Sacrava's Political Cartoon: Martin Luther King, Jr.

Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com)

Dare to dream the impossible!

I didn't think Egypt's revolution was possible. But here we are.

Sunday, February 6, 2011
By Ahmed Alaidy
The Washington Post

IN CAIRO

I see children on their parents' shoulders, singing for Egypt. I see a man dressed in Muslim Brotherhood garb shouting, "Freedom! Freedom!" - normally members of that group quote a verse from the Koran. But this man, with his child on his shoulders, too, is shouting only for freedom. It is a transformation, everyone merging together.

From a storefront window near Tahrir Square, I am filming scenes from a war movie.

Handfuls of stones form ribbons in the air, moving in a kind of slow motion. A man with a beard kneels, holding his hands up in prayer, unworried about the rain of heavy rocks that miraculously misses him. Then time speeds up, and the man rises and throws stones along with his comrades.

By now, in the middle of the week, the president has said he will step down in September, but that is disappointing to the people and their aspirations. In 2006, it would have been possible for Hosni Mubarak to calm the public by nominating a vice president, or forming a new government that excluded corrupt ministers and promising not to run in the next election. This is not enough anymore. I now hear nonstop shooting outside, while learning news of demonstrators wounded - or killed.

Egyptians published a date for their revolution on Facebook, and here they are, bare-chested, facing tear gas, riot police sticks and bullets. Several days into the fight, they are still capable of gathering in hundreds of thousands, dancing, chanting, shouting, creating slogans and carrying banners against the corrupt president improvised on every piece of material imaginable.

Letter from Birmingham Jail - honoring Martin Luther King, Jr. month

I am pleased to participate with the KI-Media family in honoring the prophetic reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. this month of January by introducing (or re-introducing) his works to the Cambodian audience, with my emphasis and highlights.

- Theary C. Seng, Phnom Penh

Theary C. Seng, Phnom Penh, Dec. 2009

. . . . .

Martin Luther King's Letter from the Birmingham Jail

April 16, 1963

MY DEAR FELLOW CLERGYMEN:

While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present activities "unwise and untimely." Seldom do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas. If I sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would have little time for anything other than such correspondence in the course of the day, and I would have no time for constructive work. But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth, I want to try to answer your statements in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms.

I think I should indicate why I am here in Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the view which argues against "outsiders coming in." I have the honor of serving as president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every southern state, with headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty-five affiliated organizations across the South, and one of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Frequently we share staff, educational and financial resources with our affiliates. Several months ago the affiliate here in Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct-action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented, and when the hour came we lived up to our promise. So I, along with several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here I am here because I have organizational ties here.

But more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the prophets of the eighth century B.C. left their villages and carried their "thus saith the Lord" far beyond the boundaries of their home towns, and just as the Apostle Paul left his village of Tarsus and carried the gospel of Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco-Roman world, so am I compelled to carry the gospel of freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for aid.

Legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr. in Cambodia

As background preparation for my talk at the 25th Annual MLK Symposium this upcoming 13 January 2011 at the University of Michigan Museum of Art auditorium (US), I came across this interesting write-up of the organizers which I find apropos to share with you in light of the fact that every 3rd Monday in January the world joins the Americans in celebrating the life of the visionary Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

I entitled my talk to be “Reconciling Peace with Justice: Legacy of MLK, Jr. in Cambodia”.

Theary Seng at Oddor Meanchey Justice & Reconciliation public forum, 2008.

- Theary C. Seng, Phnom Penh

http://mlksymposium.umich.edu/2010/11/19/lecture-theary-seng-and-mlks-cambodian-legacy/

On May 25, 1787, twelve of the thirteen colonies sent representatives to Philadelphia to participate in what is now known as the Constitutional Convention. The 55 delegates who represented “We the People” of the United States in 1787 had a dream to “form a more perfect union.” However, the conveners were not representative of the American populace in 1787. As one historian noted, it was a “convention of the well-bred, the well-fed, the well-read, and the well-wed.”

Today, the Constitutional provisions for We the People include not only “the well-bred, the well-fed, the well read and the well-wed,” but also the poor, hungry, undereducated and isolated. We the People are not only males of European descent, but also indigenous people, females, and descendants from five other continents. We the People are also Christians, Muslims, Jews, atheists and other faiths.

The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King’s dream was that our nation would “live out the true meaning of its creed” in the Declaration of Independence: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.” And he also knew that the path toward that dream of equality and justice would not be easy. In “Where Do We Go From Here?” he argued that the task must be undertaken with “divine dissatisfaction.” He states:

• Let us be dissatisfied until America will no longer have a high blood pressure of creeds and an anemia of deeds.
• Let us be dissatisfied until the tragic walls that separate the outer city of wealth and comfort and the inner city of poverty and despair shall be crushed by the battering rams of the forces of justice.
• Let us be dissatisfied until those that live on the outskirts of hope are brought into the metropolis of daily security.
• Let us be dissatisfied until slums are cast into the junk heaps of history, and every family is living in a decent sanitary home.
• Let us be dissatisfied until the dark yesterdays of segregated schools will be transformed into bright tomorrows of quality, integrated education.
• Let us be dissatisfied until integration is not seen as a problem but as an opportunity to participate in the beauty of diversity.
• Let us be dissatisfied until men and women, however black they may be, will be judged on the basis of the content of their character and not on the basis of the color of their skin.
• Let us be dissatisfied until every state capitol houses a governor who will do justly, who will love mercy and who will walk humbly with his God.
• Let us be dissatisfied until from every city hall, justice will roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
• Let us be dissatisfied until that day when the lion and the lamb shall lie down together and every man will sit under his own vine and fig tree and none shall be afraid.
• Let us be dissatisfied. And men will recognize that out of one blood God made all men to dwell upon the face of the earth.
• Let us be dissatisfied until that day when nobody will shout “White Power!” – when nobody will shout “Black Power!” – but everybody will talk about God’s power and human power.”

Freedom from Fear

This extract of Aung Sang Suu Kyi's speech had probably appeared in one or two of Cambodia's English language newspapers in the past, and some of the learned readers have most likely read it already, but to mark her recent release from house arrest, it would be fitting to share this extract again.

It is perhaps no surprise that the Nobel Prize winner has come to epitomise Burma's struggle for freedom and democracy, earning deep respect and practical solidarity from people around the world, from journalists to worldly statesmen as well as common folk like this humble writer. We often look up to someone in genuine admiration, not because they embody our personal attributes such as moral and physical courage, or selflessness and simplicity in face of overwhelming odds and in devotion to the Cause of public good - far from it! - but because the examples they have provided us through their actions and courage, in their specific contexts, hold up a universal moral compass for others in similar circumstances to live by, and yet for whatever reasons, have not shown ourselves worthy of their examples, minus an honourable few. Burma and Cambodia also stand in similar stages of social and political developments: both are ruled by violent military junta who cling on to power in defiance of their people's democratic aspirations; both continue to usurp their countries' vast natural riches and assets for personal enrichment without an inkling of a feeling of embarrassment of such illicit riches in direct corollary and proportion to widespread public miseries.

It is little surprise that Ms. Suu Kyi herself speaks of the need for 'a revolution of the spirit' as the prerequisite for her nation's campaign for change and democracy, since in her measured view, economic and technological changes alone cannot guarantee the emergence of democratic governance by the rule of law, and if anything, does nothing to dispel the rule by Fear, as these changes have the effect of strengthening totalitarianism by adding to its arsenal the necessary means for self-preservation and organised violence in relations to democratic opposition. Revolution, in short, means nothing less than a radical change, for this iconic heroine of our time.
MP

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Freedom from Fear

By Aung Sang Suu Kyi, 1990

It is not power that corrupts but fear. Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it and fear of the scourge of power corrupts those who are subject to it. Most Burmese are familiar with the four a-gati, the four kinds of corruption. Chanda-gati, corruption induced by desire, is deviation from the right path in pursuit of bribes or for the sake of those one loves. Dosa-gati is taking the wrong path to spite those against whom one bears ill will, and moga-gati is aberration due to ignorance. But perhaps the worst of the four is bhaya-gati, for not only does bhaya, fear, stifle and slowly destroy all sense of right and wrong, it so often lies at the root of the other three kinds of corruption. Just as chanda-gati, when not the result of sheer avarice, can be caused by fear of want or fear of losing the goodwill of those one loves, so fear of being surpassed, humiliated or injured in some way can provide the impetus for ill will. And it would be difficult to dispel ignorance unless there is freedom to pursue the truth unfettered by fear. With so close a relationship between fear and corruption it is little wonder that in any society where fear is rife corruption in all forms becomes deeply entrenched.

Public dissatisfaction with economic hardships has been seen as the chief cause of the movement for democracy in Burma, sparked off by the student demonstrations 1988. It is true that years of incoherent policies, inept official measures, burgeoning inflation and falling real income had turned the country into an economic shambles. But it was more than the difficulties of eking out a barely acceptable standard of living that had eroded the patience of a traditionally good-natured, quiescent people - it was also the humiliation of a way of life disfigured by corruption and fear.

The students were protesting not just against the death of their comrades but against the denial of their right to life by a totalitarian regime which deprived the present of meaningfulness and held out no hope for the future. And because the students' protests articulated the frustrations of the people at large, the demonstrations quickly grew into a nationwide movement. Some of its keenest supporters were businessmen who had developed the skills and the contacts necessary not only to survive but to prosper within the system. But their affluence offered them no genuine sense of security or fulfilment, and they could not but see that if they and their fellow citizens, regardless of economic status, were to achieve a worthwhile existence, an accountable administration was at least a necessary if not a sufficient condition. The people of Burma had wearied of a precarious state of passive apprehension where they were 'as water in the cupped hands' of the powers that be.

Emerald cool we may be

As water in cupped hands

But oh that we might be

As splinters of glass

In cupped hands.

Glass splinters, the smallest with its sharp, glinting power to defend itself against hands that try to crush, could be seen as a vivid symbol of the spark of courage that is an essential attribute of those who would free themselves from the grip of oppression. Bogyoke Aung San regarded himself as a revolutionary and searched tirelessly for answers to the problems that beset Burma during her times of trial. He exhorted the people to develop courage: 'Don't just depend on the courage and intrepidity of others. Each and every one of you must make sacrifices to become a hero possessed of courage and intrepidity. Then only shall we all be able to enjoy true freedom.'

The effort necessary to remain uncorrupted in an environment where fear is an integral part of everyday existence is not immediately apparent to those fortunate enough to live in states governed by the rule of law. Just laws do not merely prevent corruption by meting out impartial punishment to offenders. They also help to create a society in which people can fulfil the basic requirements necessary for the preservation of human dignity without recourse to corrupt practices. Where there are no such laws, the burden of upholding the principles of justice and common decency falls on the ordinary people. It is the cumulative effect on their sustained effort and steady endurance which will change a nation where reason and conscience are warped by fear into one where legal rules exist to promote man's desire for harmony and justice while restraining the less desirable destructive traits in his nature.

In an age when immense technological advances have created lethal weapons which could be, and are, used by the powerful and the unprincipled to dominate the weak and the helpless, there is a compelling need for a closer relationship between politics and ethics at both the national and international levels. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations proclaims that 'every individual and every organ of society' should strive to promote the basic rights and freedoms to which all human beings regardless of race, nationality or religion are entitled. But as long as there are governments whose authority is founded on coercion rather than on the mandate of the people, and interest groups which place short-term profits above long-term peace and prosperity, concerted international action to protect and promote human rights will remain at best a partially realized struggle. There will continue to be arenas of struggle where victims of oppression have to draw on their own inner resources to defend their inalienable rights as members of the human family.

The quintessential revolution is that of the spirit, born of an intellectual conviction of the need for change in those mental attitudes and values which shape the course of a nation's development. A revolution which aims merely at changing official policies and institutions with a view to an improvement in material conditions has little chance of genuine success. Without a revolution of the spirit, the forces which produced the iniquities of the old order would continue to be operative, posing a constant threat to the process of reform and regeneration. It is not enough merely to call for freedom, democracy and human rights. There has to be a united determination to persevere in the struggle, to make sacrifices in the name of enduring truths, to resist the corrupting influences of desire, ill will, ignorance and fear.

Saints, it has been said, are the sinners who go on trying. So free men are the oppressed who go on trying and who in the process make themselves fit to bear the responsibilities and to uphold the disciplines which will maintain a free society.

Among the basic freedoms to which men aspire that their lives might be full and uncramped, freedom from fear stands out as both a means and an end. A people who would build a nation in which strong, democratic institutions are firmly established as a guarantee against state-induced power must first learn to liberate their own minds from apathy and fear.

Always one to practise what he preached, Aung San himself constantly demonstrated courage - not just the physical sort but the kind that enabled him to speak the truth, to stand by his word, to accept criticism, to admit his faults, to correct his mistakes, to respect the opposition, to parley with the enemy and to let people be the judge of his worthiness as a leader. It is for such moral courage that he will always be loved and respected in Burma - not merely as a warrior hero but as the inspiration and conscience of the nation. The words used by Jawaharlal Nehru to describe Mahatma Gandhi could well be applied to Aung San:

'The essence of his teaching was fearlessness and truth, and action allied to these, always keeping the welfare of the masses in view.'

Gandhi, that great apostle of non-violence, and Aung San, the founder of a national army, were very different personalities, but as there is an inevitable sameness about the challenges of authoritarian rule anywhere at any time, so there is a similarity in the intrinsic qualities of those who rise up to meet the challenge. Nehru, who considered the instillation of courage in the people of India one of Gandhi's greatest achievements, was a political modernist, but as he assessed the needs for a twentieth-century movement for independence, he found himself looking back to the philosophy of ancient India: 'The greatest gift for an individual or a nation . .. was abhaya, fearlessness, not merely bodily courage but absence of fear from the mind.'

Fearlessness may be a gift but perhaps more precious is the courage acquired through endeavour, courage that comes from cultivating the habit of refusing to let fear dictate one's actions, courage that could be described as 'grace under pressure' - grace which is renewed repeatedly in the face of harsh, unremitting pressure.

Within a system which denies the existence of basic human rights, fear tends to be the order of the day. Fear of imprisonment, fear of torture, fear of death, fear of losing friends, family, property or means of livelihood, fear of poverty, fear of isolation, fear of failure. A most insidious form of fear is that which masquerades as common sense or even wisdom, condemning as foolish, reckless, insignificant or futile the small, daily acts of courage which help to preserve man's self-respect and inherent human dignity. It is not easy for a people conditioned by fear under the iron rule of the principle that might is right to free themselves from the enervating miasma of fear. Yet even under the most crushing state machinery courage rises up again and again, for fear is not the natural state of civilized man.

The wellspring of courage and endurance in the face of unbridled power is generally a firm belief in the sanctity of ethical principles combined with a historical sense that despite all setbacks the condition of man is set on an ultimate course for both spiritual and material advancement. It is his capacity for self-improvement and self-redemption which most distinguishes man from the mere brute. At the root of human responsibility is the concept of perfection, the urge to achieve it, the intelligence to find a path towards it, and the will to follow that path if not to the end at least the distance needed to rise above individual limitations and environmental impediments. It is man's vision of a world fit for rational, civilized humanity which leads him to dare and to suffer to build societies free from want and fear. Concepts such as truth, justice and compassion cannot be dismissed as trite when these are often the only bulwarks which stand against ruthless power.

In Vietnam’s Mekong Delta, Monks Preserve Traditional Khmer Culture and Literature

At the center of all Khmer communities is the wat, both temple and monastery of Theravada Buddhism. By supporting the wat's monks, the laity contributes to the making and sharing of communal merit; the monastery in turn serves the community, in part by serving as a center of learning.

Op-Ed: http://leavefreedom.blogspot.com/2009/03/in-vietnams-mekong-delta-monks-preserve.html by Freedom
By Micheal Huff
15 March,2009

Once, very far away and very long ago, a powerful king from the West met a wise monk from the East. To test the monk's wisdom, the king posed many difficult questions: Why do good people sometimes suffer while evil people sometimes prosper? How can we know what truth is? How can there be rebirth without an eternal soul ? He asked many such questions. To each, the monk answered with brilliance and serenity. After their talk, the king left his throne and joined the monk in teaching the Middle Way.

This conversation of 2,000 years ago between the Bactrian King Menander and the Buddhist monk Nagasena was recorded in the Milindapanha, or The Questions of King Milinda. Today, this classic text of Theravada Buddhist literature is yearly brought to life in the ethnic Khmer villages of Vietnam's Mekong Delta. During the New Year celebration in April, one monk from a local temple will take the role of Menander, another that of Nagasena, and the two will recreate parts of the discourse for the Khmer community.

Within this traditional culture the monks are the spiritual leaders of their society, and as such they take on many roles. Storytelling is but one of the many responsibilities of these ochre-robed men. Others include teaching the Khmer writing system to the community's children and young adults, preserving manuscripts in their monasteries, and collecting Khmer language print materials. As scholars, the monks have been given cause to reflect on the state of intellectual freedom in the recent political milieu of Southeast Asia. And finally, the digital information revolution has excited the curiosity of some of the monks, who recognize its potential promise. Insofar as they act as the information providers for their community, Khmer monks share many of the same duties and concerns held by the library profession around the globe.

Since October 1997, I have had the opportunity to explore a part of the world of international librarianship in the homeland of the ethnic Khmer. Working as an ALA Library Fellow at Can Tho University, in the heart of the Mekong Delta, I have been assisting my Vietnamese colleagues in designing and implementing a library automation system and network, tasks that are much the same as my responsibilities at the Central Rappahannock Regional Library in Fredericksburg, Virginia. What expertise I have had to offer to the Vietnamese librarians has been enthusiastically received, and in return I have come to know as friends some of the most gracious and courageous people I have ever met in my life. The experience has been nothing short of extraordinary.

The richness of this adventure grew even greater when I became acquainted with the Khmer monks of Wat Muniransyarama, the Temple of Light. Since I became their next-door neighbor in downtown Can Tho, I have since spent many evenings in their company, sipping tea and learning about the Khmer way of life. Some of the monks and many of the Khmer students who attend the university study and speak English. Given their eagerness to improve their listening and speaking skills, I am never without opportunity to engage them in conversation. Through my talks with the monks and the laity and through my observations of their roles, I have been given much to reflect on regarding service to one's community.

The ethnic Khmer are the indigenous people of the Mekong Delta and Cambodia. Estimates of their population in Vietnam vary from between 1 to 3 million(?). Though the Vietnamese did not begin settling in this region until the 17th century, there are some Khmer settlements that have been continuously occupied since at least the 11th.

An agricultural society, the Khmer are known for being skillful rice farmers.

At the center of all Khmer communities is the wat, both temple and monastery of Theravada Buddhism. By supporting the wat's monks, the laity contributes to the making and sharing of communal merit; the monastery in turn serves the community, in part by serving as a center of learning.

As religious practitioners and scholars, Khmer Buddhist monks have faced much persecution and suppression in recent history. During the brutal reign of Pol Pot in the late 1970s, Cambodian monasteries were destroyed or desecrated, and monks were murdered or forced to leave the order. Some of the greatest collections of Buddhist literature in the world were burnt or otherwise destroyed by the Khmer Rouge.

In Vietnam from 1975 until 1986, the government actively suppressed the practice of religion, and many leaders of all faiths were sent to re-education camps. However, since 1986 the Vietnamese government has eased its social restrictions, and once again the wat are openly acting as the vital centers of the Khmer communities throughout the Mekong Delta(?).

Before 1975, over 100 monks were associated with Wat Muniransyarama. Today there are only 10, most of whom have joined the order in the past decade. Their work begins at 5 a.m. when they rise for prayer and meditation. The majority of the rest of their day is devoted to study, teaching, and the performance of sacred rites within the Khmer community. A central part of all of these activities is the wat library.

To the side of the central shrine room, some simple wooden shelves with glass doors house just fewer than 100 volumes and manuscripts. Though small in size, the collection is vast in significant content. Its core is the Pali Canon, the complete scripture collection of Theravada Buddhism. Preserved in its original language, this collection is also known as the Tripitaka, or Three Baskets, referring to its three sections: Vinaya Pitaka, the Basket of Discipline, or rules of monastic conduct; Sutta Pitaka, the Basket of Discourse, or the dialogues and teachings of the Buddha; and Abhidharma Pitaka, the Basket of Higher Teachings, or Buddhist metaphysics.

Through the access provided by the monks, the teachings in these books, written in both Pali and in Khmer transliteration, have provided guidance to the Khmer community for many centuries. The collection also consists of a number of palm-leaf manuscripts. The format of these documents is unique to this region of the world. Using techniques developed in Burma, a monk will write a verse or teaching from Buddhist scripture on pieces of dried sugar-palm leaf that measure about a foot long and two inches wide. A metal stylus is used to inscribe the text on the leaf, breaking the layer of cutin. Dye is then wiped across the leaf, staining the incised letters. Not only is the work exacting manually, but the monk also uses an archaic script when transcribing the text in this manner. In a day's time, a monk may only be able to complete two leaves. Each leaf is pierced through the center, and the completed manuscript of 20 to 30 leaves is bound by a single loose loop of string. Often used in sacred rites or healing ceremonies, these handwritten texts help to preserve an ancient art and an enduring way of life.

Another concern of the monks is literacy among the Khmer people. Teaching the skills of reading and writing to Khmer children is recognized as essential to the preservation of their culture in Vietnam. According to statistics compiled by UNESCO in 1990, only 36% of the Khmer population in Cambodia was literate. While many Khmer in the Mekong Delta can read and write in Vietnamese, it is only through the efforts of the monks that literacy in their mother tongue is being promoted outside of the monastic community.

Proscribing Print

One obstacle to accomplishing this goal is the acquisition of new Khmer print materials. While the Vietnamese Ministry of Culture and Information publishes some materials in the Khmer language, it also requires a lengthy review process for any materials imported from Cambodia. According to the government, this effort is to prevent "cultural materials unsuitable to Vietnamese society" from entering the country. The bureaucracy involved in the review process effectively deters anyone from trying to import print materials legally, and the situation has left the monks vexed.

Though it would also involve some red tape, local publication of documents in Khmer script is a possible solution. Even so, the problem remains of where to find a Khmer typesetter. After the monks mentioned this dilemma to me, I e-mailed my colleague Chris Glover of the Central Rappahannock Regional Library in Virginia, and asked him to see what he could find in the way of freeware Khmer fonts on the Web.

Within a few days I had the makings of a Khmer desktop publishing outfit on my laptop. Soon I was teaching basic word processing at the wat in the evening. Some of the monks had already learned basic computer skills at local schools, but everything had been done in Vietnamese. Not only have we worked on the design and editing of documents in Khmer, we have also begun to explore the creation of online hypertexts as a way of indexing the collection in the wat library.
In teaching the monks, I have also become their student. With their help, I am learning both the Khmer script and the fundamentals of conversation. That many of the monks can speak in Khmer, Pali, Vietnamese, English, and French has both humbled and inspired me. They are determined to teach not only their community, but like Nagasena with Menander they wish also to provide Westerners with information about Theravada Buddhism. They too understand the need for a global reach and that it can be attained through a local touch. It is all part of their commitment to service.

Even an ethnic minority community in one of the most economically disadvantaged regions of the world has the equivalent of the local library. The Khmer people support the wat, and part of what they get back is the assurance that the knowledge about their ways of life will be maintained and made available to them. Telling ancient stories, preserving manuscript archives, teaching literacy skills, discussing intellectual freedom, learning diverse languages, and exploring new information technologies are all some of the ways the of War Muniransyarama fulfill their obligation.

When Nagasena met Menander, every question had its answer. As Ranganathan invited our profession to remember, every book has its reader. Whether we work for municipalities or universities or law firms or hospitals or public schools, to bring our communities together with the information they seek is the responsibility we are called upon to fulfill.

Amidst all of the technological change and management issues and budget battles, this call to service is what unites our profession. As long as we never lose sight of this goal, I believe we need not worry about obsolescence; after all, service to their communities has sustained the Theravada order of Buddhist monks for 2,500 years.

http://ccbs.ntu.edu.tw/FULLTEXT/JR-EPT/huff.htm

Give Cambodian Children The Freedom To Be Proud

Children outreach (Photo: The Angkor Photography Festival)

Tue, 6 Nov 2007
OpEd by Santhor
Posted online

Cambodian children should no longer be locked in a small well and view the larger world as big as its rim. Instead, they should be given freedom to grow and develop as a proud citizen of Cambodia. As they enter the dynamic world, making choices becomes a way of asserting themselves into the global society. To be able to experience the freedom to choose predisposes these children to view the world as a less threatening place, and their chances of being "Succesful Cambodian People" are increased.

Developing the freedom to choose offers Cambodian children a big step forward in building self-esteem such as: "I'm not bad...", "I can do it...", "I'm just as smart as other kids in the world...", "I'm valuable...", "I'm loved", "I can be a good leader of my wonderful country when I grow up", etc...

Cambodia has never had a leader for itself in almost a century. The main reason for that is because we, the Cambodian people, have never had the freedom to choose any. Since childhood, our Cambodian anscestors were taught not to think, not to reason, not to choose. As a result of that, many Cambodians today have very low self-esteem and poor self-concept. The country will go nowhere if the people don't know where to go.

"Freedom to Choose"" is a power that gives children a sense of having control over their own lives and a sense of responsibility for themselves, for their families, for their communities and for their country. The Killing Field of the communist Khmer Rouge would not take place if Cambodians had control over their own lives.

"Freedom to Choose" builds "Trust" in children's ability to make decisions and to exercise their own will. The Yuon CPP regime would not exist if Cambodians have ability to make decision and exercise our own will for the interests of our own country.

"Freedom to Choose" also gives Cambodian children a sense of "Identity" and "Self-Concept" as someone with alternatives. These children will become more perceptive of possibilities, which probably leads to not feeling helpless in today oppressive ruling or when facing new situations or new experiences. When Cambodian children can choose for themselves the tasks to do, or the skills to acquire and the means to achieve them, they will put more energy and motivation into their efforts, thus increasing their chances of success and the "Positive Cambodian Image".

Cambodian Children Deserve the Right to Possibility.

Nguyen Minh Triet's visit to the US sparked protests in Little Saigon and across the country

Wednesday, June 20, 2007
Orange County pushes discussion on Vietnam

Vietnamese groups meet with Sanchez and Pelosi to take up democratic reform with the nation's president

By KATHRINE SCHMIDT
The Orange County Register (Southern Calif., USA)

WASHINGTON Rep. Loretta Sanchez and three Vietnamese community leaders met with the House Speaker Nancy Pelosi Wednesday to make sure she knows what their concerns are about that country's government before she sits down with its president today.

Nguyen Minh Triet's visit is the first of any Vietnamese president to the United States. His trip has sparked protests in Little Saigon and across the country, given what many Vietnamese Americans describe as the regime's poor human rights record and recent crackdown on pro-democracy groups and activists.

Triet will go to Dana Point on Friday after meetings today on Capitol Hill and Friday with President Bush.

The Vietnamese community leaders hoped that Pelosi and Bush would capitalize on the recent closer relations between the two countries – spurred in part by a successful trade agreement and Vietnam's entrance into the World Trade Organization last year – and push the country toward change.

They want Pelosi "to impress upon the Vietnamese president that he must respect human rights, particularly freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and association, and that they must release the peaceful dissidents," said Diem Do, chairman of the Vietnam Reform Party, an international group active in Orange County.

Do, who lives in Anaheim, joined Bich Nguyen of the National Congress of Vietnamese Americans and Thich Giac Duc, a prominent Buddhist leader from Boston in the meeting with the Speaker.

"We walked out of the building, and all felt it was an excellent meeting and an excellent opportunity," Do said. "It was a very lively exchange, and she was very, very engaged. She repeated over and over again that she will bring up the issue that we have discussed to the Vietnamese president tomorrow."

Do has been lobbying in Washington on the issue in recent weeks. He met with Bush and Vice President Cheney, representatives at the State Department and the National Security Agency, and with Rep. Ed Royce, R-Fullerton.

"I really hope that between (the Bush) meeting and this meeting today with the Speaker, we can really send a very strong message," Do said. "They are in a very good position to leverage some changes in Vietnam."

Earlier this year, the Vietnamese government arrested several of the leaders of Block 8406, a coalition of Democratic reform groups. Priest Nguyen Van Ly and lawyer Nguyen Van Dai are among those accused of spreading propaganda against the government, and could serve up to 20 years if convicted.

The House unanimously passed a resolution last month urging Vietnam to release the prisoners and reverse course on human rights.

"She's a very big person with respect to human rights, and she's very interested to see the depth of the human rights issues there," Sanchez said of Pelosi. "I think we educated her, we left her material, and she said that she was going to bring the points up with the president.

Ever since she was elected to Congress Sanchez has made trips to Vietnam and been criticized by the Vietnamese government for meeting with dissidents and arguing for increased human rights and religious freedoms.

"This is a continuous fight," Sanchez said. "We're on the right side of this issue."

Contact the writer: 202-628-6381 or kaschmidt@ocregister.com

Political Cartoon: Free Tibet, Cambodia and Laos

Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com)

Freedom of the Press redux: Sralanh Khmer newspaper told not to publish “Family of the thieves of the Nation” (Global Witness report in Khmer)

Click on the newspaper page to zoom in (Photo: Sralanh Khmer)

Ministry of Information warns Sralanh Khmer newspaper

08 June 2007
By Mayarith
Radio Free Asia
Translated from Khmer by Socheata

The Ministry of Informatiom (MoInf) issued a letter today to warn the Sralanh Khmer newspaper which has been publishing the Global Witness report in its daily edition.

On 03 June, the MoInf issued a letter banning the publication of the report “Family of the thieves of the Nation” (Global Witness report “Cambodia’s Family Trees” in Khmer) issued by Global Witness.

This week, Sralanh Khmer said that it will print portion of the report daily, from the beginning until the end. However, currently, the newspaper had published a few portions of the report only.

In today’s warning letter signed by Khieu Kanharith, Minister of Information, the MoInf said that it requested the editor of Sralanh Khmer newspaper to immediately stop this publication, and if the publication still goes on, the MoInf will take legal action against the newspaper.

As of Friday, there is no reaction from the editor of Sralanh Khmer yet about this warning.