Showing posts with label CPP oppression. Show all posts
Showing posts with label CPP oppression. Show all posts
Wednesday, September 19, 2012
Thursday, January 12, 2012
សមាជិកបក្សប្រជាជន១រូបបារម្ភពីសុវត្ថិភាពក្រោយចូលរួមបញ្ចេញមតិ - CPP activist concerned about safety after voicing his opinion
2012-01-11
ដោយ រដ្ឋា វីសាល
RFA
សមាជិកគណបក្សប្រជាជនមួយរូប មានឋានៈជាមន្ត្រីមូលដ្ឋាននៅខេត្តស្ទឹងត្រែង អះអាងថា សិទ្ធិបញ្ចេញមតិរបស់លោកកំពុងរងការគំរាមកំហែងពីមន្ត្រីបក្សរបស់ខ្លួន តាមរយៈការដកតំណែងចេញពីមន្ត្រីជាប់ឆ្នោតនៅមូលដ្ឋាន។
ជំទប់ទី២ ឃុំអន្លង់ភេ ស្រុកថាឡាបរិវ៉ាត់ ខេត្តស្ទឹងត្រែង គឺលោក រស់ ឡាច។ នៅថ្ងៃពុធ ទី១១ ខែមករា ឆ្នាំ២០១២ លោកបានសំដែងការព្រួយបារម្ភពីសុវត្ថិភាពផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន ដោយសារតែមន្ត្រីមូលដ្ឋានក្នុងបក្សរបស់លោកគំរាមកំហែង និងរៀបចំឯកសារដកលោកចេញពីតួនាទីក្រុមប្រឹក្សាឃុំ។
ដោយ រដ្ឋា វីសាល
RFA
Synopsis: A CPP activist, who is local official in Stung Treng province, claimed that his freedom of expression is threatened by CPP party officials who want to remove from his position as an elected official. On 11 January 2012, Ros Lach, the 2nd CPP councilor in Anlong Phe commune, Thalabrivat district, Stung Treng province, expressed his concerns about his personal safety because local CPP officials threatened him and they have prepared paperwork to remove him from his position as commune councilor. He claimed that he voiced out his opinion during seminars and public forum organized by the civil society and he criticized the inaction by the local authority against logging of precious wood, as well as deforestation. All these issues affect CPP party officials, that is why his life was threatened by the wood trader and local CPP officials have prepared paperwork to remove him from his position. “They are silencing me, they restrict my freedom, they want me to follow their plan, i.e. to follow the path they set for me. This is a restriction on my political freedom rights, on my work rights, as well as on my freedom of expression rights.”
សមាជិកគណបក្សប្រជាជនមួយរូប មានឋានៈជាមន្ត្រីមូលដ្ឋាននៅខេត្តស្ទឹងត្រែង អះអាងថា សិទ្ធិបញ្ចេញមតិរបស់លោកកំពុងរងការគំរាមកំហែងពីមន្ត្រីបក្សរបស់ខ្លួន តាមរយៈការដកតំណែងចេញពីមន្ត្រីជាប់ឆ្នោតនៅមូលដ្ឋាន។
ជំទប់ទី២ ឃុំអន្លង់ភេ ស្រុកថាឡាបរិវ៉ាត់ ខេត្តស្ទឹងត្រែង គឺលោក រស់ ឡាច។ នៅថ្ងៃពុធ ទី១១ ខែមករា ឆ្នាំ២០១២ លោកបានសំដែងការព្រួយបារម្ភពីសុវត្ថិភាពផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន ដោយសារតែមន្ត្រីមូលដ្ឋានក្នុងបក្សរបស់លោកគំរាមកំហែង និងរៀបចំឯកសារដកលោកចេញពីតួនាទីក្រុមប្រឹក្សាឃុំ។
Saturday, November 26, 2011
Saturday, November 12, 2011
Kaun Mean Omnach Khlach Borotes (You are powerful, but you are scared of the foreigners)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_GGehjTbJVQ
Friday, May 06, 2011
Sacrava's Political Cartoon: Man in Iron Mask
 |
| Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com) |
Saturday, February 26, 2011
Tieng Narith - "The Great Danger of the Khmer Nation"
Download the PDF version of this book by clicking on the "Download" button on the top left button on the display box below (next to Scribd)
Tieng Narith - Great Danger of Khmer Nation
Wednesday, February 16, 2011
Crushing adversities which caused immeasurable misery to the Khmer nation
Dear All:
Let’s not sit in circle and sob!
Vanna Lanh
The crushing adversities which caused immeasurable misery to the Khmer nation are multi-dimensional.
If you’re like me, a slow-learner, it is very hard to visualize the problems without a 3-D sketch. For us people of limited vocabulary, a picture can surely paints a thousand words.
Here it is our collective troubles propped up in perspective to help us identify our woe. My hope is it may help us come together to plan on moving on to the next step - end the misery.
There’s a saying which goes like this - “If you can find what the problems are, you are halfway into the process of solving those problems”.
After we have sized up the problems, the question for all of us to ask – How are we going to wiggle our way out from under the crushing loads?
Let’s not sit in circle and sob!
Vanna Lanh
 |
| Click on each graphic page to zoom in |
Saturday, March 06, 2010
Cambodia's proposed NGO law stirs suspicion and concern
05 Mar 2010
By Thin Lei Win
During a ceremony in November to mark 30 years of NGO-government cooperation, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen said a law governing the non-profit sector would be next on the agenda after the enactment of an anti-corruption bill.
Hun Sen has talked about enacting an NGO law since 2008, but this was the first time he indicated a time frame -- the anti-corruption bill is headed to the National Assembly and many expect it to be passed soon after.
"NGOs demand that the government shows transparency, but they can't show the same to us," The Phnom Penh Post newspaper quoted Hun Sen as saying.
"We respect the local and international NGOs whose activities serve humanity and help the government of Cambodia ... They will not be threatened by this draft law," he added. "But we believe that some NGOs whose activities seem to serve the opposition party will be afraid of it."
Detractors say the draft law is an attempt to muzzle a burgeoning civil society that has become openly critical of Hun Sen who has been prime minister for the past 25 years.
His ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) has faced growing criticism that it has abused its power by using its parliamentary majority to interfere with the judiciary and restrict political freedom since its last election win in 2007.
"DETERIORATING" HUMAN RIGHTS
Last year, Cambodia passed legislation tightening defamation laws and outlawing public protests by more than 200 people, which rights groups and donors said were moves to stifle criticism of the ruling party.
The United Nation's special rapporteur for human rights, Surya Subedi, has also flagged up concerns about many of Cambodia's institutions, like the courts, saying they were weak.
Against this backdrop, the Cooperation Committee for Cambodia (CCC), an umbrella organisation representing more than 100 local and international NGOs, released a statement in December to say the time was not right for an NGO law. It was signed by some 230 NGOs.
"NGOs are also concerned about possible restrictions of activity on grounds of discretionary interpretation and use of the law, particularly given the deterioration of human rights situation in Cambodia since 2008," Borithy Lun, CCC's executive director, told AlertNet.
NGO officials say they have not seen a draft of the law and there have been no discussions, despite formal requests to various government ministries.
"We are not against the law. If we are spending money on behalf of the people of Cambodia, it is right that we should report to them," Sharon Wilkinson, CARE International's Cambodia country director, told AlertNet.
However, she expressed concern that a 2002 draft law was vague on the basis on which the government may refuse to register an NGO whose staff, it said, could face a fine and jail if found to be operating without the necessary registration.
TOO MANY NGOS?
Supporters of the draft law say, in a country of only 15 million people, it would help regulate a sector accommodating more than 3,000 NGOs and associations -- according to some estimates -- working on issues ranging from health, education and infrastructure to environmental protection and governance.
Although Cambodia has been peaceful for over a decade and recently enjoyed several years of economic growth and political stability, 40 percent of its population still live below the poverty line.
According to the latest U.N. human development index, four out of 10 people live below the poverty line of $1.25 a day, more than a third of children under five are underweight, life expectancy at 60.6 years is just above Namibia and Gabon and close to a quarter of the adults are illiterate.
"In Cambodia, it is easy to set up shop or register as an NGO and relatively easy to hire expatriates. It is very open and there is almost no restriction," said Francis Perez, country director of Oxfam in Cambodia.
However, he added: "The concerns of different sectors around the NGO law are legitimate and should be discussed openly."
The plethora of NGOs in Cambodia has raised questions about their own levels of transparency and accountability as well as the hefty salaries earned by expatriate staff compared to Cambodian ones.
However, it is still unclear to what extent a new NGO law would address these issues.
"The need for regulation should not be determined by the amount of NGOs, but by the actual need for further regulation," said CCC, which says self-regulation through the Good Practices Project, a voluntary certification system it has set up, is the best way to ensure NGO transparency.
By Thin Lei Win
[Hun Xen's] ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) has faced growing criticism that it has abused its power by using its parliamentary majority to interfere with the judiciary and restrict political freedom since its last election win in 2007.PHNOM PENH (AlertNet) - A proposed law regulating non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Cambodia is raising concerns among advocacy and aid groups that it will be used by the government to restrict their activities in the impoverished Southeast Asian country.
During a ceremony in November to mark 30 years of NGO-government cooperation, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen said a law governing the non-profit sector would be next on the agenda after the enactment of an anti-corruption bill.
Hun Sen has talked about enacting an NGO law since 2008, but this was the first time he indicated a time frame -- the anti-corruption bill is headed to the National Assembly and many expect it to be passed soon after.
"NGOs demand that the government shows transparency, but they can't show the same to us," The Phnom Penh Post newspaper quoted Hun Sen as saying.
"We respect the local and international NGOs whose activities serve humanity and help the government of Cambodia ... They will not be threatened by this draft law," he added. "But we believe that some NGOs whose activities seem to serve the opposition party will be afraid of it."
Detractors say the draft law is an attempt to muzzle a burgeoning civil society that has become openly critical of Hun Sen who has been prime minister for the past 25 years.
His ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) has faced growing criticism that it has abused its power by using its parliamentary majority to interfere with the judiciary and restrict political freedom since its last election win in 2007.
"DETERIORATING" HUMAN RIGHTS
Last year, Cambodia passed legislation tightening defamation laws and outlawing public protests by more than 200 people, which rights groups and donors said were moves to stifle criticism of the ruling party.
The United Nation's special rapporteur for human rights, Surya Subedi, has also flagged up concerns about many of Cambodia's institutions, like the courts, saying they were weak.
Against this backdrop, the Cooperation Committee for Cambodia (CCC), an umbrella organisation representing more than 100 local and international NGOs, released a statement in December to say the time was not right for an NGO law. It was signed by some 230 NGOs.
"NGOs are also concerned about possible restrictions of activity on grounds of discretionary interpretation and use of the law, particularly given the deterioration of human rights situation in Cambodia since 2008," Borithy Lun, CCC's executive director, told AlertNet.
NGO officials say they have not seen a draft of the law and there have been no discussions, despite formal requests to various government ministries.
"We are not against the law. If we are spending money on behalf of the people of Cambodia, it is right that we should report to them," Sharon Wilkinson, CARE International's Cambodia country director, told AlertNet.
However, she expressed concern that a 2002 draft law was vague on the basis on which the government may refuse to register an NGO whose staff, it said, could face a fine and jail if found to be operating without the necessary registration.
TOO MANY NGOS?
Supporters of the draft law say, in a country of only 15 million people, it would help regulate a sector accommodating more than 3,000 NGOs and associations -- according to some estimates -- working on issues ranging from health, education and infrastructure to environmental protection and governance.
Although Cambodia has been peaceful for over a decade and recently enjoyed several years of economic growth and political stability, 40 percent of its population still live below the poverty line.
According to the latest U.N. human development index, four out of 10 people live below the poverty line of $1.25 a day, more than a third of children under five are underweight, life expectancy at 60.6 years is just above Namibia and Gabon and close to a quarter of the adults are illiterate.
"In Cambodia, it is easy to set up shop or register as an NGO and relatively easy to hire expatriates. It is very open and there is almost no restriction," said Francis Perez, country director of Oxfam in Cambodia.
However, he added: "The concerns of different sectors around the NGO law are legitimate and should be discussed openly."
The plethora of NGOs in Cambodia has raised questions about their own levels of transparency and accountability as well as the hefty salaries earned by expatriate staff compared to Cambodian ones.
However, it is still unclear to what extent a new NGO law would address these issues.
"The need for regulation should not be determined by the amount of NGOs, but by the actual need for further regulation," said CCC, which says self-regulation through the Good Practices Project, a voluntary certification system it has set up, is the best way to ensure NGO transparency.
Thursday, February 21, 2008
Forced Evictions in Cambodia: Time to end impunity
19/02/2008
ADHOC- LICADHO - THE OBSERVATORY FOR THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS (OMCT-FIDH)
MEDIA STATEMENT
MEDIA STATEMENT
Forced Evictions in Cambodia: time to end impunity
Phnom Penh - Paris - Geneva, February 19, 2008: Two international human rights organizations and two Cambodian NGOs called today upon Cambodian authorities to take effective measures to combat the practice of forced evictions which constitutes a flagrant violation of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and other international human rights instruments that the Kingdom of Cambodia has ratified.
The call was made by the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders - a joint programme of International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and World Organization Against Torture (OMCT) – along with the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC) and the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO).
The Observatory is issuing a new report entitled “Defending Economic and Social Rights in Cambodia: A High Risk Activity”, which highlights land-grabbing and forced evictions and the persecution of community activists and others who try to resist them. The report illustrates cases of grave human rights violations resulting from forced evictions including the April 2007 eviction of a community Sihanoukville’s Mittapheap district and the June 2006 eviction of Sambok Chab in Phnom Penh. The report notes that communities affected by evictions are neither consulted nor informed well in advance. Compensation is largely insufficient, the resettlement areas are precarious and the humanitarian conditions of the affected populations are far from being human. Villagers opposing forced evictions are routinely targeted for unfounded criminal charges, while NGOs and journalists reporting on them are threatened. The deaths of some villagers are not properly investigated such as the death of a community activist from Stung Treng in July 2007 and the execution of the two Prey Vihear villagers who resisted an eviction in November 2007.
As well as community activists and others who are active against forced evictions, the report notes that other human rights defenders also face an unacceptably high degree of risk in their work. For example, two community activists from Preah Vihear were killed in 2007.
“It’s time for the Cambodian authorities for make a radical shift in their approach to land disputes,” said LICADHO director Naly Pilorge. “Failure to open honest dialogue with the people, and to find fair solutions for them which respect the law and their land rights, will only worsen the situation and lead to broader civil unrest.”
Thun Saray, President of ADHOC, added: “The authorities’ lack of transparency over ownership of land, and their willingness to conduct violent evictions rather than use peaceful negotiation to try to resolve disputes, are creating a climate of fear, violence and confusion.”
“Donors and the international community must do all they can to avoid Cambodia’s land crisis from deteriorating further,” said Ms. Souhayr Belhassen, President of FIDH. “The growing landlessness will create huge economic, social and political problems for the country.
“The international community must insist that the Cambodian Government respect the country’s laws and the international human rights treaties it has ratified,” continued Ms. Belhassen. “The widespread impunity enjoyed by the authorities and by the rich and powerful must be brought to an end.”
Based on the report’s findings, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, ADHOC and LICADHO make the following key recommendations:
1. Establish an immediate moratorium on all involuntary evictions until the adoption and the proper and vigorous implementation of a strict legislative framework on evictions and resettlement as well on land and housing rights.
2. End judicial proceedings based on groundless and arbitrary charges against community activists and other human rights defenders advocating for the right to land, to adequate housing and against illegal exploitation of natural resources.
3. Ensure that all populations who have been forcibly relocated to date receive land titles for alternative land. The conditions of existing relocation sites should be immediately improved: communities should have access to medical treatment and health services, education. They should also receive adequate compensation.
The report is available in English and French on the websites of the OMCT
(http://www.omct.org/pdf/Observatory/2008/Cambodia_Mission_Report_200208_ENG.pdf)
and of the FIDH
(http://www.fidh.org/IMG/pdf/kh487apartieobs.pdf)
For more information, please contact:
Ms. Souhayr Belhassen, FIDH President, 092 398 852
Mr. Ny Chakrya, Head of Monitoring Section at ADHOC, 011 274 959
Mr. Ham Sunrith, Deputy Director of Monitoring & Protection at LICADHO, 012 988 959
Mr. Eric Sottas, OMCT Director, + 41 22 809 49 39
The call was made by the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders - a joint programme of International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and World Organization Against Torture (OMCT) – along with the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association (ADHOC) and the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO).
The Observatory is issuing a new report entitled “Defending Economic and Social Rights in Cambodia: A High Risk Activity”, which highlights land-grabbing and forced evictions and the persecution of community activists and others who try to resist them. The report illustrates cases of grave human rights violations resulting from forced evictions including the April 2007 eviction of a community Sihanoukville’s Mittapheap district and the June 2006 eviction of Sambok Chab in Phnom Penh. The report notes that communities affected by evictions are neither consulted nor informed well in advance. Compensation is largely insufficient, the resettlement areas are precarious and the humanitarian conditions of the affected populations are far from being human. Villagers opposing forced evictions are routinely targeted for unfounded criminal charges, while NGOs and journalists reporting on them are threatened. The deaths of some villagers are not properly investigated such as the death of a community activist from Stung Treng in July 2007 and the execution of the two Prey Vihear villagers who resisted an eviction in November 2007.
As well as community activists and others who are active against forced evictions, the report notes that other human rights defenders also face an unacceptably high degree of risk in their work. For example, two community activists from Preah Vihear were killed in 2007.
“It’s time for the Cambodian authorities for make a radical shift in their approach to land disputes,” said LICADHO director Naly Pilorge. “Failure to open honest dialogue with the people, and to find fair solutions for them which respect the law and their land rights, will only worsen the situation and lead to broader civil unrest.”
Thun Saray, President of ADHOC, added: “The authorities’ lack of transparency over ownership of land, and their willingness to conduct violent evictions rather than use peaceful negotiation to try to resolve disputes, are creating a climate of fear, violence and confusion.”
“Donors and the international community must do all they can to avoid Cambodia’s land crisis from deteriorating further,” said Ms. Souhayr Belhassen, President of FIDH. “The growing landlessness will create huge economic, social and political problems for the country.
“The international community must insist that the Cambodian Government respect the country’s laws and the international human rights treaties it has ratified,” continued Ms. Belhassen. “The widespread impunity enjoyed by the authorities and by the rich and powerful must be brought to an end.”
Based on the report’s findings, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, ADHOC and LICADHO make the following key recommendations:
1. Establish an immediate moratorium on all involuntary evictions until the adoption and the proper and vigorous implementation of a strict legislative framework on evictions and resettlement as well on land and housing rights.
2. End judicial proceedings based on groundless and arbitrary charges against community activists and other human rights defenders advocating for the right to land, to adequate housing and against illegal exploitation of natural resources.
3. Ensure that all populations who have been forcibly relocated to date receive land titles for alternative land. The conditions of existing relocation sites should be immediately improved: communities should have access to medical treatment and health services, education. They should also receive adequate compensation.
The report is available in English and French on the websites of the OMCT
(http://www.omct.org/pdf/Observatory/2008/Cambodia_Mission_Report_200208_ENG.pdf)
and of the FIDH
(http://www.fidh.org/IMG/pdf/kh487apartieobs.pdf)
For more information, please contact:
Ms. Souhayr Belhassen, FIDH President, 092 398 852
Mr. Ny Chakrya, Head of Monitoring Section at ADHOC, 011 274 959
Mr. Ham Sunrith, Deputy Director of Monitoring & Protection at LICADHO, 012 988 959
Mr. Eric Sottas, OMCT Director, + 41 22 809 49 39
Thursday, July 05, 2007
How Cambodia has progressed a decade after coup [-An interview with Dr Lao Mong Hay]
July 5, 2007
Radio Singapore International
Radio Singapore International
July 5th marks the 10th anniversary of a coup in Cambodia that witnessed the bloody ouster of one Prime Minister by another.
After three days of fighting that erupted on July 5th, Prime Minister Hun Sen deposed his political rival, Prince Norodom Ranariddh.
Royalists close to Prince Norodom were subsequently hunted and executed.
Their bodies were later unearthed by rights workers.
While Cambodia has achieved strong economic growth over the past decade, little headway has been accomplished in the fight for democracy.
Melanie Yip speaks with Dr Lao Mong Hay, Senior Researcher on Cambodia at the Asian Human Rights Commission in Hong Kong for a look at how average Cambodians feel about democratic reform.
LMH: More and more Cambodian people realized that democracy has not developed as planned or agreed upon in the 1993 agreement. Cambodia was moving towards one dominant party system with the present ruling party as the overwhelmingly dominant force. Even with the consequences of the past, it continued to enforce restrictions, restrictions on human rights and the weakening of the smaller parties.
But during this past ten years, Cambodia has enjoyed good development in the economic front, and that could have, perhaps, weaned people's interest in the fight for democracy?
LMH: Certainly, Cambodia society has become more open. Yes, we have more freedom than before and more economic development. But economic development does not mean that we are happy. There is a huge income gap between the rich and poor. Cambodian society is moving towards a feudal society, dominated by big land lords, and those land lords are powerful government officials, tycoons, and they are colluding to, sort of oppress the Cambodian people. They are like an oligarchy and becoming more and more like kleptocrats at the moment.
You were quoted in the press as saying "we have a period of peace and stability, but we have not capitalized on that to build sustainable institutions". Could you elaborate on what some of these institutions refer to?
LMH: Based on our history, Cambodia has only showed a period of peace from the decline or the debacle of the Angkor empire in the 14th century. We have had troubles as a rule. We did experience a short period of peace and stability but we did not take that opportunity to build our institution for sustainable development. And on sustainability, irrespective of whether the developments are internal or external, the regimes would collapse and we would have trouble all the time. Cambodia has had fortunes in the past, and for instance, when the French came, when they left, Cambodia became independent. We experienced a period of peace but the generals at that time did nothing to build peace and stability. We depended on what I call "the rule of man" and we developed the cult personality. Now the cult personality culture is concentrated in one man's hands, in the hands of our Prime Minister and his close associates. So there were no proper institutions since the French departures, we have not made any efforts to build up our institutions. Our institutions are very fragile, what do we have now?
But some democrats argue that Cambodia's multi-party legislature and regular elections are good evidence that democracy has taken a greater hold since the 1997 coup. What are your thoughts on that?
LMH: This is just a veneer, a show. It is nothing of substance. When you look at the functionality of it, everything depends on our Prime Minister, Hun Sen.
After three days of fighting that erupted on July 5th, Prime Minister Hun Sen deposed his political rival, Prince Norodom Ranariddh.
Royalists close to Prince Norodom were subsequently hunted and executed.
Their bodies were later unearthed by rights workers.
While Cambodia has achieved strong economic growth over the past decade, little headway has been accomplished in the fight for democracy.
Melanie Yip speaks with Dr Lao Mong Hay, Senior Researcher on Cambodia at the Asian Human Rights Commission in Hong Kong for a look at how average Cambodians feel about democratic reform.
LMH: More and more Cambodian people realized that democracy has not developed as planned or agreed upon in the 1993 agreement. Cambodia was moving towards one dominant party system with the present ruling party as the overwhelmingly dominant force. Even with the consequences of the past, it continued to enforce restrictions, restrictions on human rights and the weakening of the smaller parties.
But during this past ten years, Cambodia has enjoyed good development in the economic front, and that could have, perhaps, weaned people's interest in the fight for democracy?
LMH: Certainly, Cambodia society has become more open. Yes, we have more freedom than before and more economic development. But economic development does not mean that we are happy. There is a huge income gap between the rich and poor. Cambodian society is moving towards a feudal society, dominated by big land lords, and those land lords are powerful government officials, tycoons, and they are colluding to, sort of oppress the Cambodian people. They are like an oligarchy and becoming more and more like kleptocrats at the moment.
You were quoted in the press as saying "we have a period of peace and stability, but we have not capitalized on that to build sustainable institutions". Could you elaborate on what some of these institutions refer to?
LMH: Based on our history, Cambodia has only showed a period of peace from the decline or the debacle of the Angkor empire in the 14th century. We have had troubles as a rule. We did experience a short period of peace and stability but we did not take that opportunity to build our institution for sustainable development. And on sustainability, irrespective of whether the developments are internal or external, the regimes would collapse and we would have trouble all the time. Cambodia has had fortunes in the past, and for instance, when the French came, when they left, Cambodia became independent. We experienced a period of peace but the generals at that time did nothing to build peace and stability. We depended on what I call "the rule of man" and we developed the cult personality. Now the cult personality culture is concentrated in one man's hands, in the hands of our Prime Minister and his close associates. So there were no proper institutions since the French departures, we have not made any efforts to build up our institutions. Our institutions are very fragile, what do we have now?
But some democrats argue that Cambodia's multi-party legislature and regular elections are good evidence that democracy has taken a greater hold since the 1997 coup. What are your thoughts on that?
LMH: This is just a veneer, a show. It is nothing of substance. When you look at the functionality of it, everything depends on our Prime Minister, Hun Sen.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
