Showing posts with label Communism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Communism. Show all posts

Thursday, February 09, 2012

New Khmer Rouge threaten to defrock Buddhist monks?

Pagoda exodus: Guns used to order us out: monk

Mom Kunthear and Tep Nimol
Thursday, 09 February 2012
The Phnom Penh Post

A majority of the Buddhist monks living at a pagoda in Kandal’s Muk Kampoul district were pressured into abandoning their monkhood yesterday out of fear they would be arrested and defrocked by local authorities.

Thirteen of the 22 monks who live at Keo Monyvoan pagoda walked away from monasticism after authorities allegedly threatened to arrest the monks if they did not leave the pagoda, in similar fashion to the former chief of the pagoda, who was arrested and has not been seen since November.

Lann Vanthorn, a monk at the pagoda, said yesterday that authorities threatened the monks with guns.

Thursday, December 15, 2011

Village Revolts Over Inequities of Chinese Life [-Revolution against the commie officials? A warning to Hun Xen and his commie CPP]

Residents protested against local authorities in Wukan on Wednesday. (Agence France-Presse — Getty Images)
In September, a villager said the police bruised her at a rally. (Reuters)


December 14, 2011
By ANDREW JACOBS
The New York Times

BEIJING — A long-running dispute between farmers and local officials in southern China exploded into open rebellion this week after villagers chased away government leaders, set up roadblocks and began arming themselves with homemade weapons, residents said.

The conflict in Wukan, a coastal settlement of 20,000 people near the country’s industrial heartland in Guangdong Province, escalated Monday after residents learned that one of the representatives they had selected to negotiate with the local Communist Party had died in police custody. The authorities say a heart attack killed the 42-year-old man, but relatives say his body bore signs of torture.

Residents set up blockades to keep out the police and prevent more arrests. Some residents said armed riot police officers were blocking shipments of food and water into the village in an attempt to suppress the uprising.

Monday, December 12, 2011

Beijing's communist officials should fear revolution, not democracy - A wise advise to Hun Xen and his CPP!!!

Chinese Autumn is no Arab Spring

Beijing's communist officials should fear revolution, not democracy.

December 11, 2011
By Yu Hua
Los Angeles Times

When the young Mao Tse-tung agitated for revolution, he found a vivid way to get his point across to an uneducated audience: He picked up a single chopstick and snapped it in two. Then he picked up a handful of chopsticks: They would not break. Thus he showed that so long as everyone stood side by side, no force could withstand the tide of revolution. By gathering together China's scattered, indignant chopsticks, Mao finally was able to ascend Tiananmen — the Gate of Heavenly Peace — on Oct. 1, 1949, and announce the establishment of his republic.

Whether chopsticks come singly or in a handful is now an issue in China again. Mao's successors, however, do the opposite of what he advocated, mobilizing immense resources to keep chopsticks from gathering together. The government knows that angry chopsticks are everywhere, but as long as they stay scattered, it believes it can break them in two, whatever their numbers.

Thus it is that "stability maintenance" has become a key term in contemporary China. The government does not make public what it spends to maintain stability, but popular estimates go as high as 600 billion yuan. As mass protests become more frequent, that figure can only increase.

Friday, December 02, 2011

សហប្រតិបតិ្តការហ្មឺនណាំ​រវាងអាយ៉ងកម្ពុជា និង​ឡាវ ក្នុងរណសិរ្ស​ ឥណ្ឌូចិន​ជាមួយចៅហ្វាយយួន

សូមមើលរូបអាយ៉ងនៅកណ្តាល
ញញឹមមិនសូវស្រស់
ដូចចៅហ្វាយវាទេ



ប្រទេសបី​នៅឥណ្ឌូចិន​ចុះអនុស្សរណៈ​រួមគ្នា

Thursday, 01 December 2011
មាស សុខជា
The Phnom Penh Post in Khmer
«​បញ្ហា​សំខាន់ ពួកយើង​បានទទួល​រងគ្រោះ​ដូចគ្នា គឺ​មានពួកចក្រពត្តិ​តែមួយមក​គ្រប់គ្រងធ្វើ​អាណានិគម​តែមួយ ឲ្យក្លាយទៅជា​សមរភូមិ​ប្រយុទ្ធ​ឥណ្ឌូចិន ដោយមាន​ចក្រពត្តិ អាណានិគម​នេះឯងជា​អ្នកដាក់ឈ្មោះនេះឲ្យ​»
ភ្នំពេញៈ ប្រទេស​តំបន់​ឥណ្ឌូចិនបី បានសម្រេច​ចុះហត្ថលេខា​រួមគ្នា​លើ​អនុស្សរណៈ​រួមគ្នាមួយ ផ្តោត​លើការកសាង​ខ្សែបន្ទាត់​ព្រំដែន​សន្តិភាព មិត្តភាព និង​សហប្រតិបតិ្តការ នៅក្នុង​សន្និសីទ​អន្តរជាតិ​ថ្នាក់កំពូល នៃ​រណសិរ្ស​កម្ពុជា វៀតណាម និង​ឡាវ ដែលរៀបចំឡើង​កាលពីថ្ងៃ​ម្សិលមិញ ​នៅក្នុង​រាជធានី​ភ្នំពេញ ។

ក្នុងអនុស្សរណៈ ស្តីពីកិច្ច​សហប្រតិបតិ្តការ​រវាងរណសិរ្ស​សាមគ្គី អភិវឌ្ឍ​មាតុភូមិ​កម្ពុជា និង​រណសិរ្ស​ឡាវ​កសាងជាតិ និង​រណសិរ្ស​មាតុភូមិ​វៀតណាម ភាគីទាំងបី បានឯកភាព​គោរព​អធិបតេយ្យភាព និង​ស្មើគ្នា​រវាង​គ្នា​រក្សា​ស្ថិរភាព និង​ការអភិវឌ្ឍ​សមស្រប​រវាង​ប្រជាជន​ទាំងបី ដើម្បី​រក្សាការ​សន្យារិតចំណង​ទាក់ទងជា​មិត្តភាព សាមគ្គីភាព និង​សហប្រតិបតិ្តការ​។

Friday, September 09, 2011

CPP rejects information posted by KI-Media accusing it of communism [-The CPP bans KI-Media ... but yet, they follow closely information published by KI-Media???]


Unofficial translation from Khmer
Announcement

The [CPP] party’s committee for the ministry of Education, Youth and Sports has the honor to inform all news network that, following our reading of the article titled “The CPP is leading the country toward to communism” which was posted on the KI-Media website on 07 September 2011 and in the Phnom Penh Post on 07 September 2011, [this article] affects the honor and the rights to join politics by education employees in Cambodia, as well as by the CPP and this is contrary to Article 31 of the Constitution of Cambodia.

The party’s committee for the ministry of Education, Youth and Sports confirms that all Cambodians have the rights to participate in Politics with the spirit of respect and belief to the party’s political goal, voluntarily and without being forced to do it. Therefore, party’s work is internal work of the party, it is different from public profession, and the joining to the CPP is the right of each Cambodian citizen to decide in politics as they have to choose a leader who is filled with high intelligence for the development of the country with peace and rapid development of the economy.

Regarding the accusation that “the ministry is forcing and distributing forms to adhere to the CPP, an act that is contrary to democracy,” this statement is not right because the party’s committee for the ministry of Education, Youth and Sports is always conducting this current event for all CPP members working at the ministry, in particular [for it] to grasp the true number of party members. In fact the forms distributed by the party’s committee at the ministry are only party information forms, they were not forms to force adhesion to the CPP. Furthermore, any political party must grasp the number of party members.

For the reasons above, all information networks should know and openly publish this announcement in order to avoid continued confusion among the population.

Done in Phnom Penh, 09 September 2011

Party’s committee for the ministry of Education, Youth and Sports
----------
KI-Media Note:

If the CPP's claim is true, i.e. "all Cambodians have the rights to participate in Politics", then will it allow other political parties to distribute party adhesion form to employees the ministry of Education, Youth and Sport like the CPP does? Unless the CPP allows such action by other political parties, the CPP's action is tantamount to political coercion on employees at the ministry of Education, Youth and Sport. This is tantamount to the CPP leading the country to communism!

Wednesday, August 31, 2011

Eight Vietnamese activists 'held for subversion'

Campaigners fear a tougher climate for dissidents in Vietnam (AFP, Ian Timberlake)
Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung was re-appointed for a second term in late July (AFP/File, Hoang Dinh Nam)
Tuesday, August 30, 2011
AFP

HANOI — At least eight political activists have been arrested on subversion charges in Vietnam, their legal adviser said on Tuesday, in a crackdown that began after the prime minister was re-appointed.

The suspects, who have been involved in recent anti-China protests and other activities, were rounded up in Ho Chi Minh City, Hanoi and the north-central province of Nghe An, Le Quoc Quan told AFP.

The eight, all of them belonging to the minority Catholic faith, have been formally arrested for "activities aimed at overthrowing the people's administration", he said. They include Paulus Le Van Son, a blogger.

Sunday, July 17, 2011

Cuba celebrates friendship with the Southeast Asian commies

Cuba celebrates friendship with Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia

17/07/2011
VOV News (Hanoi)

A meeting was held in Havana on July 15 to mark the 35th founding anniversary of friendship associations between Cuba and Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia.

Addressing the event, President of the Cuba-Vietnam Friendship Association Yolanda Ferrer recalled the milestones since Cuba’s friendship associations with the three Indochinese countries were set up on July 15, 1976, affirming that this marked a new stage of development in the traditional friendship between Cuba and those countries.

With time, the friendship between Cuba and Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia will continue to develop to a new height and always be illustrated the most effective manner, Ferrer stressed.

Tuesday, June 28, 2011

The Economist Behind the Khmer Rouge

Khieu Samphan, second from left, meeting other Khmer Rouge leaders in the 1970s. (Indochina Chronicle)

June 27, 2011, 1:49 pm
By ROBERT MACKEY
The New York Times

As my colleague Seth Mydans reports from Phnom Penh, four senior members of the Khmer Rouge appeared before a war-crimes tribunal in the Cambodian capital on Monday, charged with responsibility for policies that caused the death of as much as one-fourth of the population in the late 1970s.

One of those former leaders is Khieu Samphan, a 79-year-old economist with a doctorate from the Sorbonne, who was Cambodia’s nominal head of state when the Khmer Rouge implemented its plan to radically transform the country’s society and economy.

Since he was one of the chief architects of the Khmer Rouge project, some observers have argued that Khieu Samphan’s 1959 doctoral dissertation, “Cambodia’s Economy and Industrial Development,” foreshadowed the radical agrarian nightmare to come.

Part of the dissertation was published, in English, by an academic journal in Berkeley in 1976. According to that translation, more than a decade before office workers were driven from Phnom Penh at gunpoint to perform forced agricultural labor in the countryside, the young economist in Paris argued that the kind of work done in Cambodia’s cities by bureaucrats, merchants and bankers was “unproductive.”

Khieu Samphan Thesis in English - Underdevelopment in Cambodia

Khieu Samphan Thesis in English - Underdevelopment in Cambodia
http://www.scribd.com/fullscreen/58848891?access_key=key-i4emly9kkwuypwsskz2

Thursday, June 16, 2011

Capitalist/Communist Vietnam

June 15, 2011
By Graeme Mackay
International Business Times (UK)

Following a ceasefire agreement, the last American ground troops left Vietnam in 1973 and in 1975, Saigon (officially now named Ho Chi Minh City) fell to the North Vietnamese Army. The fall of Saigon led to a considerable exodus, not just of people close to the South Vietnamese Government and military, but also of the better-off, better educated and more enterprising. Members of these groups who failed to escape the Communist takeover, were all too often persecuted and the mass collectivisation of farms and factories caused millions to flee, many by boat. The term "Boat People" became synonymous with Vietnam.

For more than 10 years after 1975 the united Vietnamese economy was stagnant at best. Only after 1986 and the removal of the "old guard" did the Communist Government take steps to liberalize the economy and attempt to increase growth, particularly in the exporting sectors. Known as Doi Moi (Renovation) the policy allowed for the privatisation of many farms and smaller businesses.

It has taken the best part of the last 25 years to finally erase most of trauma and destruction that Vietnam's long wars caused. Growth under the Doi Moi policy really picked up about 1990 and between then and 1997, Vietnam averaged over eight per cent per annum. Just when that growth level had reduced to a still very respectable average of seven per cent between 2000 and 2007, along came the 2008 debacle in its biggest export market - America, which took 20 per cent of Vietnam's exports in 2010.

Friday, March 25, 2011

What VN wants is Khmer & Lao Youth COMMUNIST INDOCTRINATION ... NOT cooperation

Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia youths boost cooperation

Thursday ,Mar 24,2011
Saigon Giai Phong (Vietcong communist party)

Young people from regional countries of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia joined in a friendship meeting in Hanoi on March 23.

The event, held by the Hanoi ’s Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Union, aims to create a forum for youths from the three countries to meet and exchange experiences in educating the young generation to treasure solidarity, promote traditional friendship as well as maintain peace and boost cooperation in the future.

The exchange, taking place on the occasion of the 80 th founding anniversary of the Ho Chi Minh Communist Youth Union and the Vietnam Youth Year 2011, is a chance for Vietnamese youths to promote the country’s image as well as introduce their Lao and Cambodian counterparts achievements that Vietnamese young people have contributed to the country’s construction and defence.

Thursday, January 20, 2011

Why Vietnam's Political Reshuffling Won't Fix A Struggling Economy

Vietnam Communist Party's newly elected Secretary General Nguyen Phu Trong (C), poses with re-elected Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung (L). Vietnam's ruling communists Wednesday wrapped up a secretive five-yearly congress with the prime minister apparently fending off a leadership challenge as the party cements its absolute hold on power. (AFP/File/Hoang Dinh Nam)
Leaders pose for a photo with delegates from the military during a tea-break at the 11th National Congress of the Communist Party in Hanoi on Jan. 18, 2011 (Kham / Reuters)
Wednesday, Jan. 19, 2011
By Geoffrey Cain / HANOI
Time Magazine (USA)

Sarcastic observers joked that the scene — the monotonous non-event held every five years that has become Vietnam's 11th National Party Congress — summed up the obsolescent state of the communist party itself. For a week starting last Wednesday, 1400 delegates gathered in the capital of Hanoi to set the party's strategy and voted out some older members of its gray-haired leadership. The outcome? Much of the same, but with a few younger faces — an increasingly rare species in a country where many business-oriented youth no longer join need to join the party. A third of the party's 15-man politburo, the most powerful committee in the country, stepped down, some citing their ages and health concerns.

The prime minister, 61-year-old Nguyen Tan Dung, was re-elected to the central committee, a body comprising of the party's top 175 officials who elect the politburo, the highest-ranking of all party groups. That means Dung, widely seen as a market reformer, will likely win the post for a second five-year term as prime minister, a vote to be decided at a National Assembly session in May. But a 66-year-old ideologue reportedly close to China's communist party, the politically moderate Nguyen Phu Trong, was picked on Tuesday to be the new general secretary of the party, on paper the most powerful position in the country. In practice, however, the prime minister wields more clout, so it's unlikely Trong's victory will lead to policy shifts, analysts say.

Saturday, December 25, 2010

CPP’s Viet stooges secret trip to Laos

VIET STOOGES and
CAMBODIAN TRAITORS

Wednesday 22 Dec 2010
By Kong Sothanarith, VOA Khmer
Translated from Khmer by Soy
Click here to read the article in Khmer
“People do not know if their leaders travel there in private or officially. Normally, we are a plural-democratic country, Laos is a communist country, Vietnam is a communist country, and if there are non-public meetings held, it is an issue of concerns.”
The three CPP leaders, who have a strong hold on power in Cambodia, are traveling in secret to the People’s Republic of Laos in the morning of Wednesday. An order was issued so that nobody would escort them to the Phnom Penh International airport during their departure. This information was obtained from sources among the government officials.

Chea Xim, CPP president, Heng Xamrin, National Assembly president and CPP honorary president, and Hun Xen, the prime minister and CPP vice-president, have been reported leaving the Phnom Penh airport at the same time at about 08AM today, but there was no escort coming to greet their departure as usual.

Khieu Kanharith, the minister of information and government spokesman, did not reply fully to questions asked by a local reporter on Facebook, and he did not make any direct claim about the trip made by the top three CPP leaders, only to say that they will be back to Cambodia on Thursday at about 9AM.



No source could confirm the goal of the trio’s secret visit to Laos. However, according to unofficial sources, the three Viet stooges are traveling to Laos to attend the Communist Indochinese meeting, and in addition to this meeting, there will be a signing of cultural cooperation agreement between Cambodia and Laos also.

At least Hor 5 Hong, the senior minister of Foreign Affairs, also accompanied the three Viet stooges to Laos, that’s what Koy Kuong, the spokesman of the ministry of Foreign Affairs, claimed.

“Yes, he [Hor 5 Hong] went with the three samdachs,” Koy Kuong said.

Phnom Penh SRP MP Yim Sovann, the SRP spokesman, considers this secret departure of the three Viet stooges as a puzzle.

“People do not know if their leaders travel there in private or officially. Normally, we are a plural-democratic country, Laos is a communist country, Vietnam is a communist country, and if there are non-public meetings held, it is an issue of concerns,” Yim Sovann indicated.

Cambodia and Laos are seen as maintaining good diplomatic relationships, however, investments between the two countries are very weak.

Sina's Cartoon: The secret trip to Laos

Thursday, December 09, 2010

Viva Cuba Libre!: Comrade Heng Xamrin ... after one too many

Cuba, Cambodia Reaffirm Friendship

2010-12-09
Xinhua

Top Cuban and Cambodian lawmakers Wednesday reaffirmed the friendly relations between the two legislatures and the two countries.

Both President of the Cuban National Assembly of the People's Power Ricardo Alarcon and visiting head of Cambodian parliament Heng Samrin reiterated the stance during their meeting at the Nacional Hote.

Samrin, who had visited Cuba four times before, thanked the host for the hospitality and reaffirmed his country's interest on expanding ties with Cuba.

Alarcon said he appreciated Cambodia's struggle for independence and noted that Samrin' s visit was made on the occasion to celebrate 50 years of bilateral diplomatic ties.

Last month, Havana's Friendship House issued a stamp to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the bilateral relationship.

Tuesday, November 09, 2010

What to do when the future first lady is more famous than her husband ... making her disappear from the Internet, voila the Beijing way

On the field of hope - by Liyuan Peng
In this photo taken on April 10, 2007 and made available on Nov 2, 2010, Peng Liyuan, wife of Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping performs in Luoyang incentral China's Henan province. Xi is in line to take the country's top post in two years, setting up an unusual scenario: In a system where leaders' families are kept almost invisible, how will the ruling Communist Party handle a first lady who's arguably more famous than her husband? So far, the answer appears to be by making her disappear too. (AP Photo)
Comrade Xi Jinping shaking hand with comrade Hun Xen

China's future first lady already a big star

Mon Nov 8, 2010
By ANITA CHANG
Associated Press

BEIJING – She's a glamorous singer with big hair, beloved by millions, and a major general in the People's Liberation Army to boot. He's a stiff policymaker, a suit with the bland public persona of most Chinese leaders.

Vice President Xi Jinping is in line to take the country's top post in two years, setting up an unusual scenario: In a system where leaders' families are kept almost invisible, how will the ruling Communist Party handle a first lady who's arguably more famous than her husband?

So far, the answer appears to be by making her disappear too. References to Xi's marriage to Peng Liyuan are being scrubbed from the Internet. She has been given a desk job at her military song-and-dance troupe, reducing her public appearances.


Interest in the couple was renewed last month after Xi was appointed to a committee overseeing the Chinese military, boosting the likelihood he will lead the Communist Party in 2012.

Political wives have long been viewed suspiciously in China — ever since Chairman Mao Zedong's wife, Jiang Qing, promoted his most radical policies, took part in purging opponents and ultimately made a grab for power. She was arrested and jailed after his death in 1976.

In a world where first ladies from France's Carla Bruni to America's Michelle Obama routinely grab media attention, Liu Yongqing, the wife of Chinese President Hu Jintao, is rarely seen except during state visits with the spouses of foreign leaders.

The almost absent Chinese first lady reflects in part the preference of the technocratic, authoritarian leadership for running the rising global power at an impersonal distance.

"On the one hand they have been talking about governance with a human touch and given that (Peng's) image is positive, what's the point of trying to eliminate it?" said Dali Yang, a China expert at the University of Chicago. "It's only making it more mysterious and provides room for speculation."

By all public accounts, the 47-year-old Peng's image is squeaky clean.

Many Chinese can recall her almost yearly appearances on state television's Spring Festival Gala, which draws 800 million viewers, beginning with the inaugural 1982 program. On fog-filled stages dressed in pouffy evening gowns, Peng performed rousing patriotic songs such as "On the Plains of Hope."

Having a first lady who's well-known in her own right would likely be a point of pride for many Chinese, who know little about their rulers.

"For him to be in his position and be able to handle the pressure of being with a famous woman, I think that says a lot about him," said Xu, a 26-year-old real estate consultant taking a cigarette break outside his office in Beijing. He would only give his surname, saying he did not want to be quoted making statements that could be considered critical.

"It's really no big deal but maybe the high-level officials are extra sensitive," he said. "Our county's leaders have an air of mystery. That's how the system works. Besides their official bio, everything else is blank."

Xi, who at 57 is a decade older, is said to have been introduced to Peng by a mutual friend in 1986 when he was a vice mayor in the booming coastal city of Xiamen. They have been married for 23 years and have a teenage daughter.

"When they met, she was upset. This guy was such a country bumpkin. And he looked old," according to a 2007 article in the Zhanjiang Evening News, a southern newspaper.

Xi charmed her, talking about music theory, the article said. "Peng said, 'At that time, I was very moved. Isn't this the one I've been looking for? He's unsophisticated but he's really intelligent.'"

That article was widely reprinted in whole or part, even by the official Xinhua News Agency and the Communist Party's People Daily newspaper, but has since been removed from their websites.

In a 2001 article, Peng said she felt fortunate for having an understanding husband.

"As a government official he's very busy, when I visit him in Fuzhou, he has to delay meetings or trips to the countryside in order to find time to spend with me," the Shanghai Morning Post quoted her as saying. "Every time I go, we'll try our best to avoid quarrels and enjoy those hard-earned days."

Those articles and others have been deleted from most websites. While the deletions are not definitely the government's handiwork, the fact that cached versions of the articles are being erased too conforms to the way China's Internet censors work.

The State Council Information Office did not respond to a faxed request for comment.

Rebecca MacKinnon, a China expert and senior fellow at the New America Foundation studying Internet issues, said the censorship fits China's long-standing policy of not reporting details of top leaders' personal lives.

Reporters and editors may have been more careless when the articles were published, but were apparently now cleaning up since Xi's political future has become more clear, MacKinnon said.

Peng will likely keep fading from public view as Xi's political star continues to rise. She hasn't appeared on the Spring Festival Gala since 2007, just months before Xi was named to the Communist Party's ruling nine-member Standing Committee.

"Chinese leaders would never let their wives have a high public profile," said Li Datong, a former state newspaper editor who was removed from his job for reporting on sensitive topics. "Sometimes they might take their wives on a state visit, and you may see them holding hands and even then it just looks so stiff."
___
Online:

Video of Peng singing "On the Plains of Hope": http://tinyurl.com/24qzr7y
___
Associated Press researcher Xi Yue contributed to this report.

Thursday, November 04, 2010

Learning from the Vietnamese [is a NO-NO for The Philippines]

11/04/2010
By Rigoberto D. Tiglao
Philippine Daily Inquirer

IT’S A bit disconcerting to hear President Benigno Aquino III telling Filipinos to learn agriculture from the Vietnamese. The advice at best appears to be one borne from misinformation, and at worse, another indication of our unnecessary insecurity over our country’s condition.

The Philippines after all is more developed than Vietnam, a country ravaged by wars of aggression by the French, Japanese and finally by the Americans since the start of the 20th century. Our country’s $1,890 GDP per capita, a measure of a nation’s level of development, is more than twice Vietnam’s $890.

Mr. Aquino advising Filipinos to learn from the success of Vietnam in agriculture is just like saying that residents of Metro Manila should learn farming from Mindanao since that region produces more rice than the metropolis. Vietnam is still a dominantly rural economy, with 73 percent of its people in rural areas (roughly the same proportion in Mindanao) compared to 37 percent for the Philippines. That our agricultural sector is more productive than that of Vietnam is reflected in the fact that even with much fewer people in agriculture, our agricultural value added as a percentage of the total economic output is 14 percent—close to Vietnam’s 20 percent.


I hope our impressionable President will be more properly briefed during his planned trips to Cambodia and Laos.

However, there are indeed valuable lessons we can learn from Vietnam, although they are quite different from what Mr. Aquino may have thought.

First, is that the decline—or the impending collapse even—of Vietnamese agricultural production was reversed only starting 1986 with a new policy of de-collectivization of farms. That is, the Vietnamese leadership decided to give farmers property rights over their lands, which it calculated was the best incentive for productivity. Before this, the Communist Party of Vietnam’s agricultural policy, hewing close to Marxist ideology, was for peasants to work as rural proletariats in huge farms consisting of formerly small farms collectivized as a unit.

Sounds a bit familiar? Yes, the capitalist counterpart of “collectivization” has been the corporatization of haciendas that has been the loophole in our agrarian reform law, and the tactic the President’s clan has taken to prevent Hacienda Luisita from being subdivided and distributed to its peasants. The Aquino clan may have all the economic or business reasons to resist the hacienda’s division among its workers. Still it remains a symbol of the landed elite’s resistance to agrarian reform. That’s an important lesson Mr. Aquino should have learned from his trip to Vietnam.

Second, the de-collectivization reform was actually part of a drastic change in state policy for Vietnam’s economic development started in 1986 and called the Doi Moi program, or “renovation.” The program, launched at the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, basically moved the country’s economy away from a state-directed one towards a market economy. This was Vietnam’s version of China’s earth-shaking move towards capitalism, which started a decade earlier and which has made it an economic superpower now.

Doi Moi essentially involved the move towards a capitalist system, with individuals having property rights, under an authoritarian state run solely by the Vietnamese Communist Party. Doi Moi marked the end of the communist ideology in Vietnam, even as the nation is still officially called the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. This should be a major lesson for our communist ideological stragglers (whose leaders are now entering old age), who should drop their egos and look boldly at reality: The Marxist framework has been thrown into the dustbin of history even by communist parties which have won power in their countries.

Third, Vietnam enjoyed nearly two decades of political stability since the South was unified with the North in 1975, despite its brief war with China in 1979. The authority of the Communist Party of Vietnam has been unchallenged, and there was a smooth transition of power from party secretary general Truong Chinh (the successor of the revered Ho Chi Minh) to the more liberal-oriented Nguyen Van Linh in 1986, who launched the Doi Moi program. As I have argued in the Philippine case, in an article in this newspaper (Inquirer, 8/30/09), a country’s political stability is the sine qua non for economic growth.

Look at the data squarely, and one doesn’t need to over-analyze or invent “damaged-culture” hogwash to explain why our country has lagged.

Much of our country’s economic problems are simply due to the years we lost from 1983, the start of the Marcos regime’s collapse, to 1991, when the last coup attempt was defeated, and then in the two years 1999 and 2000, when the Estrada presidency unraveled. Despite all the controversies that hounded the administration of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, her political base actually remained stable and there was no possibility at all (as the markets would attest) that the government would collapse. Thus, the country’s average GDP growth rates since the Marcos era were highest during periods of political stability: during the Ramos administration (3.8 percent) and during the Arroyo administration (4.4 percent).

It would be extremely tragic for our country if this time, sheer incompetence combined with moralistic arrogance creates political instability.

Friday, October 15, 2010

Pyongyang's Chang Gwang Street Reflects Gulf in North Korea's Dual Economy [-The economic pitfalls of communism]

Guests can buy a Heineken beer at the official exchange rate of 100 North Korean won to the U.S. dollar. Photographer: Dieter Depypere/Bloomberg
A woman poses for a photo at a store selling sausages across the street from the Koryo Hotel in Pyongyang, North Korea. Photographer: Michael Forsythe/Bloomberg
Dutch traders from Amsterdam stand outside the Koryo Hotel. Photographer: Dieter Depypere/Bloomberg
Oct 14, 2010
By Michael Forsythe
Bloomberg

The two sides of Chang Gwang Street in North Korea’s capital of Pyongyang show the gap between the Stalinist country’s elites and its capitalist-minded citizens.

On one side, English-speaking officials mingle with black- clad traders from Amsterdam at the Koryo Hotel. There, those with foreign currency can buy beer brewed by Amsterdam-based Heineken NV at the official exchange rate of 100 North Korean won to the U.S. dollar.

Across the street, a saleswoman at a private market giggles when a foreign guest says he doesn’t have the 200 won needed to buy a steamed vegetable bun. She flips the placard to reveal the cost in dollars, the currency of a country that doesn’t have diplomatic ties with North Korea. The price: 20 cents, implying an unofficial exchange rate of 1,000 won to the dollar.


Communist countries from the Soviet Union to China have had thriving black markets for so-called hard currencies such as the dollar and yen. What makes North Korea exceptional is the gap between the two rates, an indication of the economic weakness of Kim Jong Il’s regime. North Korea’s economy is about 3 percent the size of South Korea’s, according to Bank of Korea data released June 25.

The gap between the official and market rates in China “was not nearly as great in the early 1980s,” said Ken Dewoskin, a director of Deloitte LLP’s China Research and Insight Center in Beijing, who began his career watching China in the mid-1960s and first traveled there in 1977. “Even closed economies like Cambodia in the 1960s had only a two-to-one pricing discrepancy.”

Private Enterprise

Kim moved last November and December to revalue the won, taking two zeros off the currency and limiting the amount that could be exchanged for new bills. The policy was designed to rein in the richest of the private merchants, to whom North Koreans increasingly were turning for goods as the official economy stagnated, according to the University of Vienna’s Rudiger Frank.

“The revaluation not only wiped out people’s savings, but their trust in the government and their currency,” said Ha Tae Keung, founder of Open Radio for North Korea. “There’s a widespread belief among North Koreans that their money is going to get further devalued and they’ll get poorer just by holding onto it.”

Pak Nam Gi, North Korea’s head of finance and planning, was executed after the revaluation sparked unrest, South Korean media reported earlier this year. The currency turmoil came amid mounting speculation that Kim Jong Il’s health was failing.

Last month he promoted his son, Kim Jong Un, to four-star general, setting the stage for the second hereditary power transfer in the Stalinist state.

Anniversary Celebration

The government made an unprecedented invitation to international media to witness the Oct. 10 anniversary celebrations marking the 65th anniversary of the Workers’ Party of Korea.

The day after that event, Pyongyang residents, including old men, children and women with babies on their backs, queued up to use their won at the Chang Gwang Street market, with the biggest lines for the cheapest goods.

Twenty-four people lined up to buy a small cone of vanilla ice cream at 20 won each. A similar number were waiting for shaved ice with sweet bean paste at 5 won a bowl. Another 15 were there to buy sweet potatoes, at 60 won per kilo.

No one was seen lining up to purchase Polish-style sausages, which at 1,700 won each were priced at the equivalent of 16 cans of Heineken beer at the hotel across the street. While price tags at the Koryo are in won, the currency isn’t accepted there.

Scotch and Olive Oil

That wasn’t a concern for people at the hotel, who were buying foreign goods -- Scotch whiskey and Syrian olive oil were on offer -- with dollars, euro and Chinese yuan, and driving some of the new Ford Motor Co. Explorer and Audi AG sport- utility vehicles that ply the capital’s roads.

One such customer was Remco Van Daal, identified by the official Korean Central News Agency as the head of the Dutch organization for the study of the Juche Philosophy, the North Korean state ideology that stresses national self-reliance and total loyalty to the leaders.

Van Daal and a colleague, who said he was also named Remco and declined to give his last name, both had close-cropped blond hair and wore black shirts and black pants. The only color on their clothes was from the pins of Kim Jong Il’s father, state founder Kim Il Sung, which they wore over the left side of their chests.

Both said they were traders from Amsterdam, declining to elaborate.

One hotel worker, who said he made about 2,500 won a month, said the government provided people with most food staples and other necessities, such as clothing and housing. The free markets like the one across the street were there to supplement their diets, he said.

“We don’t operate like a capitalist country,” said the employee, who gave only his surname, Myung.

To contact the reporter on this story: Michael Forsythe in Pyongyang at mforsythe@bloomberg.net
To contact the editor responsible for this story: Bill Austin at billaustin@bloomberg.net