Showing posts with label Social issues. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Social issues. Show all posts

Friday, December 21, 2007

Chea Vannath a champion of democracy in Cambodia

Chea Vannath

Written on December 19th, 2007

in World People one

Linked with Center for Social Development CSD.

She is one of the 1000 women proposed for the Nobel Peace Price 2005.

Chea Vannath (born 1948) is President of the Center for Social Development CSD, which promotes school curricula on transparency, monitors the courts and parliament and organizes public debates on the Khmer Rouge tribunal, corruption and other issues. After the Khmer Rouge seized power in 1975, Chea was forced to work in labor camps before escaping to Thailand and on to the US. After living as a refugee in America for more than ten years, she returned to Cambodia in 1992 to participate in rebuilding her country.

She says: “Not anymore will I allow only one party to lead my country”.

She says also: ““He (my father) was committed, had tremendous energy and effort, and possessed a progressive vision. He did not blame others. When he talked, he made me think. Once he was asked by other villagers while we were forced to work in the field by the Khmer Rouge, how it feels to not be rich anymore, and he replied that he still felt very fortunate. He did not pay attention to money but to human beings”.

She works for the Center for Social Development CSD.

A daughter of a jeweler, Vannath grew up in a secure and elegant environment. As a girl, she went to school in a chauffer-driven car. Vannath speaks three languages fluently: Khmer, English and French. After getting her diploma in public financial management, she worked as a fiscal officer in the treasury department. She married a physician, a major in the Cambodian army. They have one son.

Then came the Khmer Rouge in April 1975. Vannath’s life would never be the same again.

From “year zero”, as the Khmer Rouge regime called their reign of terror, Vannath along with her parents and her husband and son were forced to leave home and made to work the fields in several provinces along with millions other Cambodians. In three years and eight months, together with many other people, she moved to different places, wherever the Khmer Rouge needed forced labor. She got up at four in the morning to pick tobacco, and saw men being taken away never to be seen again.

Vannath witnessed, for the first time, death, torture, and misery. In short, human suffering. From these experiences, she learned to understand life and suffering, life as ever changing and not permanent.


Under the regime’s reign of terror, two million Cambodians were reported killed. In 1980, facing the threat to her family, Vannath, her husband, and their son escaped to Thailand. They stayed in a refugee camp in Chon Buri province for three months then left for the Philippines for another six months. After finding a sponsor in America in 1981, Vannath’s family set off for San Francisco, then settled in Oregon.

Buddhism has helped her through difficult times. Many Cambodians traumatized by the war react differently. Some of them lost their identities. Vannath clung to Buddhism and kept her balance.

“Some Buddhist Cambodians said they were Christian in order to get assistance while in America. But I don’t want to say that just to get assistance,” says Vannath, recalling her experience as a refugee in America from 1981 to 1990.

Vannath was introduced to Buddhism since when she was young. As a child living with her parents in Pursat province, Vannath developed a strong and loving relationship with her grandmother, Touch Ky. So when her parents moved to Phnom Penh in the 1950s, she did not want to leave her grandmother.“My first thought was always with my grandma. I remember very well helping her carry the betel nuts basket to the pagodas (temple) and several Buddhist religious ceremonies. I always observed these ceremonies.” Vannath learned to pray twice a day.

Before the Khmer Rouge, she avoided political activity. But the regime changed her from a gentle woman unconcerned about the state or the administration, to an activist. “It changed me,” she says, with no hint of resentment. It led her to ask the question: “Why did the Khmer Rouge happen?” The answer, she says, is that she was not an active member of society. She decided to change herself, to be engaged in political affairs. Not anymore will I allow one party to lead my country,” she said.

She got involved, first, as coordinator for all organizations assisting refugees in America. She worked as a board member of the Cambodian Network Council to preserve the homeland’s traditions and culture. From 1981 to 1990, she became program monitor for the International Refugee Center of Oregon and the Southeast Asian Refugee Federation in Oregon, and later the program coordinator for the Early Employment Project of the Metropolitan Community Action in Portland.

Later, she became program specialist for the Oregon State Refugee Program, Department of Human Resources. She also continued her studies and obtained a master’s degree in Public Administration (with awards for achievement) from the Portland State University in Oregon in 1991.

In 1992, she was back in Cambodia working as a translator for the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) to prepare for the UN-sponsored general election in 1993. Later, she worked for The Asia Foundation – Cambodia, funded by the US Agency for International Development, as head of the Financial Review and Compliance Unit. In 1996, she was vice president of the Center for Social Development (CSD) before becoming its president in 1998.

Established in 1995, the CSD is a nationwide institution focusing mainly on the elimination of corruption, development of accountability and the implementation of transparency especially in the public sector, as well as the promotion of human rights, good governance and democracy. These issues are pertinent to Cambodia (a country where the average monthly income of civil servants ranges from US$20-40 and where some 36 per cent of the population live below the poverty line), where the availability of funds and international aid are fertile ground for abuse. In addition, a research study conducted by CSD in 1998 on the Cambodians’ attitude towards corruption showed that a majority of the people accept corruption as part of the normal way of life in Cambodia.

To counter this, the CSD decided to launch a project called Transparency Task Force, which aims for attitudinal and behavioral changes towards corruption among primary and secondary level students. In 2002, the Coalition for Transparency-Cambodia composed of monks, students, teachers, civil servants, non-governmental organizations, parliamentarians and members of the private sector was formed, with the CSD acting as its secretariat and its major sustaining force. The CSD was also the main moving force in the drafting of the anti-corruption law awaiting the adoption by the Parliament.

Since 1996, the CSD has organized public forums to tackle sensitive and explosive issues, thus, Vannath says, enabling the Center to act as a neutral and unbiased venue for people of varied backgrounds to debate within the framework of legal and democratic processes. The debates are broadcast through radio and television.

The most controversial debate was on the Khmer Rouge tribunal. At that time, details of the law establishing a Khmer Rouge tribunal were negotiated in utmost secrecy between the representatives of the Royal Government and the United Nations. The CSD felt the need to organize these debates so that the people’s voices would be heard. The debates were opened to the public, which included the victims of the Khmer Rouge as well as its former members.

Vannath traveled to the former Khmer Rouge leaders’ stronghold in Pailin and Phnom Malai districts of Banteay Meanchey province to invite them to participate in the forum that her Center organized in three provinces. The presence of Khmer Rouge members was controversial but Vannath believed the Khmer Rouge should have a chance to express their opinions about the tribunal. She says that from these forums, she found out that the tribunal itself is not the issue. The real issue is national reconciliation and peace. Therefore, the trial had to be looked at from the broader, more comprehensive framework of justice, national reconciliation and total healing towards the attainment of genuine peace.

Peace, Vannath says, is everything, so her work also has to deal with several issues: health, religion, gender. Once she worked to preserve the historical and cultural heritage of Cambodia, the National Olympic Stadium complex. The great obstacles to peace, however, are poverty and lack of education. Her Center signed a memorandum of understanding with the Ministry of Education to train 6,000 teachers and to integrate the concepts of transparency and accountability into the curriculum.

Other activities of the CSD are Parliamentary Watch that monitors and acts as a watchdog of the performance of the members of the Parliament, and Court Watch that monitors and records the compliance of courts with the procedures for fair trial and due process. The CSD also publishes a monthly bulletin that exposes the performance of key players in the socio-economic and political spheres of Cambodian society.The CSD is in the line of fire for its activities and positions on various issues. Consistently, it takes the dangerous position of working for the benefit of the poor, marginalized and oppressed majority.

Vannath said she can stand up to anybody since what she is trying to do go beyond her own interests. “I do it not for myself. I do not have any expectations from what I am doing.” “She is truly brave, even much more than many Cambodian men,” says Mam Sonando, president of the Phnom Penh-based Radio Beehive. “She leads her life with transparency and honesty. She practices Buddhism in her work, activities and daily living. She contributes tremendously to the development of Cambodia and attainment of lasting peace in our divided nation.” Vannath was in the government’s black list for many years.

Vannath says she finds her strength in the footsteps of her late father.

Vannath’s comments are always sought after by the media. She is a daily commentator on the different issues in the country. She openly takes up issues specially those dealing with corruption. According to her friend, Helen Ross, an architect, Vannath seems “to have become the oracle that all journalists seek out for an answer to Cambodia’s complex political, social and economic situation.”

Vannath has been invited to Sweden and other countries to talk about the peace process she is advocating for Cambodia. The case study she wrote entitled “Reconciliation in Cambodia: Politics, Culture and Religion” has been used in the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance’s handbook on reconciliation. Vannath sits among policy makers on peace and national reconciliation, locally and abroad.

In 2004, Vannath was selected as one of the eight outstanding women in Cambodia by the Angkor Thom magazine for her courage, achievements and pioneering efforts in the field of transparency, accountability, human rights, democracy and peace. (1000peacewomen).

Camp Catatonia.

Khmer Rouge and national reconciliation, opinions from the Cambodians.

Vannath Chea on IDEA.

Second Regional Conference on Poverty Reduction Strategies.

Peace Agreements as a Means for Promoting Gender Equality and Ensuring, Participation of Women.

And she says: “It’s beyond a dream,” said Chea Vannath, a leading human rights campaigner here. “I used to live under the Khmer Rouge regime, and I could never dream that those leaders would ever be brought to trial”, (full text: Khmer Rouge Hearing Ends, Nov. 21, 2007).

la testimonianza di una sopravvissuta.

Thursday, February 08, 2007

NGO Fever: Democratization and its Discontents in Cambodia

Thursday, 08 February 2007
Written by Mneesha Gellman and Josh Dankoff
Posted at Toward Freedom


Chher Cheng is the only female to sit as a Commune Councilor in her Cambodian village. Elected in 2002, Cheng ran in the first wave of local elections heralded by decentralization proponents as a key step in rebuilding village life by granting more autonomy from the national agenda emanating from the capital city of Phnom Penh.(1)
----------------
"Cambodia’s pseudo-democratic-monarchy-
cum-authoritarian-government views
even basic legal education programs
as a threat to their power"
----------------
Cheng's Commune represents the village’s 1,000 inhabitants. Gender mainstreaming has yet to hit this part of the world, and Cheng, as the sole representative of her sex, is assigned by the men on the Council to work on women and children's issues, particularly health education. She speaks slowly, in pace with the rhythm of the day unfolding in her yard; half-dressed children shooting marbles and staring at the visiting barang (white person) (2), men folding pond lilies to sell at the market, and a variety of chickens and pigs rooting in the dirt for food.

There have been trainings available to her in the last several years to ‘build her capacity’ as a Councilor. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have held trainings in the provincial capital on conflict mediation, domestic violence, and gender issues for selected Commune Councilors. However, many obstacles exist to Cheng carrying out her duties. When asked about the protocol for handling domestic disputes in the community, Cheng shrugs and says she sends it up to the next level in the government hierarchy. She mentions the difficulties in mobilizing women in the village because they are busy and expect to receive a gift if they attend a meeting, a legacy of the political patronage rampant in Cambodia. That said, Cheng is running for re-election in April 2007 and has convinced six other women to run as well.

Cheng's mother listens to our discussion from a hammock strung up underneath the house. Although her daughter has been a Councilor for over four years, she doesn't know what the Council does and has never been to one of their meetings. Her resignation is typical of her generation; the elders have had their dreams suppressed by decades of civil war and occupation. Yet her apathy undercuts the predicted participatory democracy enthusiasm hoped for by decentralization advocates. It also illuminates a serious need in Cambodian society to promote national reconciliation between former victims, perpetrators and alienated community members through dynamic, grassroots peacebuilding initiatives.

The NGO Ghetto: Development as the New Colonialism?

Phnom Penh, Cambodia’s capital city, overflows with karaoke, chaotic traffic, and expatriots working at a spread of international and local NGOs. We don't do karaoke, but we do cling to the back of a moto (scooter) taxi driver on lawless roads that have no respected lanes, stoplights, or any sense of order that would tame the 10,000 people per month accident rate in a city of around 1.5 million. Our rule as pedestrians: cross with the monks. Their saffron robes stand out and it would be really bad karma for someone to hit them.

Students and interns like us with summer months free to put their theoretical training to the test show up at the Khmer Institute of Democracy (KID) and are launched into the unique underworld of domestic and international NGO politics. The area just south of Sihanouk Blvd (named after the King Father) is known unofficially as 'NGO Alley.' There are so many NGOs and international funding organizations in these few square blocks that one wonders flippantly for a moment why more problems have not been solved with this much aid pouring in. As of 1998, a staggering 14 percent of Cambodia's GNP came from international aid, and this amount has only increased over the last decade (3).

In some ways, the large number of non-Cambodians living in Phnom Penh has created a parallel economy: certain restaurants and hotels are only filled with ex-pats, and the dollar has become an interchangeable currency with the Riel. This is not only due to the NGO workers, as Cambodia now gets roughly 1 million tourists per year. Just as Bangkok became internationally known for its sex trade during the Vietnam War (with hundreds of thousands of American soldiers spending time there on R&R), Cambodia became a destination for international sex tourism after the United Nations peacekeeping mission in the early 1990s.

The parallels between development and colonialism are striking. Upon visiting Phnom Penh, a first generation Indian-American man said that the city reminded him of colonial India where "the haves had white skin and the have-nots had brown skin… only in Phnom Penh, the white-skinned people are development workers." Perhaps we should not be too surprised by this fact, as development has its ideological roots in colonialism. But as white middle class do-gooders seeking to make an ethically orchestrated impact in the world, the implications of our very presence here sometimes make us queasy.

Our hope is that the projects we are working on justify the negative elements of being a foreigner here. KID juggles a handful of programs ranging from training newly elected local government officials in democracy, law, and conflict resolution to educating the Cambodian public about the upcoming trial of former Khmer Rouge officials. The organization was established in 1992, making it a veteran organization in a land of recently developed infrastructure and civil society.

Struggling Civil Society is a Legacy of War

Why, you might be asking at this point, is there so little infrastructure in a culture boasting some of the most advanced ancient art in the world? Particularly if you weren't old enough to be grazing the international news in the 1970's, you may not have heard much about the communist Khmer Rouge regime which dominates Cambodia's recent history. In 1975, Pol Pot, Ieng Sary, and other youthful militants overthrew the US-backed Lon Nol government, which had been propped up as a beacon of anti-communism close-by to the North Vietnamese in the peak of the Vietnam (or as it is known in Cambodia and most of Southeast Asia, the ‘American’) War.

Within days of taking control of the country, the Khmer Rouge regime evacuated city dwellers and put them to work in forced rural labor camps which were gender and age segregated. All schools, government, health care and religious systems were made illegal. Civil servants and other educated people were summarily rounded up and executed on the spot for being bourgeoisie and thus sympathetic to the American imperialists. People wearing glasses were targeted under the assumption that they were well educated. For 3 years, 8 months, and 20 days, from 1975-1979, the Khmer Rouge obliterated the cultural and physical infrastructure of Cambodia, killing nearly two million of the nation’s 8 million inhabitants and leaving a legacy of trauma that haunts the country to this day. Cambodians prefer to repeat the words “3 years, 8 months, and 20 days” instead of referring to the words “Khmer Rouge” or its leader “Pol Pot.” This length of time has gained meaning in a way that we have never before encountered – a negative nostalgia.

The Vietnamese military ‘liberated’ the Cambodian populace from the grips of the Khmer Rouge in 1979, and subsequently occupied the country for a decade. Tension persists today between Cambodians and Vietnamese because of the complexity of liberation and occupation and often plays out as mutual racism. It was not until Vietnam withdrew its military in 1989 that Cambodia really began to pick up the pieces and rebuild, though Khmer Rouge guerilla units continued to carry out attacks throughout the 1990s. Thus, in this context of nearly constant war for 30 years punctuated by genocide and cultural upheaval, it is not surprising that civil society infrastructure in Cambodia lacks the maturity seen in less conflict-ridden nations.

To be Young, Cambodian and Educated

Nearly 35% of Cambodians are under the age of 15, and the median age is 20 (4). Many young people do not believe their parents’ stories about the Khmer Rouge (see our previous article in Toward Freedom on this subject). Yet an increasing number of young people graduate from a burgeoning number of mostly private universities throughout the country. The jobs most sought-after by these graduates are in the NGO sector, as they are relatively high-paying and prestigious – the inverse of the perception of non-profit jobs in the US.

We have sat with truly inspiring people working at KID and other NGOs, who are asking real questions about how to effectively serve fellow Cambodians. From conflict resolution training to film production to poverty reduction, young Cambodians dedicated to social change are expressing their visions through their work. In contrast to the unrestrained idealism of many activists in the US, these recent university graduates exude a grounded and gritty comprehension of the limits of the cultural and political restrictions of their nation.

In some sense, this pragmatism is quite radical. In the US, radical activism means exhibiting increasingly extreme behavior in an attempt to bring attention to a cause. Conversely, Cambodia’s pseudo-democratic-monarchy-cum-authoritarian-government views even basic legal education programs as a threat to their power. Consequentially, Cambodian activists/NGO workers design subtle projects that make a difference in their communities free of lofty over-intellectualization. For example, women’s rights trainings are held in response to rampant domestic violence, and even this is viewed with suspicion by government authorities. In sum, some Cambodian activists/NGO workers avoid the pitfalls of self-righteousness that many well-meaning North Americans fall into.

Yet Cambodian NGOs struggle to live up to the positive language of their mission statements for a variety of reasons. Lack of organizational and human capacity, cultural trends of strict hierarchy and the desire for status, donor-driven agendas, and a nascent civil society all contribute to NGO dysfunction. While these obstacles can seem insurmountable, women like Chher Cheng – the female Commune Councilor at the beginning of our story – offer hope to us. She is choosing to get involved with local politics and participates persistently in what has traditionally been a man’s world. As NGOs like KID improve their ability to implement truly empowering trainings for citizens, women such as Cheng will grow more confident in their abilities as leaders. They can pass knowledge to their neighbors and daughters to fuel the next generation of Cambodians dedicated to social change, Cambodian-style.

(1) Chher Cheng is not her real name

(2) Literally means 'French,' a hangover from colonialism, but now used loosely for all white foreigners

(3) Godfrey et al 1998 cited in - Curly, Melissa. 2004. The Role of the Non-Profit Sector in Transitional Asian Economies: Cambodia Ten Years After UNTAC. Conference Paper presented at the 15th Biennial Conference presented at the Asian Studies Association of Australia, Canberra, 29 June-2 July 2004.

(4) CIA World Factbook, Cambodia. 2006.
https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/cb.html
Accessed online December 5, 2006


Mneesha Gellman and Josh Dankoff are interns at the Khmer Institute of Democracy in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Mneesha is doing a Masters in International Peace and Conflict Studies and Josh is doing a Masters of Development Practice, both at the University of Queensland in Brisbane, Australia. They can be contacted at mneesha@gmail.com and jadankoff@gmail.com