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| Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com) |
Showing posts with label Coup d'état. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Coup d'état. Show all posts
Thursday, April 28, 2011
Sacrava's Political Cartoon: Coup d'Etat Inc.
Monday, February 08, 2010
Thai Coup Rumors Recur
Abhisit: Safe for awhile?Monday, 08 February 2010
Asia Sentinel
Thaksin's supporters and enemies stir the tom yam again
Thailand is again in frenzy over coup rumors, perpetuated mostly by anti-government Red Shirts who need a reason to protest and by a media machine that needs a story. The top generals have denied that anything is amiss, words that mean little since they said the same thing before ousting former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra in 2006.
Unfortunately for the men in green, the coup rumors and the billionaire CEO, who last year was named a "special economic advisor" just over the border in Cambodia by Prime Minister Hun Sen, have yet to disappear. Getting rid of Thaksin's influence completely would presumably be the rationale for another coup. The military would take over and obliterate him once and for all. While a coup can never be discounted completely in Thailand, staging one now carries much more risk and far less return than four years ago.
A coup this time around would likely lead to bloodshed. The street protests by the anti-Thaksin Yellow Shirts and pro-Thaksin Red Shirts over the past two years became increasingly violent, with golf clubs, guns and grenades among the weapons of choice. The military can't assume the public will take another power grab lying down. Pro-Thaksin elements of the military would probably stage some sort of insurgency, jeopardizing the country's security and making governance extremely difficult. Investors already miffed at the constant legal surprises in the military-drafted constitution will have all the more reason to put their money in Vietnam instead.
In addition, the army is already getting most everything it wants. A succession plan for Army Chief Anupong Paojinda is firmly in place. Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has proved an ally on many issues and removing him may alienate his supporters, many of whom backed the 2006 coup. Another takeover would put the military right back in a political spotlight it has tried to avoid since a dreadful administration led by former army chief Surayud Chulanont in 2007. Abhisit is their best bet for the moment.
Finally, the international fallout would be greater. It would be tough for Thailand's Western friends to shrug off another military intervention in the same way they did when Thaksin was ousted. The timing would be especially awkward for the U.S., which has more than 10,000 troops in the country until Feb. 11 participating in Cobra Gold, a Thai-hosted military exercise with American, Japanese, Indonesian, Singaporean and South Korean forces. The top U.S. army commander for the Pacific and the head of the U.S. Pacific Command were both in Thailand last week. Thai Army Chief Anupong Paojinda is in the U.S. visiting Pentagon officials this week.
The biggest beneficiaries of the coup talk are the pro-Thaksin group that needs to build momentum before a court rules Feb. 26 whether to seize about $2 billion in proceeds from his family's 2006 sale of telecommunications firm Shin Corp. to Singapore's Temasek Holdings. How much money Thaksin will get back will be the latest indicator of where things stand.
Like most of the court cases brought against Thaksin after the coup, the assets seizure case is more about politics than law. It's anyone's guess how it will turn out. Ever since head of state King Bhumibol Adulyadej instructed judges to solve the country's political problems in 2006, nearly every legal decision has gone against Thaksin. Courts have nullified an election that he won, dissolved two parties linked to him, banned him and some 200 lawmakers associated with him from politics for five years, and slapped a 2-year prison sentence on him for abuse of power, should he actually ever reappear in Thailand. Prosecutors have at least three more criminal cases against him that they are keeping in the bag.
If the court were to exonerate Thaksin and give him the money back, it would undermine the whole rationale for ousting him in the first place and instantly boost his war chest for the next big election fight. That would be an unlikely game-changer. If it takes all of his money, Thaksin will have nothing else to lose and may escalate his attacks against the monarchy and privy councilors. More likely is something in between. Throwing him some money while taking a large chunk of it may be the best way to placate both sides. Indeed, the king urged judges last month to "stay in the middle." Thaksin may be happy with at least US$1 billion.
Threats of Red Shirt chaos around the court decision are probably just bluster. The group's leaders saw how the April 2009 discord, which forced the cancellation of a summit meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations gave Thailand a black eye dented their popularity, and a repeat of violence would likely result in a similar defeat. Red shirt leaders quickly admonished retired General Panlop Pinmanee after he announced that he would help lead a pro-Thaksin people's army. Rather than inspire chaos, the court ruling will likely be greeted by street protests that serve as a springboard to bigger demonstrations in the months ahead.
Abhisit may be more worried about a no-confidence debate coming this month or next. He angered his smaller coalition partners when his party chose not to support changes to the constitution, indicating that he has one eye on an election. The People's Alliance for Democracy, whose airport protests in 2008 backed by Bangkok's elite helped oust Thaksin's allies, have now formed a political party that will compete against Abhisit's Democrats. Constitutional change has always been the PAD's pet issue, and Abhisit probably doesn't want to open himself up to their attacks before the next election. Any seats the PAD picks up in the next vote will likely take away from the Democrat's tally.
Abhisit's Democrats control 172 votes in the parliament, which currently has 475 lawmakers in total. The pro-Thaksin Puea Thai party has 189, leaving seven smaller parties to share the remaining 114 seats. The smaller parties are unlikely to abandon Abhisit because the alternative may cost them more. Bhum Jai Thai, headed by former Thaksin ally Newin Chidchob, is competing with Puea Thai in its northeastern stronghold. Banharn Silpa-Archa, the de facto head of Chart Thai Pattana, has already said he won't pull his party from the coalition. The other parties are even weaker and it's hard to tell what they would gain in a government led by Puea Thai. An election costs a great deal of money and they are probably happy to milk their ministerial positions while waiting for Abhisit to make the call. Thailand must have a fresh election by the end of next year.
With the military and coalition partners unlikely to abandon him, Abhisit looks like he can ride out any protests over the next month. Last week he said his party was targeting 240 seats in the next election, underscoring his confidence. That would be the most the party has won in decades, and a significant jump from the 165 it took in 2007 when it swept Bangkok and the South. On the other hand, another Thaksin election win would likely spin the country into further chaos. It took a coup and an airport seizure to oust the past two governments led by Thaksin or his allies. It's hard to imagine what will be needed to get rid of them the next time. Things will become even more tense if the royal succession is at hand.
While Thailand's power struggle is still nowhere from being resolved, Abhisit will likely be able to muddle through 2010 without any major disasters before he's forced to call an election next year. But as with most political developments in Thailand, that largely depends on the military.
Thailand is again in frenzy over coup rumors, perpetuated mostly by anti-government Red Shirts who need a reason to protest and by a media machine that needs a story. The top generals have denied that anything is amiss, words that mean little since they said the same thing before ousting former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra in 2006.
Unfortunately for the men in green, the coup rumors and the billionaire CEO, who last year was named a "special economic advisor" just over the border in Cambodia by Prime Minister Hun Sen, have yet to disappear. Getting rid of Thaksin's influence completely would presumably be the rationale for another coup. The military would take over and obliterate him once and for all. While a coup can never be discounted completely in Thailand, staging one now carries much more risk and far less return than four years ago.
A coup this time around would likely lead to bloodshed. The street protests by the anti-Thaksin Yellow Shirts and pro-Thaksin Red Shirts over the past two years became increasingly violent, with golf clubs, guns and grenades among the weapons of choice. The military can't assume the public will take another power grab lying down. Pro-Thaksin elements of the military would probably stage some sort of insurgency, jeopardizing the country's security and making governance extremely difficult. Investors already miffed at the constant legal surprises in the military-drafted constitution will have all the more reason to put their money in Vietnam instead.
In addition, the army is already getting most everything it wants. A succession plan for Army Chief Anupong Paojinda is firmly in place. Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has proved an ally on many issues and removing him may alienate his supporters, many of whom backed the 2006 coup. Another takeover would put the military right back in a political spotlight it has tried to avoid since a dreadful administration led by former army chief Surayud Chulanont in 2007. Abhisit is their best bet for the moment.
Finally, the international fallout would be greater. It would be tough for Thailand's Western friends to shrug off another military intervention in the same way they did when Thaksin was ousted. The timing would be especially awkward for the U.S., which has more than 10,000 troops in the country until Feb. 11 participating in Cobra Gold, a Thai-hosted military exercise with American, Japanese, Indonesian, Singaporean and South Korean forces. The top U.S. army commander for the Pacific and the head of the U.S. Pacific Command were both in Thailand last week. Thai Army Chief Anupong Paojinda is in the U.S. visiting Pentagon officials this week.
The biggest beneficiaries of the coup talk are the pro-Thaksin group that needs to build momentum before a court rules Feb. 26 whether to seize about $2 billion in proceeds from his family's 2006 sale of telecommunications firm Shin Corp. to Singapore's Temasek Holdings. How much money Thaksin will get back will be the latest indicator of where things stand.
Like most of the court cases brought against Thaksin after the coup, the assets seizure case is more about politics than law. It's anyone's guess how it will turn out. Ever since head of state King Bhumibol Adulyadej instructed judges to solve the country's political problems in 2006, nearly every legal decision has gone against Thaksin. Courts have nullified an election that he won, dissolved two parties linked to him, banned him and some 200 lawmakers associated with him from politics for five years, and slapped a 2-year prison sentence on him for abuse of power, should he actually ever reappear in Thailand. Prosecutors have at least three more criminal cases against him that they are keeping in the bag.
If the court were to exonerate Thaksin and give him the money back, it would undermine the whole rationale for ousting him in the first place and instantly boost his war chest for the next big election fight. That would be an unlikely game-changer. If it takes all of his money, Thaksin will have nothing else to lose and may escalate his attacks against the monarchy and privy councilors. More likely is something in between. Throwing him some money while taking a large chunk of it may be the best way to placate both sides. Indeed, the king urged judges last month to "stay in the middle." Thaksin may be happy with at least US$1 billion.
Threats of Red Shirt chaos around the court decision are probably just bluster. The group's leaders saw how the April 2009 discord, which forced the cancellation of a summit meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations gave Thailand a black eye dented their popularity, and a repeat of violence would likely result in a similar defeat. Red shirt leaders quickly admonished retired General Panlop Pinmanee after he announced that he would help lead a pro-Thaksin people's army. Rather than inspire chaos, the court ruling will likely be greeted by street protests that serve as a springboard to bigger demonstrations in the months ahead.
Abhisit may be more worried about a no-confidence debate coming this month or next. He angered his smaller coalition partners when his party chose not to support changes to the constitution, indicating that he has one eye on an election. The People's Alliance for Democracy, whose airport protests in 2008 backed by Bangkok's elite helped oust Thaksin's allies, have now formed a political party that will compete against Abhisit's Democrats. Constitutional change has always been the PAD's pet issue, and Abhisit probably doesn't want to open himself up to their attacks before the next election. Any seats the PAD picks up in the next vote will likely take away from the Democrat's tally.
Abhisit's Democrats control 172 votes in the parliament, which currently has 475 lawmakers in total. The pro-Thaksin Puea Thai party has 189, leaving seven smaller parties to share the remaining 114 seats. The smaller parties are unlikely to abandon Abhisit because the alternative may cost them more. Bhum Jai Thai, headed by former Thaksin ally Newin Chidchob, is competing with Puea Thai in its northeastern stronghold. Banharn Silpa-Archa, the de facto head of Chart Thai Pattana, has already said he won't pull his party from the coalition. The other parties are even weaker and it's hard to tell what they would gain in a government led by Puea Thai. An election costs a great deal of money and they are probably happy to milk their ministerial positions while waiting for Abhisit to make the call. Thailand must have a fresh election by the end of next year.
With the military and coalition partners unlikely to abandon him, Abhisit looks like he can ride out any protests over the next month. Last week he said his party was targeting 240 seats in the next election, underscoring his confidence. That would be the most the party has won in decades, and a significant jump from the 165 it took in 2007 when it swept Bangkok and the South. On the other hand, another Thaksin election win would likely spin the country into further chaos. It took a coup and an airport seizure to oust the past two governments led by Thaksin or his allies. It's hard to imagine what will be needed to get rid of them the next time. Things will become even more tense if the royal succession is at hand.
While Thailand's power struggle is still nowhere from being resolved, Abhisit will likely be able to muddle through 2010 without any major disasters before he's forced to call an election next year. But as with most political developments in Thailand, that largely depends on the military.
Thursday, December 24, 2009
Thailand preparing coup?
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen on Thursday accused neighbouring Thailand of preparing a coup against his government as the war of words between the neighbouring nations worsened. -- PHOTO: REUTERSDec 24, 2009
AFP
PHNOM PENH - CAMBODIAN Prime Minister Hun Sen on Thursday accused neighbouring Thailand of preparing a coup against his government as the war of words between the neighbouring nations worsened.
Mr Hun Sen said he had seen a secret Thai government document outlining the plan to mount a coup, which he said he had passed to Cambodia's King Norodom Sihamoni to show the 'bad character of our neighbouring leaders'.
'In your secret document it says that although the (Thai) foreign ministry does not agree to stage a coup in Cambodia... others are working on it,' Mr Hun Sen said. 'Don't even think about it. I know who is doing this,' he added, during a speech at a provincial ceremony.
The Cambodian premier said he had also seen documents that showed Thailand has considered waging war against its neighbour. 'You have outlined bad scenarios, including preparing to wage war against Cambodia,' he said.
Mr Hun Sen's comments follow the leaking of a document in Thailand last week, written by the Thai foreign minister to premier Abhisit Vejjajiva, in which the worsening relations between the two countries are analysed.
Relations between the countries, which have fought a string of deadly gunbattles on their border since last year, plunged last month when fugitive former Thai premier Thaksin Shinawatra became an economic adviser to Cambodia.
Mr Hun Sen said he had seen a secret Thai government document outlining the plan to mount a coup, which he said he had passed to Cambodia's King Norodom Sihamoni to show the 'bad character of our neighbouring leaders'.
'In your secret document it says that although the (Thai) foreign ministry does not agree to stage a coup in Cambodia... others are working on it,' Mr Hun Sen said. 'Don't even think about it. I know who is doing this,' he added, during a speech at a provincial ceremony.
The Cambodian premier said he had also seen documents that showed Thailand has considered waging war against its neighbour. 'You have outlined bad scenarios, including preparing to wage war against Cambodia,' he said.
Mr Hun Sen's comments follow the leaking of a document in Thailand last week, written by the Thai foreign minister to premier Abhisit Vejjajiva, in which the worsening relations between the two countries are analysed.
Relations between the countries, which have fought a string of deadly gunbattles on their border since last year, plunged last month when fugitive former Thai premier Thaksin Shinawatra became an economic adviser to Cambodia.
Friday, October 17, 2008
Thai border conflict with Cambodia is a deliberate distraction by Thai military to avoid launching a coup in Thailand: Analysts
Thai army chief says PM should have stepped down
October 16, 2008
By Vithoon Amorn
REUTERS
October 16, 2008
By Vithoon Amorn
REUTERS
BANGKOK – Thai army chief Anupong Paochinda said on Thursday the prime minister should have stepped down to take responsibility for bloody clashes between police and protesters last week, but said he was not about to launch a coup.
'If I were prime minister, I would have resigned, not hang around,' Anupong said in a live television interview.
The heads of the navy and air force, as well as the national police chief, also appeared on the same interview panel, prompting frenzied media speculation that the military was about to take over.
Thailand's last military coup, against billionaire prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in 2006, was led by the 'Council for National Security' – the heads of the three armed forces plus the country's top policeman.
'I am making an appeal to the government, not putting pressure on it,' Anupong said. 'Responsibility has to be taken for what was done because you cannot be above the pools of blood.'
Two people died and nearly 500 people, including dozens of police, were hurt in last week's clashes outside parliament. Police were accused of brutality for firing tear gas grenades that blew off several people's limbs.
Prime Minister Somchai Wongsawat, a brother-in-law of Thaksin, has expressed sorrow for the bloodshed, but made clear he wishes to remain in charge.
'I am convinced we still can look after the country and continue to perform our jobs,' Somchai told reporters, although his comments were not believed to be in direct response to Anupong.
Thailand has been riven by political conflict for the three years since the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) started its street campaign against Thaksin and his allies, accusing them of corruption, cronyism and threatening the monarchy.
The dispute between the Thaksin camp and the military and royalist elite who despise him has seen a coup, elections and more street protests, but appears to be no nearer a conclusion.
Some analysts have speculated that this week's border conflict with Cambodia could be a deliberate distraction by the military, which has come under pressure from the PAD to launch a coup.
(Writing by Ed Cropley; Editing by Darren Schuettler and David Fox)
'If I were prime minister, I would have resigned, not hang around,' Anupong said in a live television interview.
The heads of the navy and air force, as well as the national police chief, also appeared on the same interview panel, prompting frenzied media speculation that the military was about to take over.
Thailand's last military coup, against billionaire prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in 2006, was led by the 'Council for National Security' – the heads of the three armed forces plus the country's top policeman.
'I am making an appeal to the government, not putting pressure on it,' Anupong said. 'Responsibility has to be taken for what was done because you cannot be above the pools of blood.'
Two people died and nearly 500 people, including dozens of police, were hurt in last week's clashes outside parliament. Police were accused of brutality for firing tear gas grenades that blew off several people's limbs.
Prime Minister Somchai Wongsawat, a brother-in-law of Thaksin, has expressed sorrow for the bloodshed, but made clear he wishes to remain in charge.
'I am convinced we still can look after the country and continue to perform our jobs,' Somchai told reporters, although his comments were not believed to be in direct response to Anupong.
Thailand has been riven by political conflict for the three years since the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) started its street campaign against Thaksin and his allies, accusing them of corruption, cronyism and threatening the monarchy.
The dispute between the Thaksin camp and the military and royalist elite who despise him has seen a coup, elections and more street protests, but appears to be no nearer a conclusion.
Some analysts have speculated that this week's border conflict with Cambodia could be a deliberate distraction by the military, which has come under pressure from the PAD to launch a coup.
(Writing by Ed Cropley; Editing by Darren Schuettler and David Fox)
Monday, June 09, 2008
King-Father's history about his "dethronement" delivered in perfect English ... for a change
Click on each page of the text above to zoom inTuesday, March 18, 2008
The miscalculation of Cambodia's shrewdest politician ... Prince Norodom Sihanouk
Part 1 (in French)
Part 2 (in French)
Part 2 (in French)
Cambodian coup of 1970
General Lon Nol
Then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk at his arrival in Moscow, a few days before he was deposed
Flag of the Khmer Republic regime (Wikipedia)From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khmer_Republic
Click here to read Yem Sambaur's (Khmer Republic Justice Minister) arguments for the overthrow of then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk (Nov. 1970) - Source: VN Archive
Click here to read Prince Sihanouk's call for Cambodian people to join the maquis (23 March 1970) - Source: VN Archive
Click here to read Prince Sihanouk's warning to "Intellectuals seving the Lon Nol Regime" (Aug 1970) - Source: VN Archive
Click here to read Prince Sihanouk's call for Cambodian people to join the maquis (23 March 1970) - Source: VN Archive
Click here to read Prince Sihanouk's warning to "Intellectuals seving the Lon Nol Regime" (Aug 1970) - Source: VN Archive
The Cambodian coup of 1970 refers to the removal of Prince Norodom Sihanouk and the subsequent elevation of Prime Minister Lon Nol as head of state under the new Khmer Republic (République khmère) government.
Background
Since independence from France in 1953, Cambodia was led by Prince Norodom Sihanouk. In 1963, Sihanouk forced the National Assembly to approve a constitutional amendment that made him head of state with no fixed term of office. Sihanouk guided Cambodia into a policy which he called neutrality during the Cold War. But in fact, his government was anything but neutral. In 1965, secret agreements were made with North Vietnam and China that allowed numerous bases to be constructed on Cambodian soil. The agreements also allowed the ports of Cambodia to be used to deliver military supplies to Vietnamese forces. In exchange for the agreement, countries (including China) agreed to purchase rice at inflated prices from Cambodia. While Sihanouk talked about neutrality and staying out of the war in public, he had in private put Cambodia on the frontline of the Vietnam War. Shihanouk internally justified these agreements by saying that the friendship of China and Vietnam would ensure the survival of the Cambodian government. However, in 1968, the Khmer Rouge launched an insurgency against the government using the areas occupied by Vietnam as safe base areas. The base areas in Cambodia subsequently provoked American bombing of the region in 1969 (Operation Menu). Leftist and rightist factions in the Cambodian government and elsewhere vied for power in this scene of political instability, the left eventually became an insurgency allied with North Vietnam fighting to overthrow the government while the right called for the expulsion of Vietnamese and an alliance with the United States. The leading left-wing group was the Khmer Rouge Communist insurgency which combatted Sihanouk with North Vietnamese backing.
Sihanouk Deposed as Head of State
In March 1970, when Sihanouk was touring Europe, the Soviet Union, and China a mob attack against the North Vietnamese embassy, initially planned by Sihanouk as a demonstration to pressure Moscow and Beijing, commenced but was led out of control by government agents who managed to organize the complete sacking of it. In it a contingency plan was found for the Communists to occupy Cambodia, which further inflamed the government in Phnom Penh which engaged in combat with the Vietnamese and demanded their withdrawal. Instead of returning to Cambodia to confront the growing crisis, Sihanouk continued his tour of Communist nations.
On March 16, the Cambodian Secretary of State and police chief, Mannorine, was questioned by the national legislature about corruption occurring under Sihanouk. Worried that prime minister, Lon Nol, was preparing to depose Sihanouk, he attempted to depose Lon Nol only to be defeated by the army and arrested. Lon Nol's deputy, Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak, then advised Nol to remove Sihanouk from the government.
The next day, the army took up positions around the capital. A debate was held within the National Assembly. The assembly had been purged of leftists in the 1960s by Sihanouk and was made up at that point almost exclusively of rightests. One member of the assembly walked out of the proceedings in protest and was not harmed after. The rest of the assembly voted unanimously to invoke Article 122 of the Cambodian constitution which withdrew confidence in Sihanouk. Lon Nol then took on the powers of head of state on an emergency basis, while much of the government of Sihanouk remained the same. This marked the foundation of the Khmer Republic.
Aftermath
The new regime in Cambodia almost immediately demanded that the Vietnamese forces leave the country. The ports of Cambodia were immediately closed to weapons shipments going to the forces fighting South Vietnam. In response, North Vietnam attacked the Cambodian government forces and greatly increased their support of the Khmer Rouge. Sihanouk established himself in China and let himself be used as the figurehead for the Khmer Rouge movement to overthrow the government. While Sihanouk had no power over the Khmer Rouge at all, the movement was able to use his name to greatly increase its support in rural areas of Cambodia. The FUNK and GRUNK liberation groups were formed but were nothing but Khmer Rouge fronts. Lon Nol was hard pressed to deal with the opposition as he and his government were corrupt and could not effectively deal with the Khmer Rouge and North Vietnamese Army. The Khmer Republic became dependent on American arms and airstrikes for survival until the air support was cut off by the U.S. Congress in 1973 and aid limited thereafter. In 1975 the Khmer Republic came to its end as Communist forces captured Phnom Penh in April that year.
Some have accused the United States of supporting the removal of Sihanouk, but declassified documents indicate that, as late as March 1970, the Nixon administration was hoping to garner "friendly relations" with Sihanouk.
Background
Since independence from France in 1953, Cambodia was led by Prince Norodom Sihanouk. In 1963, Sihanouk forced the National Assembly to approve a constitutional amendment that made him head of state with no fixed term of office. Sihanouk guided Cambodia into a policy which he called neutrality during the Cold War. But in fact, his government was anything but neutral. In 1965, secret agreements were made with North Vietnam and China that allowed numerous bases to be constructed on Cambodian soil. The agreements also allowed the ports of Cambodia to be used to deliver military supplies to Vietnamese forces. In exchange for the agreement, countries (including China) agreed to purchase rice at inflated prices from Cambodia. While Sihanouk talked about neutrality and staying out of the war in public, he had in private put Cambodia on the frontline of the Vietnam War. Shihanouk internally justified these agreements by saying that the friendship of China and Vietnam would ensure the survival of the Cambodian government. However, in 1968, the Khmer Rouge launched an insurgency against the government using the areas occupied by Vietnam as safe base areas. The base areas in Cambodia subsequently provoked American bombing of the region in 1969 (Operation Menu). Leftist and rightist factions in the Cambodian government and elsewhere vied for power in this scene of political instability, the left eventually became an insurgency allied with North Vietnam fighting to overthrow the government while the right called for the expulsion of Vietnamese and an alliance with the United States. The leading left-wing group was the Khmer Rouge Communist insurgency which combatted Sihanouk with North Vietnamese backing.
Sihanouk Deposed as Head of State
In March 1970, when Sihanouk was touring Europe, the Soviet Union, and China a mob attack against the North Vietnamese embassy, initially planned by Sihanouk as a demonstration to pressure Moscow and Beijing, commenced but was led out of control by government agents who managed to organize the complete sacking of it. In it a contingency plan was found for the Communists to occupy Cambodia, which further inflamed the government in Phnom Penh which engaged in combat with the Vietnamese and demanded their withdrawal. Instead of returning to Cambodia to confront the growing crisis, Sihanouk continued his tour of Communist nations.
On March 16, the Cambodian Secretary of State and police chief, Mannorine, was questioned by the national legislature about corruption occurring under Sihanouk. Worried that prime minister, Lon Nol, was preparing to depose Sihanouk, he attempted to depose Lon Nol only to be defeated by the army and arrested. Lon Nol's deputy, Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak, then advised Nol to remove Sihanouk from the government.
The next day, the army took up positions around the capital. A debate was held within the National Assembly. The assembly had been purged of leftists in the 1960s by Sihanouk and was made up at that point almost exclusively of rightests. One member of the assembly walked out of the proceedings in protest and was not harmed after. The rest of the assembly voted unanimously to invoke Article 122 of the Cambodian constitution which withdrew confidence in Sihanouk. Lon Nol then took on the powers of head of state on an emergency basis, while much of the government of Sihanouk remained the same. This marked the foundation of the Khmer Republic.
Aftermath
The new regime in Cambodia almost immediately demanded that the Vietnamese forces leave the country. The ports of Cambodia were immediately closed to weapons shipments going to the forces fighting South Vietnam. In response, North Vietnam attacked the Cambodian government forces and greatly increased their support of the Khmer Rouge. Sihanouk established himself in China and let himself be used as the figurehead for the Khmer Rouge movement to overthrow the government. While Sihanouk had no power over the Khmer Rouge at all, the movement was able to use his name to greatly increase its support in rural areas of Cambodia. The FUNK and GRUNK liberation groups were formed but were nothing but Khmer Rouge fronts. Lon Nol was hard pressed to deal with the opposition as he and his government were corrupt and could not effectively deal with the Khmer Rouge and North Vietnamese Army. The Khmer Republic became dependent on American arms and airstrikes for survival until the air support was cut off by the U.S. Congress in 1973 and aid limited thereafter. In 1975 the Khmer Republic came to its end as Communist forces captured Phnom Penh in April that year.
Some have accused the United States of supporting the removal of Sihanouk, but declassified documents indicate that, as late as March 1970, the Nixon administration was hoping to garner "friendly relations" with Sihanouk.
Sunday, March 18, 2007
18 March 1970, a page in Cambodia's history: The coup d'état removing Prince Sihanouk from power by General Lon Nol and Prince Sirik Matak
Cambodian coup of 1970
Source: Wikipedia.org
Source: Wikipedia.org
United States President Richard Nixon's administration secretly contacted Prime Minister Lon Nol and Prince Sirik Matak if they would be interested in proclaiming a Republic in Cambodia in exchange for economic and military aid to protect itself from the Khmer Rouge and in exchange they would also allow the United States and South Vietnam military to enter Cambodian territory to conduct a series of military operations called the "Cambodian Incursion", to attack any North Vietnamese weapon routes and military bases in Cambodia.
On March 18, 1970, while Norodom Sihanouk was on a trip abroad in Beijing, China, Sirik Matak assisted Prime Minister Lon Nol in organzing a vote of the National Assembly to depose Sihanouk as head of state. The measure passed easily in parliament and they declared a new government under a democracy named the Khmer Republic. Sihanouk realigned himself with the communist Khmer Rouge rebels who had been slowly gaining territory in the remote mountain regions and urged his followers to help in overthowing the government of Lon Nol, hastening the onset of civil war.
Born in Prey Veng Province on November 13, 1913, Lon Nol was educated by the French for the civil service. He became a provincial governor in 1946, and he rose to become the first leader of the Cambodian police and then held a series of important military posts. He became chief of staff, in 1955, and, by 1960, he held the dual position of supreme commander of the military and minister of defense. In 1966 and 1967, he served as prime minister. In 1969, after the Cambodian left went underground, he became prime minister a second time. He is the only head of state whose name is a palindrome.
Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak's background
Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak (January 22, 1914 — April 21, 1975) was born in Phnom Penh, Cambodia and was a prince of the Cambodian royal family.
In 1941, he was passed over by the French government in favor of his cousin Norodom Sihanouk as King, despite this decision he continued to serve the country as a minister in the government of his cousin to show his solidarity under a Constitutional Monarchy.
In 1955, Sihanouk abdicated in favor of his father in order to be elected as Prime Minister. Upon his father's death in 1960, Sihanouk again became head of state, taking the title of Prince. As the Vietnam War progressed, Sihanouk adopted what he called a policy of neutrality but in reality made agreements with China and North Vietnam allowing Vietnamese bases to be built inside Cambodia and opening Cambodian ports such as Sihanoukville to weapons shipments. This angered the United States and the South Vietnamese because the bases and weapons were used to attack military and civilian areas of South Vietnam. While Sihanouk claimed that his so-called neutrality would protect Cambodia, by 1968 the Khmer Rouge were operating an insurgency against the government sheltered within Vietnamese base areas on Cambodian soil.
On March 18, 1970, while Norodom Sihanouk was on a trip abroad in Beijing, China, Sirik Matak assisted Prime Minister Lon Nol in organzing a vote of the National Assembly to depose Sihanouk as head of state. The measure passed easily in parliament and they declared a new government under a democracy named the Khmer Republic. Sihanouk realigned himself with the communist Khmer Rouge rebels who had been slowly gaining territory in the remote mountain regions and urged his followers to help in overthowing the government of Lon Nol, hastening the onset of civil war.
Leaders of the Coup d'Etat
General Lon Nol's background
Born in Prey Veng Province on November 13, 1913, Lon Nol was educated by the French for the civil service. He became a provincial governor in 1946, and he rose to become the first leader of the Cambodian police and then held a series of important military posts. He became chief of staff, in 1955, and, by 1960, he held the dual position of supreme commander of the military and minister of defense. In 1966 and 1967, he served as prime minister. In 1969, after the Cambodian left went underground, he became prime minister a second time. He is the only head of state whose name is a palindrome.
Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak's background
Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak (January 22, 1914 — April 21, 1975) was born in Phnom Penh, Cambodia and was a prince of the Cambodian royal family.
In 1941, he was passed over by the French government in favor of his cousin Norodom Sihanouk as King, despite this decision he continued to serve the country as a minister in the government of his cousin to show his solidarity under a Constitutional Monarchy.
In 1955, Sihanouk abdicated in favor of his father in order to be elected as Prime Minister. Upon his father's death in 1960, Sihanouk again became head of state, taking the title of Prince. As the Vietnam War progressed, Sihanouk adopted what he called a policy of neutrality but in reality made agreements with China and North Vietnam allowing Vietnamese bases to be built inside Cambodia and opening Cambodian ports such as Sihanoukville to weapons shipments. This angered the United States and the South Vietnamese because the bases and weapons were used to attack military and civilian areas of South Vietnam. While Sihanouk claimed that his so-called neutrality would protect Cambodia, by 1968 the Khmer Rouge were operating an insurgency against the government sheltered within Vietnamese base areas on Cambodian soil.
Friday, February 16, 2007
Hun Sen awake from his "cronies land-grabbing" drunkenness?
February 16, 2007
Cambodian PM warns about coup from land grabbers
Cambodian PM warns about coup from land grabbers
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen warned on Thursday that some land grabbers in the country dare to conduct a coup d'état in the future.
The land grabbers dare to get a lot of land illegally while we have always appealed again and again to stop the action of land grabbing, Hun Sen said in the annual review of the Ministry of Environment at the ChakTumok theater, adding that the land grabbers are not simple people, and they must be the powerful people in the government.
"I asked the question, do they dare to conduct a coup d'état in the future?" he replied himself that they really dare to do so.
"So before they conduct the coup d'état, now we need to take action against them, " he said, adding that "we also need to find whom are behind their backs and involved with the matters of land grabbing".
"We must punish them through fisheries law, land law and forestry law," he said.
Source: Xinhua
The land grabbers dare to get a lot of land illegally while we have always appealed again and again to stop the action of land grabbing, Hun Sen said in the annual review of the Ministry of Environment at the ChakTumok theater, adding that the land grabbers are not simple people, and they must be the powerful people in the government.
"I asked the question, do they dare to conduct a coup d'état in the future?" he replied himself that they really dare to do so.
"So before they conduct the coup d'état, now we need to take action against them, " he said, adding that "we also need to find whom are behind their backs and involved with the matters of land grabbing".
"We must punish them through fisheries law, land law and forestry law," he said.
Source: Xinhua
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