Sacrava's Political Cartoon: Cambodia's Parents

Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com)

We deserve NO SUCH FATHER, Mrs. Chea Vannath!

Chea Vannath is an independent analyst in Cambodia. (Photo: Heng Reaksmey, VOA Khmer)

As Divisive Jan. 7 Holiday Passes, An Expert Reflects

Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer
Washington, D.C Monday, 10 January 2011

“Jan. 7 is the father and Oct. 23 is the mother” - Chea Vannath

Jan. 7 remains a contentious day for Cambodians, marking both the ouster of the Khmer Rouge and the beginning of Vietnamese occupation. And while Cambodian's can be bitterly divided on the day, an independent analyst says that's the “beauty of democracy.”

“We should take these differences and bind us to each other, to unite build the country,” said Chea Vannath, as a guest on “Hello VOA” Thursday.

People have different views the world over, she said, but some people understand the “art of the the win-win” and that different opinions can be a strength.

The ruling Cambodian People's Party remains a fervent supporters of the day, while denouncing those who are critical. Meanwhile, the opposition and its supporters find more to celebrate on Oct. 23, the birth day of Cambodia as a constitutional democracy.

PROFILES IN COURAGE: Vignettes from Cambodian Life

First published in September 2008. Since mid-2009, the Center for Social Development (CSD) has been effectively non-functioning and run aground as staff who could not be absorbed by the Center for Justice & Reconciliation struggle to survive. Two years ago, CSD had some 80 local staff. Where is Madam Chea Vannath, now that she has succeeded in claiming her Board status via the court injunctive order? The last I heard, the some tens of thousands of dollars worth of equipment were sold off or stored in a "laveng" on the outskirts of Phnom Penh.

Profiles in Courage is a tribute to the former CSD staff, wherever they are, who still believe and who still trust, despite... thearyseng.com

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PROFILES IN COURAGE:
Vignettes from Cambodian Life

In this Voice of Justice column, we write often of disposition and virtues which we believe to be first principles - foundational blocks for meaningful living - in the hope that these reminders will turn into clarion calls to action. We ourselves are very much aware of the precarious position we are in as a public purveyor of these messages and at the need for humility, that we ourselves should be actualizing these 'principles of first things' from empty, aspirational rhetoric into daily, growing habits. As we know, it is action which speaks louder than words.

Here, we focus on one of the virtues most needed in this culture of embedded fear: COURAGE. Courage, according to Merriam-Webster, is the ability to conquer fear or despair; valor; bravery.

It is interesting that courage is something that is simultaneously most needed and most shown often and brightly here in Cambodia.

Not despairing amidst trying circumstances

We Cambodians have an amazing ability of resilience amidst great odds, not to despair but hope in the face of hopelessness. This ability not to despair shines most brilliantly among rural Cambodians.

In my travels through the provinces - albeit for the CSD "Justice & National Reconciliation" public forums or Civil Party Orphans Class seminars, other meetings or for just pure pleasure - I am deeply moved oftentimes by the sheer determination not to despair (courage!) of Cambodians in the most trying, poverty-ridden, poverty-persisting living conditions as reflected in the smiles and laughter and warm, embracing welcome to visitors of faraway, foreign Phnom Penh.

Daily acts of bravery against abusive powers

I remember several elections ago smiling and at times being moved to tears when I see shack holding up an opposition sign when these signs were rare and potential dangerous attractions; this family was going to vote its conscience despite the odds and forgoing potential social/material benefits. Whatever is one's political persuasion, it is difficult not to admire this type of courageous convictions. During these most recent elections as well, in CSD's work of elections monitoring, we witnessed and heard firsthand acts of bravery and valor of common Cambodians, forgoing personal gains for the sake of their conscience and dignity.

I read with overwhelming pride of the two students who were the only ones who achieved all A's in their exams. What odds when one thinks of the culture of corruption in schools and the larger unfriendly environment of noise, tight living quarters, inadequate materials, for learning. But amidst these odds what great courageous accomplishments!

We see time and again the bravery of common Cambodians standing up, with only their conscience and moral compass, to abusive acts of power of authorities and the wealthy, whether relating to land or other fundamental rights. What valor!

Courage to stand up and be counted at the ECCC

One of my joys working with participants of CSD justice and reconciliation forums and with victims who'd like to become civil parties in the criminal proceedings at the Khmer Rouge tribunal is witnessing the courage and bravery of these individuals, who have already suffered so much, coming forward and sharing with each other their long-held stories and pains - with most of them, open to sharing their stories with the world, no matter how difficult it is for them to tell this story. In a culture where falsely we believe "men are diamonds and women are white cloth easily stained", imagine the courage of a woman who had been raped filing a complaint and going public with this?!

Courage of CSD Staff fighting for dignity and voice, for their present and future

During the almost three years I have been at the helm of CSD, I am repeatedly stunned anew by the people who work with me -their sheer refusal to succumb to despair and most difficult circumstances, and in the process shining like stars, balancing with great aplomb family life as father or mother (of one, two, three children), husband or wife, and the larger extended family relations who often-times depend on their financial support. And amidst it all, they produce excellent work for CSD, too regularly working overtime, unasked, with me oftentimes requesting that they go home early to their family or before it gets too dark to risk security in their long journey home. Then, there are the staff who make unimaginable sacrifices as they live and work separately from their spouse and/or newborn children in order that they may provide for their family. Given their pleasant demeanor and their valiant spirit, you'd never know of these sacrifices.

Many of them are known to you as a result of their solidarity and braved stance in response to personal acts of public destruction, speaking with one voice against abusive power, most recently when I was away for an August family wedding in California. The staff are not only advocating others to be courageous; they are living by example. It moves me to know that these are the courageous, high-quality individuals I am honored to work alongside.

Courage is the only response to fear

As with any other disposition, courage is only fixed in us through practice. As Aristotle notes in the Nicomachean Ethics almost 2.400 years ago, we become brave only by doing brave acts: "By being habituated to despise things that are terrible and to stand our ground against them we become brave, and it is when we have become so that we shall be most able to stand our ground against them."

Moreover, when we encounter obstacles, let us be reminded that they are only invitations to courage.

Theary C. SENG, a member of the New York Bar Association, former director of Center for Social Development (March 2006—July 2009), founder and Board of the Center for Justice & Reconciliation (www.cjr-cambodia.org), founding adviser of the Association of Khmer Rouge Victims (www.akrvc.org), is currently writing her second book, under a grant, amidst her speaking engagements. For additional information, please visit Theary's website at thearyseng.com.

Thai Cambodia border tensions escalate

Tuesday, October 14, 2008
ABC Radio Australia

Thailand's Foreign Ministry has urged its citizens to avoid visiting Cambodia as a dispute over a stretch of border near the Preah Vihear temple, threatens to escalate into military conflict. Cambodia's Prime Minister, Hun Sen, has ordered Thai troops out of a disputed border area or he says there'll be a "death zone".

Presenter: Karen Percy
Speaker: Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, Chea Vannath political analyst

Click here to listen to the audio program (Windows Media)

PERCY: The latest talks between thailand and cambodia led nowhere .. just like the talks last month .. and the month before. So the prime minister Hun Sen, a former army general, decided it was time for action.

Hun sen: (Khmer) Today, I told both the Minister of Defence and Cambodian army chief and all regional, division commanders at the frontline that these areas are fighting areas. If Thai troops continue to enter, war will start tomorrow.

PERCY: Hun Sen told reporters war will start if Thai troops continued to enter. He instructed the Minister for Defence, the chief of the Cambodia army, and all frontline commanders that the region in Cambodia's north west, was a fighting zone. As yet, there are no reports of shots being fired. But it reveals the deepening frustration being felt in Cambodia, says independent political analyst Chea Vannath.

VANNATH: What the Cambodian Prime Minister did was to convey the message to his counterpart to get serious on the peace talk.

PERCY: The two countries have been at odds ever since the international court of justice handed the Preah Vihear temple to Cambodia in 1962. The 11th century stone hindu temple lies in ruins atop a dramatic escarpment. A small parcel of land around it is what's at stake and over the decades leaders from both sides have tried to argue for their version of the border. In July of this year, when UNESCO gave Cambodia world heritage listing for the temple, it prompted outrage across the border. The thai government initially supported Cambodia's UNESCO bid but had to renege after a public backlash. Since then the government in Thailand has seen a Prime Minister and two Foreign Ministers resign because of internal strife. That's made for slow negotiations.

VANNATH: The Cambodian Government is very patient, understanding the internal political situation in Thailand but the troops standing in the field is different issue.

PERCY: It's difficult to know exactly how many soldiers are involved. But each side is thought to have several thousand in the area, while several hundred from each side are in close confines near the temple. Chea Vannath again.

VANNATH: The two troops facing each other with the guns , so its kind of very tense in the field.

PERCY: Do you think Hun Sen will follow through if Thai troops don't leave under the deadline will Hun Sen demand Cambodian troops start firing?

VANNATH: I doubt it, because Cambodia needs peace and security for its tourism and economic development

PERCY: But Miss Vannath says that doesn't mean he isn't serious about the issue.

VANNATH: This proves that the territory belongs to Cambodia, that means Cambodia is committed to hold on to its territory.

PERCY: These centuries old rivalries between thailand and cambodia have prompted a broader border dispute.

VANNATH: If we go back to the 12th, 13th century, the Cambodian civilization, the Khmer empire, covered most of those regions, so Cambodia feels that its losing its territory piece by piece to its powerful neighbour.

PERCY: Hun sen is a clever political player. And while he might not really want bloodshed on the border, he seems determined to get Thailand to address the issue once and for all. He's no doubt hoping it might also prompt the association of south east asian nations or even the United Nations to step in.

CPP Could Be Secure in Big Win: Analyst

By Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer
Original report from Washington
30 July 2008

Click here to listen to the Khmer audio program

The Cambodian People's Party apparent landslide victory in Sunday's parliamentary election could spell difficulty for future political competition, a leading social analyst said Tuesday.

The CPP claims to have won 90 seats in the election, leaving 26 for the opposition Sam Rainsy Party, three for the Human Rights Party, two for the Norodom Ranariddh Party and two for Funcinpec.

The vote was a "strong" turnout for Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has learned from prior losses and has taken precautions to serve people's interests in a way they can accept, said Chea Vannath, an independent social commentator.

Issues like peace, stability and the growing economy likely helped the CPP in this year's polls, she said.

If the CPP does indeed come into power with 90 seats when official numbers are released, it will mark a sharp turn-around from a loss in the Untac-sponsored 1993 elections. Those results were not accepted by the CPP and led to a coalition government with two prime ministers that terminated in a coup in 1997. Since then, Hun Sen has been squarely in power.

Chea Vannath said the government will now need to spend the next five years of its mandate working on poverty in urban areas, education, healthcare and the economy, in a country reliant on $600 million in foreign aid each year and where 35 percent of the rural population lives under $0.50 per day.

If the government is able to tackle these issues, it will be hard for other parties to mount any competition in the next election, Chea Vannath said. With those issues addressed, it would take a "serious phenomenon" like war or rampant inflation to favor opposition in the future, she said.

Still, even with only 26 seats, the opposition party can maintain a watchdog role, maintaining some balance in the National Assembly and working toward the development of the country, she said.

Hun Sen eyes extension of long-running rule in Cambodia with opposition divided

Sunday, June 1, 2008
The Associated Press

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia: Although 11 parties are geared to fight it out in Cambodia's upcoming national elections, the contest is all but certain to be a one-horse race.

No one seems to have any doubt that Prime Minister Hun Sen, Asia's longest-serving head of government, will retain his stranglehold over the country's politics. Least of all himself.

"I wish to state it very clearly this way: No one can defeat Hun Sen. Only Hun Sen alone can defeat Hun Sen," he said in a speech earlier this year.

Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party began almost three decades ago as a communist party that headed a single-party state. But as Cambodia changed into a multiparty democracy, so did the party evolve, and proved itself the master of the field.

Today Hun Sen — once a member of the ultra-leftist Khmer Rouge — is crowing that he will bring the country boundless riches thanks to offshore oil discovered by an ultra-capitalist American oil company, Chevron.

In an hour-long speech at a recent development conference, he unequivocally told the audience he'll remain in power long enough to manage the expected windfall from the black gold, sometime in the next decade.

He spoke as if he had already won a new five-year term in office, though balloting won't be held until July 27. More than 8 million out of Cambodia's 14 million people are eligible to vote, according the elections committee.

An oil bonanza would further bolster Hun Sen's already unchallenged stature at the expense of the country's democratic freedoms, analysts say.

Once oil production starts, Hun Sen will find it easier to ignore the pressures to liberalize from foreign aid donors — on which the country is now still heavily reliant — and will instead curb freedom of expression, assembly and the press, said Lao Mong Hay, a senior researcher at the Hong Kong-based Asian Human Rights Commission.

Elections have become a "veneer of democracy," he said, adding that Hun Sen's expected victory would further empower "the present oligarchy composed of people in power and tycoons."

Through guile and threat, Hun Sen has run Cambodia since 1985, when he became prime minister of a Vietnamese-installed communist government.

A peasant's son, he has intimidated, outsmarted and co-opted his rivals, including those who have spent decades being versed in Western education and democracy.

For years, Cambodia was wracked by civil war between the government and the Khmer Rouge guerrillas, whose 1975-79 "killing fields" regime left some 1.7 million Cambodians dead.

A U.N.-sponsored peace process led to 1993 elections that Hun Sen's party lost — but he managed to muscle his way into the government anyway as co-prime minister.

Less than four years later, he ousted his coalition partner when their rivalry turned violent and his forces emerged victorious after a few days of bloody fighting in and around the capital. His party easily won elections in 1998 over a divided opposition and hasn't lost a poll since. It now holds 73 of the 123 seats in the lower house of parliament.

Hun Sen has also presided over the fast growth of the economy, which remains small by international standards.

Having run the country for three decades, his party has built a firm grass-roots apparatus and can draw on financial wealth unmatched by its opponents. Supporters include some of the country's wealthiest tycoons, who regularly dole out cash to finance rural projects such as schools and roads, often named after Hun Sen.

The party has just three credible rivals, one named after and led by opposition leader Sam Rainsy.

The two other main parties are lead by Kem Sokha, a former human rights activist, and Prince Norodom Ranariddh, whose former party booted him out for alleged incompetence — in part because of some political shenanigans orchestrated by Hun Sen's side.

But because the three parties lack a united strategy and instead pursue their own separate agendas for votes, they are unlikely to loosen the grip of Hun Sen's party, said Kuol Panha, director of Comfrel, an independent Cambodian election monitoring group.

"The imbalance will weigh heavier toward the ruling party. It can prevail at whim with its great strength due to the divided voices among the non-ruling parties," he said.

He said Cambodia's electoral environment is still far from free and fair, with the ruling party enjoying unfettered access to state resources and the tightly controlled broadcast media.

During the past few months, TV and radio stations have flooded the airwaves with coverage of Hun Sen and party colleagues inaugurating rural roads, schools and Buddhist pagodas — financed by cronies — and welcoming deserters from the Sam Rainsy Party.

Sam Rainsy acknowledges that Hun Sen's advantage of controlling the levers of state power make it "very difficult" for opposition parties.

"There's no strong kid on the block," to challenge Hun Sen's grip, said Chea Vannath, an independent analyst and former director of the Center for Social Development, a nonprofit social study group.

"I'm sure the ruling party will stay in power for quite awhile - with or without the oil money," she said.

Inflation, Increased Cost of Living Expected to Hurt Cambodian Families

By Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer
Washington
15 April 2008

The world is facing an “economic tsunami,” and it was up to everyone, including the government, private sector and non-governmental agencies to curb the impact - Chea Vannath

With inflation increasing, civic leaders are concerned children will face malnutrition or drop out of school to help their struggling families.

The price of rice and other goods continues to increase, pinching the pockets of many everyday Cambodians.

As far back as 2004, when there was little inflation, 45 percent of Cambodian children under the age of 5 faced malnutrition, said Chea Vannath, former director of the Center for Social Development, as a guest on “Hello VOA” Monday.

That number is likely to now increase, she said.

The world is facing an “economic tsunami,” she said, and it was up to everyone, including the government, private sector and non-governmental agencies to curb the impact.

The UN and IMF have warned of food insecurity worldwide, and already countries like Haiti and Egypt have seen riots over the rising price of goods.

“Some of the countries have no food stores, unlike Cambodia, we have them,” Chea Vannath said.

Still, if the government isn’t careful, the situation could turn “dire,” as the next rice harvest is not until October or November, around the festival of Pchum Ben, she said.

Rice millers and the government should be seeking to buy rice at the price of foreign businessmen in order to help people, she said.

Chea Mony, president of the Free Trade Union, said Monday that inflation was a continuing concern among workers, despite a proposed $6 increase to monthly income.

Workers have not received an exact date as to when the increase will come, he said, also a guest on “Hello VOA” Monday.

The $6 increase to monthly income came after the Free Trade Union threatened sweeping strikes, as the cost of living was surpassing a worker’s monthly income.

The opposition meanwhile has threatened to stage a second rally in coming weeks to protest the rising cost of goods.

Chea Mony said he had not called on all his workers to join one demonstration earlier this month, leaving it up to individuals.

His union is independent, he said.

Chea Vannath a champion of democracy in Cambodia

Chea Vannath

Written on December 19th, 2007
in World People one

Linked with Center for Social Development CSD.

She is one of the 1000 women proposed for the Nobel Peace Price 2005.

Chea Vannath (born 1948) is President of the Center for Social Development CSD, which promotes school curricula on transparency, monitors the courts and parliament and organizes public debates on the Khmer Rouge tribunal, corruption and other issues. After the Khmer Rouge seized power in 1975, Chea was forced to work in labor camps before escaping to Thailand and on to the US. After living as a refugee in America for more than ten years, she returned to Cambodia in 1992 to participate in rebuilding her country.

She says: “Not anymore will I allow only one party to lead my country”.

She says also: ““He (my father) was committed, had tremendous energy and effort, and possessed a progressive vision. He did not blame others. When he talked, he made me think. Once he was asked by other villagers while we were forced to work in the field by the Khmer Rouge, how it feels to not be rich anymore, and he replied that he still felt very fortunate. He did not pay attention to money but to human beings”.

She works for the Center for Social Development CSD.

A daughter of a jeweler, Vannath grew up in a secure and elegant environment. As a girl, she went to school in a chauffer-driven car. Vannath speaks three languages fluently: Khmer, English and French. After getting her diploma in public financial management, she worked as a fiscal officer in the treasury department. She married a physician, a major in the Cambodian army. They have one son.

Then came the Khmer Rouge in April 1975. Vannath’s life would never be the same again.

From “year zero”, as the Khmer Rouge regime called their reign of terror, Vannath along with her parents and her husband and son were forced to leave home and made to work the fields in several provinces along with millions other Cambodians. In three years and eight months, together with many other people, she moved to different places, wherever the Khmer Rouge needed forced labor. She got up at four in the morning to pick tobacco, and saw men being taken away never to be seen again.

Vannath witnessed, for the first time, death, torture, and misery. In short, human suffering. From these experiences, she learned to understand life and suffering, life as ever changing and not permanent.


Under the regime’s reign of terror, two million Cambodians were reported killed. In 1980, facing the threat to her family, Vannath, her husband, and their son escaped to Thailand. They stayed in a refugee camp in Chon Buri province for three months then left for the Philippines for another six months. After finding a sponsor in America in 1981, Vannath’s family set off for San Francisco, then settled in Oregon.

Buddhism has helped her through difficult times. Many Cambodians traumatized by the war react differently. Some of them lost their identities. Vannath clung to Buddhism and kept her balance.

“Some Buddhist Cambodians said they were Christian in order to get assistance while in America. But I don’t want to say that just to get assistance,” says Vannath, recalling her experience as a refugee in America from 1981 to 1990.

Vannath was introduced to Buddhism since when she was young. As a child living with her parents in Pursat province, Vannath developed a strong and loving relationship with her grandmother, Touch Ky. So when her parents moved to Phnom Penh in the 1950s, she did not want to leave her grandmother.“My first thought was always with my grandma. I remember very well helping her carry the betel nuts basket to the pagodas (temple) and several Buddhist religious ceremonies. I always observed these ceremonies.” Vannath learned to pray twice a day.

Before the Khmer Rouge, she avoided political activity. But the regime changed her from a gentle woman unconcerned about the state or the administration, to an activist. “It changed me,” she says, with no hint of resentment. It led her to ask the question: “Why did the Khmer Rouge happen?” The answer, she says, is that she was not an active member of society. She decided to change herself, to be engaged in political affairs. Not anymore will I allow one party to lead my country,” she said.

She got involved, first, as coordinator for all organizations assisting refugees in America. She worked as a board member of the Cambodian Network Council to preserve the homeland’s traditions and culture. From 1981 to 1990, she became program monitor for the International Refugee Center of Oregon and the Southeast Asian Refugee Federation in Oregon, and later the program coordinator for the Early Employment Project of the Metropolitan Community Action in Portland.

Later, she became program specialist for the Oregon State Refugee Program, Department of Human Resources. She also continued her studies and obtained a master’s degree in Public Administration (with awards for achievement) from the Portland State University in Oregon in 1991.

In 1992, she was back in Cambodia working as a translator for the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) to prepare for the UN-sponsored general election in 1993. Later, she worked for The Asia Foundation – Cambodia, funded by the US Agency for International Development, as head of the Financial Review and Compliance Unit. In 1996, she was vice president of the Center for Social Development (CSD) before becoming its president in 1998.

Established in 1995, the CSD is a nationwide institution focusing mainly on the elimination of corruption, development of accountability and the implementation of transparency especially in the public sector, as well as the promotion of human rights, good governance and democracy. These issues are pertinent to Cambodia (a country where the average monthly income of civil servants ranges from US$20-40 and where some 36 per cent of the population live below the poverty line), where the availability of funds and international aid are fertile ground for abuse. In addition, a research study conducted by CSD in 1998 on the Cambodians’ attitude towards corruption showed that a majority of the people accept corruption as part of the normal way of life in Cambodia.

To counter this, the CSD decided to launch a project called Transparency Task Force, which aims for attitudinal and behavioral changes towards corruption among primary and secondary level students. In 2002, the Coalition for Transparency-Cambodia composed of monks, students, teachers, civil servants, non-governmental organizations, parliamentarians and members of the private sector was formed, with the CSD acting as its secretariat and its major sustaining force. The CSD was also the main moving force in the drafting of the anti-corruption law awaiting the adoption by the Parliament.

Since 1996, the CSD has organized public forums to tackle sensitive and explosive issues, thus, Vannath says, enabling the Center to act as a neutral and unbiased venue for people of varied backgrounds to debate within the framework of legal and democratic processes. The debates are broadcast through radio and television.

The most controversial debate was on the Khmer Rouge tribunal. At that time, details of the law establishing a Khmer Rouge tribunal were negotiated in utmost secrecy between the representatives of the Royal Government and the United Nations. The CSD felt the need to organize these debates so that the people’s voices would be heard. The debates were opened to the public, which included the victims of the Khmer Rouge as well as its former members.

Vannath traveled to the former Khmer Rouge leaders’ stronghold in Pailin and Phnom Malai districts of Banteay Meanchey province to invite them to participate in the forum that her Center organized in three provinces. The presence of Khmer Rouge members was controversial but Vannath believed the Khmer Rouge should have a chance to express their opinions about the tribunal. She says that from these forums, she found out that the tribunal itself is not the issue. The real issue is national reconciliation and peace. Therefore, the trial had to be looked at from the broader, more comprehensive framework of justice, national reconciliation and total healing towards the attainment of genuine peace.

Peace, Vannath says, is everything, so her work also has to deal with several issues: health, religion, gender. Once she worked to preserve the historical and cultural heritage of Cambodia, the National Olympic Stadium complex. The great obstacles to peace, however, are poverty and lack of education. Her Center signed a memorandum of understanding with the Ministry of Education to train 6,000 teachers and to integrate the concepts of transparency and accountability into the curriculum.

Other activities of the CSD are Parliamentary Watch that monitors and acts as a watchdog of the performance of the members of the Parliament, and Court Watch that monitors and records the compliance of courts with the procedures for fair trial and due process. The CSD also publishes a monthly bulletin that exposes the performance of key players in the socio-economic and political spheres of Cambodian society.The CSD is in the line of fire for its activities and positions on various issues. Consistently, it takes the dangerous position of working for the benefit of the poor, marginalized and oppressed majority.

Vannath said she can stand up to anybody since what she is trying to do go beyond her own interests. “I do it not for myself. I do not have any expectations from what I am doing.” “She is truly brave, even much more than many Cambodian men,” says Mam Sonando, president of the Phnom Penh-based Radio Beehive. “She leads her life with transparency and honesty. She practices Buddhism in her work, activities and daily living. She contributes tremendously to the development of Cambodia and attainment of lasting peace in our divided nation.” Vannath was in the government’s black list for many years.

Vannath says she finds her strength in the footsteps of her late father.

Vannath’s comments are always sought after by the media. She is a daily commentator on the different issues in the country. She openly takes up issues specially those dealing with corruption. According to her friend, Helen Ross, an architect, Vannath seems “to have become the oracle that all journalists seek out for an answer to Cambodia’s complex political, social and economic situation.”

Vannath has been invited to Sweden and other countries to talk about the peace process she is advocating for Cambodia. The case study she wrote entitled “Reconciliation in Cambodia: Politics, Culture and Religion” has been used in the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance’s handbook on reconciliation. Vannath sits among policy makers on peace and national reconciliation, locally and abroad.

In 2004, Vannath was selected as one of the eight outstanding women in Cambodia by the Angkor Thom magazine for her courage, achievements and pioneering efforts in the field of transparency, accountability, human rights, democracy and peace. (1000peacewomen).

Camp Catatonia.

Khmer Rouge and national reconciliation, opinions from the Cambodians.

Vannath Chea on IDEA.

Second Regional Conference on Poverty Reduction Strategies.

Peace Agreements as a Means for Promoting Gender Equality and Ensuring, Participation of Women.

And she says: “It’s beyond a dream,” said Chea Vannath, a leading human rights campaigner here. “I used to live under the Khmer Rouge regime, and I could never dream that those leaders would ever be brought to trial”, (full text: Khmer Rouge Hearing Ends, Nov. 21, 2007).

la testimonianza di una sopravvissuta.