្រូវតែជៀស មិនឲ្យបាត់បង់ជីវិត្តមនុស្សដែលក្លាហានមានតិចនូវឡើយផង! អ្នកណាជួយមិនជួយ អ្នកណាស៊ីញ្ញ៉េមិនស៊ីញ្ញេវាដូចតែគ្នា ទេដឹង?
ម្ដងនេះខុសពីមុន៖
ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋហ៊ានស៊ីញ្ញ៉េប្ដិតមេដៃ ប្ដឹង លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ហើយក៏ហ៊ានធ្វើម្ចាស់របស់ខ្លួន ពេញលេញថែមទៀត រួចមើលទៅឯធនធានមនុស្សខ្មែរ ក៏ខុសមុនឆ្ងាយមិនតិច!
ខ្មែរឥឡូវនេះអាចជ្រើសរើសយក គោលនយោយបក្សមួយ ហើយអាចឈនទៅធ្វើជាម្ចាស់បក្សមួយនោះទាំងស្រុងបាន ដោយផ្អែកទៅនឹងធនធានរបស់ពួកគាត់
មានន័យថា៖ បើថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំណាម្នាក់ ប្រព្រឹតប្រាស់ចាក់ពីក្រមសីធ៌មបក្ស អ្នករងអាចជំនួសបានគ្រប់ពេល! ហើយបើបុគ្គលតំណាងរាស្ដ្រណាម្នាក់ ចេញដើរតួរល្ខោនទៀត បុគ្គលនោះក៏មិនអាចនាំយកសន្លឹកឆ្នោត របស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋទៅជាមួយខ្លួនបាន ព្រោះប្រជាពលរដ្ឋបានបោះឆ្នោតអោយគោលនយោបាយបក្ស មិនមែនសម្រាប់បុគ្គលណាទាល់តែសោះ!
បើ លោក នួន សារ៉ាយ ពិតជាមានគោលដៅដាច់ខាតត្រូវតែជួយខ្មែរមែន លោក ត្រូវតែរកលទ្ធភាពប្រើជំនួយរបស់លោក ទៅពង្រឹងជំហរអ្នកគាំទ្រ គណៈបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ ក្នុងប្រទេស ទើបមានប្រសិទ្ធិភាព?
ធ្វើបដិវត្តន៍ អហ៊ឹង្សា មានតែពឹងលើកម្លាំងប្រជាពលរដ្ឋជាគោល!
"លួចអត់បាន ទិញអត់លក់" ការស្រេកឃ្លាន លោក នួន សារ៉ាយ ត្រូវតែជួយហើយ មែនទេ!
Thank you for reminding Cambodian people of the horror and even after 30 years of Hun sen's rule over Cambodia and there are still plenty to of horrors to remind Cambodian people!
Please make the horror go away!
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