Showing posts with label KR former stronghold. Show all posts
Showing posts with label KR former stronghold. Show all posts

Tuesday, July 20, 2010

Cambodia Plugs Khmer Rouge Bastion as a Tourist Spot

A Cambodian soldier leans against a sign pointing to the cremation spot of Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot in Anlong Veng (Photo: Brendan Brady)

Postcard from Anlong Veng

Tuesday, Jul. 20, 2010
By Brendan Brady / Anlong Veng
Time Magazine (USA)

"In those days we didn't have to worry about food or supplies — Ta Mok took care of that," says 56-year-old Sam Roeun, a former Khmer Rouge soldier with a prosthetic left leg who now sells entrance tickets to tourists in front of his former boss's home. Ta (grandfather) Mok, as his revolutionary alias went, was the ultra-Maoist regime's top military commander. In Anlong Veng, an isolated district of mostly wooden homes and crop fields north of Siem Reap, the name still conjures a mixture of worship and fear.

It's the latter sentiment that the Cambodian government is now trying to cultivate. Hoping to convince visitors to branch out from the more trodden Cambodian-tourism trails of ancient temples and backpacker bars, the government is trying to add a new stop on the foreign tourist's to-do list: a foray into the last stronghold of the mass-murdering Khmer Rouge. Anlong Veng, where the ultra-Maoist regime held out in its final years, may not be as enticing as the Cambodian hinterland's majestic Angkor temples nor as easygoing as its coastal hippie dens. But tourism officials are betting that travelers visiting for these two more common attractions can also be enticed by the dark history of this undeveloped pocket hugging the Thai border.

More than a million foreign tourists each year pay homage to Angkor Wat. But while it is just an hour and a half drive away, Anlong Veng receives only a tiny fraction of this horde, and its visitors are a trickle compared to the modest flow who visit Phnom Penh's infamous killing fields and Tuol Sleng torture center for a glimpse of the Khmer Rouge's goriest operations. Tourism officials' plans, dating back to 2000, to transform Anlong Veng into a showcase of the regime's final days suggest that they believe a bit of polish could turn those numbers around. In March, the government approved a comprehensive plan to formalize the area's development in order to allow "national and international guests to visit to understand the last political leadership of the genocidal regime," but they have yet to begin any significant construction.

Anlong Veng today is mostly populated by former Khmer Rouge cadres, as well as those who had been their most die-hard supporters or those who were forced by threat of death to join them in retreat. The fanatical regime's surviving leaders, depleted militia and dwindling supporters decamped here in 1979, after Vietnam toppled the Khmer Rouge and installed a new government. When it fell in 1998, Anlong Veng was the last territory under the Khmer Rouge rule and, to this day, the regime remains a presence in the area — in local residents' memories, former leaders' homes and grave sites and the facilities that served their deadly cause.
(Read "A Brief History of the Khmer Rouge.")

For some Cambodians, bizarrely enough, nostalgia lingers for the final years of Khmer Rouge rule. From 1975 to '79, the Khmer Rouge sought to turn Cambodia into an agrarian utopia and rid itself of traditional elites. In the process, an estimated 2 million people died from overwork, starvation and execution. Ta Mok, who earned the nickname "the Butcher," had accumulated a small fortune by pillaging this area's forests for timber he sold to Thailand, and he extended benefits to his followers to ensure their loyalty. Hence the former Khmer Rouge soldier Sam Rouen's admiration.

The remnants of these selective slices of Khmer Rouge history concerns Youk Chhang, the head of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, a nonprofit group that researches the regime's history. Chhang is skeptical that a "sufficient effort will be made to accurately explain the [tragic] historical context" behind the new attractions, and says the project is at risk of becoming more of a gimmick than sincere historical showcase. (Similar efforts have gone very wrong before, though it's hard to imagine anything stooping as low as Phnom Penh's Khmer Rouge Experience Café, which offered dishes styled after Khmer Rouge–era rations served by waitresses dressed as cadres. The café closed shortly after it opened in 2005.)

Today, most of the 14 scattered sites in Anlong Veng that the Tourism Ministry have chosen for its new "genocide-tour" itinerary leave a meager impression. The best-preserved attraction, Ta Mok's hideout, nestled in a floodplain to limit access points, includes three rickety structures and a decaying Chinese-made radio car used to disseminate propaganda. Otherwise, Pol Pot's old home has degenerated into a small shell of a building, akin to a concrete hut; the old school house for indoctrination is now simply part of a larger school for today's state education; and the medical ward that used to serve wounded militia is, after renovations and additions, a hospital serving the area.

It is, rather, the life stories of local residents that offer the starkest insight into the area's dark history. The hospital's director, 50-year-old Bich Sokha, for one, has worked in the same building for two decades, though he now only treats victims of traffic accidents and domestic abuse instead of militia with blown-off limbs. As part of the reconciliation plan that allowed former Khmer Rouge to integrate into new state institutions, Bich was able to trade in his black threads for a lab coat. He recalls having treated Ta Mok himself. "He had lost part of his leg from fighting and didn't like the first cut so we cut it again, above the knee, and he liked that."

Ta Mok's daughter Preak Lin, a deadpan 56-year-old woman who owns a sizeable peanut farm in the area, says the elegant stupa housing her father's remains (also one of the itinerary stops) nourishes fond family memories. Ta Mok died in 2006, just months after he was placed in pretrial detention for the U.N.-backed war crimes court that is ongoing. "Many people came to his funeral to pay tribute to him," she says. "When they open the tourist project, the villagers will be happy because they can earn more money, but I won't be happy because it will make me think about my father more and miss him."

Grappling with the loss of the Butcher or not, Anlong Veng's residents, whose living conditions are no exception to the poverty afflicting most Cambodians, are excited at the prospect of a steadier stream of customers for their vending stalls, restaurants and guesthouses. At the moment, only about a dozen people visit the main sites each day. Perhaps none has his entrepreneurial ambitions set higher than Nhem En. The former portrait photographer of prisoners who passed through Tuol Sleng prison, an anteroom to death where an estimated 15,000 people were viciously tortured, Nhem has for years tried to capitalize on his morbidly intimate connection with the regime and its inner workings. Now, he is uncasing his own attraction, a private museum located a half hour's commute outside of Anlong Veng, that will include, among other things, a walking stick, toilet seat and sandals he claims belonged to Pol Pot. (His offer to sell them last year for a million dollars didn't attract any suitors). Nhem says he wants to help illuminate Khmer Rouge history to foreigners and young Cambodians alike, but he's also happy to let someone else carry the torch: "I am offering my museum for 2 million dollars to anyone interested in buying it."

Monday, October 27, 2008

CAMBODIA: Maoist Bastion Gets Lessons in Market Economics

By Andrew Nette

PAILIN, Oct 27 (IPS) - For ex-Maoist guerrillas in the former Khmer Rouge stronghold of Pailin, close to the Thai border, the last decade has been a crash course in market economics.

The town of approximately 22,000 went from playing a key role in the country’s long-running civil war, to being feted by Phnom Penh after its defection to the government in 1996 -- and now to its current status as a neglected rural backwater.

Pailin has been hit hard by political instability in Thailand and the long-running standoff between Thailand and Cambodia over the ancient Preah Vihear temple. The once flourishing border trade has been reduced to a trickle and so has the tourist traffic.

‘’It’s been a tough decade,’’ says Koma, a taxi driver who makes a living plying the 83 km road between Pailin and Battambang, Cambodia’s second biggest city. "First the gem stones went, then the timber dried up, now there’s very little business left at all. There are no clubs and not a lot of hotels. It is very quiet."

"For me it is hard to find customers who want to go to from Battambang to Pailin," says Koma gesturing at his empty taxi. "Most of them want to by-pass Pailin and go straight to the Thai border."

"Things are very slow," agrees one of several motorcycle taxi drivers waiting for fares outside the entrance of a Pailin temple. "There are far fewer tourists around now because of the problems in Thailand."

Pailin was a major base in the Khmer Rouge’s nearly 20-year civil war against the Phnom Penh government.

Under the direction of former Khmer Rouge foreign minister Ieng Sary, the town was the centre of an enormously profitable border trade in gems and timber to Thailand, used by the guerrillas to finance their war.

It was also a key entry point for Chinese military and financial assistance to the rebels.

The road between Battambang and Pailin was once of the most hotly contested battle zones in the country, the scene of repeated offensives and counter offensives by the two sides.

Circled by heavily forested hills, a natural barrier against government attacks, Pailin achieved a near mythical status. This was furthered in May 1992 when the Japanese head of the U.N. peacekeeping force in Cambodia and his Australian senior military commander, were prevented from visiting the town by a bamboo pole across the road manned by several young Khmer Rouge soldiers.

The ‘bamboo pole incident’, as it was referred to in the media, revealed the U.N.’s impotence in the face of the Khmer Rouge’s refusal to disarm.

Government forces took Pailin briefly in 1994, only to lose it again when the Khmer Rouge counter-attacked. Government soldiers were said to have been too busy looting to strengthen their position.

The town finally fell in 1996 when Sary defected to the government along with some 3,000 hardened Khmer Rouge soldiers. The move isolated the movement’s hardliners and proved to be the beginning of the end of the civil war.

Sary cut a deal with the authorities pledging to remain neutral in the political in-fighting between the country’s feuding coalition parties in return for a free hand to continue to exploit the area’s gem and timber wealth.

The government feted Cambodia’s newest citizens. Schools and hospitals were built in Pailin, the town hooked up to the national power grid, and promises of generous financial aid were made.

Pailin prospered in the late nineties as Thai gem traders flocked to it and a number of casinos were opened up to attract Thai gamblers.

However, things turned out to be not as rosy as many of its citizens hoped.

Today, it takes four hours to get to Pailin from the Thai capital of Bangkok, around one hours’ travel time more than it takes to complete the bone-jarring journey along the pot- holed road from Battambang.

The local residents say the gemstones, once so plentiful, began to run out in the early part of the decade.

"We still find some gem stones but not as many as before," says Meas, who occasionally pans for stones by hand in a nearby river. "Most of them are gone, especially rubies and sapphires."

"There are some gems left but most of the fields are controlled by the government," he adds.

Khmer Rouge logging in the nineties largely denuded the area’s timber reserves, reducing one of the town’s other sources of income, the manufacture of hardwood furniture.

Large areas surrounding the town have been cleared by agribusinesses to plant crops such as cashews, cassava and fruits.

The casinos have shut up shop and moved to the Thai border. With them have closed many of the hotels built to cater to the gamblers.

Some residents maintain that the smuggling of fuel and cars from Thailand are now major economic activities.

The only new building work underway seems to be on several large villas, "the houses of former members of the Khmer Rouge with money," according to one local who did not want to be named.

"Obviously life is better now that there is no fighting,’’ says Chun Chheonn, a former soldier in the Khmer Rouge. "But things are difficult, especially for people who used to be in the old Khmer Rouge army. The government does not provide them with much assistance."

No one from Pailin’s local government was available to talk about the town’s economic prospects.

When Prime Minister Hun Sen visited, earlier in the year, media reports claimed one of the businesses he proposed for the development of the area was a golf course. There are also plans to establish a special economic zone on the outskirts of the town to lure Thai business.

For the large number of former soldiers whose only marketable skill is fighting, tensions with Thailand over the Preah Vihear temple have resulted in an opportunity of sorts.

According to Chheonn, the military are keen to recruit troops from among the former Maoist guerrillas to send to the disputed temple area. "If they ask me to go to Preah Vihear I will. I’m happy to fight the Thais… as long as Khmers do not fight Khmers."

Meanwhile, the town’s residents are keeping a wary eye on the international criminal tribunal into the crimes committed by the Khmer Rouge and the possibility that more individuals may be arrested to join the five currently awaiting trial in Phnom Penh.

The tribunal has been a sensitive subject ever since police swooped down in helicopters and arrested four of the town’s most famous residents, former Khmer Rouge leaders Ieng Sary, his wife Ieng Tirith, Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea.

"Everyone is paying very close attention to the trial here in Pailin even if they are nervous to talk about it,’’ says Chheonn.

Neul, who runs a small shop next to Khieu Samphan’s modest single story house, remembers when the police took away took their elderly neighbour.

"His wife bought things at my shop but he never came out," she says. "I want him in jail for what he’s done," says her husband Savy. "No one around here was angry when he was arrested."

Not everyone agrees.

"They [the Khmer Rouge] fought to stop the Vietnamese from taking our country," said Lat Lina, a local businessman. "You can print that the U.N. trial will not bring justice for Cambodia."

"I am glad about the tribunal but I want it to be quick," says Chheonn. "There is a lot of funding for the tribunal but it keeps being delayed. Many of the senior Khmer Rouge leaders are already dead, maybe soon some of those facing trial will die. Who will be left to face justice?"

Wednesday, March 26, 2008

Luxury golf course for Cambodia's former KRouge zone: PM

An ex-communist rebel hitting the green
Children stand on a bulldozer as they watch the helicopter of Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen take off after a ground-breaking ceremony in Pailin March 26, 2008 to repair the road between Battembang and Pailin province. REUTERS/Chor Sokunthea
Onlookers watch a ground-breaking ceremony in Pailin March 26, 2008 for the repair of the road between Battembang and Pailin province. REUTERS/Chor Sokunthea

PHNOM PENH (AFP) — Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen said Wednesday that he wants a luxury golf course to be built in the former Khmer Rouge stronghold of Pailin, adding that even ex-rebels liked to hit the greens.

"Now if Pailin had a golf course, it would be a good thing," the premier said, speaking at a road construction project in the remote town near the Thai border that was one of the last refuges of the communist guerrillas.

The area is already home to a number of casinos, and has become increasingly open to tourism since the Khmer Rouge surrendered in 1996, which was the last year that Hun Sen was in Pailin.

In Pailin "the sound of monks chanting has replaced the sound of gunfire," Hun Sen said, adding that Pailin governor Ee Chhean, a former rebel fighter, was no stranger to the greens.

Cambodia doubled its number of luxury golf courses last year to four and hopes to have eight by 2010 in a bid to lure more high-end tourism from the fast-growing sport in Asia.