Showing posts with label Ferdinand Marcos. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ferdinand Marcos. Show all posts

Tuesday, March 01, 2011

Imelda seeks Sandigan permission to travel to Cambodia

March 1, 2011
By SHIANEE MAMANGLU
Manila Bulletin

MANILA, Philippines — Ilocos Norte Rep. Imelda Romualdez-Marcos has filed a motion before the Sandiganbayan Fifth Division seeking the court’s permission for her five-day official trip to Phnom Penh, Cambodia.

Robert Sison, Marcos counsel, said that the 81-year-old widow of former President Ferdinand Marcos is part of the country’s three-member delegation to the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) Seminar on “Accelerating the Achievement of MDG-5, through the Role of Women Parliamentarians” to be held on March 9 to 12, 2011 at the Inter-continental Hotel in Phnom Penh.

Rep. Marcos is required to secure a travel permit each time she has to leave the country because of her 10 remaining active graft cases before the Sandiganbayan.

Monday, February 28, 2011

Imelda (Marcos) seeks court OK for Cambodia trip

02/28/2011
abs-cbnNEWS.com

MANILA, Philippines - Ilocos Norte Rep. Imelda Romualdez-Marcos on Monday asked the Sandiganbayan Fifth Division to allow her to go on an official 5-day trip to Phnom Penh, Cambodia next month.

Defense lawyer Robert Sison said the 81-year-old widow of former President Ferdinand Marcos is part of the country’s three-member delegation to the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly (AIPA) Seminar on “Accelerating the Achievement of MDG-5, through the Role of Women Parliamentarians” to be held on March 9 to 12, 2011 at the Inter-continental Hotel in Phnom Penh.

The former First Lady is required to secure a travel permit each time she has to leave the country because of her 10 remaining active graft cases before the Sandiganbayan.

Saturday, August 01, 2009

Former Philippines President Corazon Aquino Dies

Corazon Aquino (1933 - 2009)
Corazon Aquino, the unassuming widow whose "people power" revolution toppled a dictator, restored Philippine democracy and inspired millions of people around the world, died Saturday morning (Friday afternoon Eastern time) after a battle with colon cancer. She was 76.

Friday, July 31, 2009

By William Branigin
Washington Post Staff Writer


Corazon Aquino, the unassuming widow whose "people power" revolution toppled a dictator, restored Philippine democracy and inspired millions of people around the world, died Saturday morning (Friday afternoon Eastern time) after a battle with colon cancer, her family announced. She was 76.

Widely known as "Cory," the slight, bespectacled daughter of a wealthy land-owning family served as president of the Philippines from 1986 to 1992, the first woman to hold that position.

She was widowed in 1983 when her husband, political opposition leader Benigno S. Aquino Jr., was assassinated upon his return from exile to lead a pro-democracy movement against authoritarian president Ferdinand E. Marcos. It was a popular revolt against Marcos following a disputed election that later enabled Corazon Aquino to assume power.

In her six tumultuous years in office in the fractious, strife-torn, disaster-prone archipelago, Aquino resisted seven coup attempts or military revolts, battled a persistent communist insurgency and grappled with the effects of typhoons, floods, droughts, a major earthquake and a devastating volcanic eruption. Her tribulations earned her the nickname "Calamity Cory."

As she dealt with those challenges, she took pride in restoring democratic institutions that had been gutted under Marcos's 20-year-rule. And she presided over a series of relatively free elections, the dismantling of monopolies and an initial spurt of economic growth.

Her administration failed to make much headway in alleviating poverty, stamping out corruption or delivering basic services. It bequeathed her successor an economic slump marked by protracted, costly power failures that reflected inattention to the country's energy needs.

Despite the turmoil that dogged her presidency, Aquino oversaw the first peaceful transfer of power in the Philippines in 26 years. She returned to private life with relief, although she remained politically active.

She played a role in popular protests that led to the ouster of President Joseph Estrada in January 2001. She initially supported his successor, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, but increasingly turned against her in recent years, siding with opponents who accused Arroyo of vote-rigging and corruption.

Aquino's transition from housewife to president to respected elder stateswoman and democracy advocate represented a phenomenal metamorphosis for a self-effacing mother of five who, before being drafted to take on Marcos in 1986, had never before run for public office.

Born Jan. 25, 1933, in Tarlac Province, Maria Corazon Sumulong Cojuangco grew up as the sixth of eight children in a family of wealthy landowners in the province about 70 miles north of the capital. After attending exclusive grade schools, she went to the United States in 1946 to continue her secondary education at Ravenhill Academy in Philadelphia, Notre Dame convent school in New York and the College of Mount St. Vincent in New York.

There, in 1953, she earned a degree in French and mathematics. She returned to Manila to study law and met Benigno S. Aquino Jr., an aspiring politician whom she married in 1954. Survivors include their five children, Sen. Benigno S. Aquino III, Maria Elena A. Cruz, Aurora Corazon A. Abellada, Victoria Eliza A. Dee and Kristina Bernadette A. Yap; two brothers; three sisters; and a number of grandchildren.

For years she stayed in the background as the quiet, reserved, devoutly Catholic wife of the gregarious and ambitious Benigno Aquino, who was a governor and senator and seemed destined to become the Philippines' president until he was arrested in 1972 just hours after Marcos declared martial law.

He remained in prison until 1980, when Marcos allowed him to seek heart treatment in the United States. Corazon Aquino often described the next three years, when her husband was a fellow at Harvard and Massachusetts Institute of Technology and her family lived together in a Boston suburb, as the happiest in her life.

After Benigno Aquino returned to Manila in August 1983 and was assassinated by military men while being taken into custody at the airport -- a killing that Corazon Aquino maintained was ordered by Marcos -- the 50-year-old widow reluctantly became a public figure as she sought to keep her husband's ideals and memory alive. She gradually emerged as a unifying force for the splintered opposition, even as she repeatedly ruled herself out as a presidential candidate.

But when Marcos called a "snap election" for Feb. 7, 1986, in hopes of capitalizing on his foes' divisions and winning a new mandate, Aquino reluctantly agreed to run against him, acceding to the wishes of supporters who had gathered a million signatures on a petition for her candidacy.

In formally registering to run, she listed her occupation as "housewife." Indeed, her preparation for the post was probably best summarized by her comment to reporters several months earlier: "What do I know about being president?"

Clad in her trademark yellow -- evoking the yellow ribbons that had proliferated around Manila to mark her husband's return from exile -- Aquino proved to be a formidable, and fearless, campaigner. She vowed to "dismantle the dictatorial edifice" built by Marcos in his two decades in power, "eliminate the social cancer of graft and corruption" under his rule and hold him accountable for the murder of her husband.

In one hard-hitting speech shortly before the election, she warned Marcos, "Don't you dare frustrate the will of the Filipino people, because you will have an angry people on your hands."

Days before the vote, she told The Washington Post in an interview that many Filipinos were risking their fortunes and their lives to back her. "It's really a do-or-die situation now," she said. "So many have realized that this is our moment of truth, and they just have to give their all now or that chance may never come again."

Aquino fully expected Marcos to resort to election fraud if the vote did not go his way, but she relied on the axiom that, as one Marcos campaign official put it in a moment of candor, "mathematically, you can only cheat so much." And she vowed to lead massive demonstrations if the election was stolen from her.

Indeed, a rubber-stamp legislature officially proclaimed the reelection of Marcos to a new six-year term on Feb. 16, 1986, after a protracted vote-counting process marked by widespread fraud and violence. Aquino then launched a civil disobedience campaign to protest the result.

Six days later, a military mutiny led by followers of Marcos's defense minister, Juan Ponce Enrile, broke out in Manila. It was quickly joined by Lt. Gen. Fidel V. Ramos, a distant cousin of Marcos then serving as acting armed forces chief of staff. The mutineers declared support for Aquino, and the country's Roman Catholic primate, Cardinal Jaime Sin, called the faithful into the streets to block any attack on them by Marcos's forces. Millions of Filipinos responded, giving birth to "people power."

Three days after the revolt began, Marcos was forced to flee the Malacañang presidential palace, where he had lived since taking office in December 1965. He eventually landed in Hawaii, where he died in 1989. Aquino took over as president, declaring that "the long agony is over."

One of her first acts was to have Malacañang fumigated. But even then Aquino refused to live or work there, preferring to hold office in a nearby guest house and opting to live in a modest home a block away. Initially, she even insisted that her motorcades stop at red lights -- until her security guards put an end to that egalitarian gesture.

The ouster of a dictatorship through nonviolent popular demonstrations became the model for democracy movements all over the world, and Aquino was named Time magazine's "Woman of the Year" for 1986. She was also the toast of Washington when she visited in September of that year.

When she addressed a joint session of Congress, her path into the chamber was strewn with yellow roses, and lawmakers were smitten by her commitment to democracy as she delivered an emotional appeal for aid.

"You have spent many lives and much treasure to bring freedom to many lands that were reluctant to receive it," Aquino told the standing-room-only audience. "And here you have a people who won it by themselves and need only the help to preserve it." Within hours, the House responded by unexpectedly bypassing normal procedures and voting to approve a $200 million emergency aid package for the Philippines.

When then-Senate Majority Leader Robert J. Dole (R-Kan.) told her after the speech, "You hit a home run," Aquino replied without hesitation, "I hope the bases were loaded."

But the honeymoon soon began to sour, and Aquino was beset at home by increasing unrest, including a series of military coup attempts. After one of them, in August 1987, she displayed her combative streak by filing an unprecedented libel suit against a Manila newspaper columnist who wrote that she "hid under her bed" during the abortive revolt. She even took a reporter into her bedroom to show that it would have been impossible to hide under the bed, which sat on a platform.

"I don't want the soldiers of the republic to ever doubt for an instant that their commander-in-chef is a woman of courage that they look upon and respect," she said in explaining the lawsuit.

When her presidential term came to an end on June 30, 1992, it was with unmistakable relief that she turned over the reins to her elected successor, Ramos, her former defense secretary. In a last bit of symbolism to show she was returning to private life as an ordinary citizen, she drove away from Ramos's inauguration in a white Toyota she had purchased, shunning the government Mercedes available to her.

In a speech at the U.S. State Department in October 1996 to accept the J. William Fulbright Prize for International Understanding, Aquino explained her role and motives with characteristic modesty.

"I am not a hero like [Nelson] Mandela," she said, referring to the South African leader who spent 27 years as a political prisoner before becoming president. "The best description for me might, after all, be that of my critics who said: 'She is just a plain housewife.' Indeed, as a housewife, I stood by my husband and never questioned his decision to stand alone in defense of a dead democracy against an arrogant dictatorship enjoying the support of the United States."

She said she ruled out sharing power with the Philippine military because she wanted to "rebuild democracy" and "there was just no room for a junta" in her country.

"Perhaps the military were also envious that in the first year of my term, I ruled by decree," Aquino said in her speech. "This was necessary to abolish the rubber-stamp parliament, sequester stolen wealth, annul the Marcos Constitution, pare down the powers of the president and sweep the judiciary clean. Each law I promulgated diminished my powers until, with the last decree, I stripped myself of the power to legislate. Could I have trusted the military to share so much power with me?"

Her departure from office as "one of the proudest moments of my life," Aquino recalled. "I was stepping down and handing the presidency to my duly elected successor. This was what my husband had died for; he had returned precisely to forestall an illegal political succession. This moment is democracy's glory: the peaceful transfer of power without bloodshed, in strict accordance with law."

Tuesday, January 29, 2008

ASEAN Leaders Condone Suharto Era Corruption

By Marwaan Macan-Markar

BANGKOK, Jan 28 (IPS) - ‘’We pray to Allah to bless Pak Harto’s soul and to place him among the blessed,’’ Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahamad Badawi is reported to have told the local media after news broke of the death on Sunday of Indonesia’s former president Suharto.

Similar words of kindness and sympathy have been expressed by Badawi’s predecessor, Mahathir Mohamad, towards the man known fondly to some in South-east Asia as ‘’Pak Harto,’’ or Father Harto.

Earlier in January, as the 86-year-old Grand General (Retired) Haji Mohammed Suharto lay dying in a hospital in Jakarta, Singapore’s founding father and former prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew, flew into the Indonesian capital to be at the ageing leader’s bedside and to shower praise on his achievements.

Such positive tributes for Suharto -- who was admitted to the hospital on Jan. 4 with heart, lung and kidney problems, and who died of multiple organ failure -- is understandable from present and past leaders of Malaysia and Singapore. For these two countries, along with Thailand and the Philippines, owe a debt to the Indonesian dictator for helping to shape a regional identity in the form of the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN) and to place it on the world map.

‘’ASEAN would not have come into being if Indonesia under his charge had sought to be a regional hegemon,’’ noted ‘The Straits Times’, a mouthpiece of the Singaporean government, in an editorial last week, about the former leader of South-east Asia’s largest country. ‘’Because it chose to be the facilitator, not the dictator, of regional stability; because it focused on economic and social development; because it was stable for more than 30 years, the region as a whole was able to grow.’’

Others who wrote similar accounts to assess Suharto’s legacy after the former dictator was hospitalised said as much. ‘’Suharto was with ASEAN for 30 years and earned deep respect from present and former ASEAN leaders, as shown by their visits to him at his sickbed,’’ observed Bantarto Bandoro, chief editor of ‘The Indonesian Quarterly,’ a publication of a respected local think tank, in a commentary for ‘The Jakarta Post’. ‘’But he was restrained during his time from projecting himself as a ‘heavyweight’ of ASEAN, because he knew well that ASEAN members states would have to develop their countries in their own way.’’

ASEAN, which has expanded to 10 members today, with the inclusion of Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, has just embarked on its next phase as it celebrated its 40th anniversary. To further strengthen its regional ties and identity, the bloc has unveiled a charter to make it a rules-based legal body.

But such a prospect of regional amity appeared remote during the years of Suharto’s predecessor, Achmad Sukarno, Indonesia’s first president after the country gained independence from the Dutch colonialists in 1949. The mercurial Sukarno had greater designs for his country, unleashing in the process a campaign of ‘’konfrontasi,’’ or confrontation, against Malaysia, in 1964. He wanted the Borneo states of Sabah and Sarawak, which belonged to Malaysia, to come under Indonesia’s ambit. To achieve that end, he even threatened to trigger an uprising by arming local leftists and farmers.

Since its creation in 1967, ASEAN’s five founding countries began a steady upward march towards economic development. By the early 1990, some of them were described as Asia’s ‘’Tiger economies’’ for their achievements through open, free-market policies. Foreign investment poured into resource-rich Indonesia, under Suharto, as it did to the other four members of this regional bloc from the United States and other Western countries.

By 1995, the per capita income in Indonesia was over 827 US dollars, according to some reports, up from 195 U.S. dollars in 1965, when Suharto, then a young army general, rose to power. During his 32 years in power, he had also seen the country go from being an importer of rice, the staple dish, to being self-sufficient in the grain. The once bankrupt country also saw progress in the health and education sectors and advances in infrastructure development.

Yet ,such regional stability and economic growth that Suharto helped to shape have not been able to mask the darker side of the region’s politics that has earned ASEAN notoriety. The Indonesian dictator stood out as the worst of the strongmen and autocrats who ruled South-east Asian countries with an iron fist, ranging from Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines and Lee in Singapore to Mahathir in Malaysia.

Shortly after he emerged as Indonesia’s strongman, following an abortive coup, in 1965, Suharto led a brutal campaign to purge the county of its communist party, all left-leaning intellectuals and artists, sympathisers of the left, citizens of Chinese origin and others perceived to be enemies of the state, including ‘’atheists.’’ Over several months, between 500,000 people to, some say, a million were killed in one of the worst massacres in history.

Suharto’s brutal anti-communist purge was in keeping with a mood shared by other South-east Asian governments in Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. This was, after all, during the height of the Cold War and the U.S. war in Vietnam. Washington and London backed such anti-communist repression, as they supported the creation of ASEAN as a bulwark against the spread of left-wing political movements in the region.

Suharto also came to symbolise another form of violence common across South-east Asia, of strong central governments crushing smaller, vulnerable ethnic communities. In 1975, Suharto ordered his troops to occupy East Timor, which had just won independence from Portuguese colonisation, in a brutal campaign. An estimated 200,000 people -- or a third of the half-island nation’s population -- were killed.

And by 1998, when Suharto’s 32 years in power came to an end following a pro-democracy uprising in Indonesia, the colossus of ASEAN had come to epitomise another excess prevalent among the region’s political leaders -- corruption. Studies done by the United Nations and the World Bank have identified Suharto as the worst among national leaders who robbed their country. He is estimated to have embezzled between 15 –35 billion US dollars. It is a list that also includes the former Filipino dictator Marcos.

Yet, by the time he died, nearly a decade after being forced out of power, Suharto evaded justice in a manner familiar with other strongmen who have dominated the political landscape across South-east Asia. His family and lawyers stalled the few attempts to book him by raising concerns about the former dictator’s failing health.

Even Singapore’s Lee, who led his country with an iron grip but won applause for combating corruption, came to Suharto’s rescue this month to help whitewash this sordid side of ASEAN’s history. ‘’What’s a few billion dollars lost in bad excesses?’’ he is reported to have told Singaporean journalists after seeing the former Indonesian dictator in his sickbed.

Monday, January 28, 2008

Suharto's death ends another chapter for Asia's strongmen

In this handout photo released by President Office, Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, center, stands by the body of former Indonesian President Suharto at his house in Jakarta, Sunday, Jan 27, 2008. Former dictator Suharto, an army general who crushed Indonesia's communist movement and pushed aside the country's founding father to usher in 32 years of tough rule that saw up to a million political opponents killed, died Sunday. He was 86. (AP Photo/President Office, Anung, HO)

01/27/2008
By Aubrey Belford
Agence France-Presse


JAKARTA -- With the death of Indonesia's Suharto, Asia has lost another of its so-called "strongmen" -- the authoritarian and mostly pro-Western rulers who dominated for much of the late 20th century.

From his seizure of power in 1966 until his downfall in 1998, Suharto ruled Indonesia according to a model favoring market-driven economic growth ringed by repressive social control.

It was an approach common elsewhere in Asia too, justified by a notion that "you need a strong ruler to keep order and bring countries into a modern age, an industrialized age," according to Greg Fealy, an academic at the Australian National University.

The politics of the Cold War era, with the constant specter of a communist threat, also "favored strong states and strong leaders," he said, even if it came at the inevitable expense of civil rights.

Some, like Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines, ostentatiously amassed huge wealth for themselves and cronies. Others, like South Korea's Park Chung-hee, were more personally austere while their countries prospered.

Suharto's contemporaries were not cut entirely from the same cloth either.

Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew and Malaysia's Mahathir Mohamad were doubtlessly authoritarian, but not to the extent of iron-willed autocrats such as General Ne Win of Myanmar, whose isolationist rule meant that, unlike the others, he was no darling of the West.

Keeping a tough guy image was optional for such strongmen.

After a speech in 1974 by Park was interrupted by an assassination attempt that missed him but killed his wife, the South Korean leader returned to the podium and finished his speech.

Lee, by contrast, famously shed public tears over his fledgling country's forced separation from Malaysia in 1965, a counter-point to the schoolmasterly authoritarianism with which he micromanaged Singaporean life.

Some of Asia's authoritarian old school have remained close. Mahathir and Lee -- both now in their eighties -- flew to the Indonesian capital Jakarta to visit Suharto as he lay dying in hospital.

The common thread connecting Asia's autocrats was a conviction that Western liberal democracy would not work at home and would even be dangerous, Harold Crouch, an Australian Indonesia expert, told Agence France-Presse.

Their argument was that "Asian values" and the special circumstances of an emerging but fragile region necessitated "an elite to run the country," Crouch said.

But hostility to democracy did not stop Western support for many of Asia's authoritarian leaders, whose anti-communism and acceptance of foreign capital led to varying degrees of closeness.

"The Americans certainly welcomed Suharto coming to power because he killed a lot of communists in doing so," Crouch said, referring to a crackdown on the Indonesian Communist Party that killed upwards of half a million.

Still, Suharto had his own style.

While other leaders such as Mahathir adopted a stern persona, Suharto kept his ruthlessness hidden behind a personable and self-effacing exterior, said Bima Sugiarto, a lecturer at Indonesia's Paramadina University.

"He was known as a smiling general. He was very gentle, very polite but on the other hand he had an extreme skill in controlling all political scenarios behind the scenes," he said.

But while many authoritarian rulers were notorious for their corruption -- the Marcos family being an extreme example -- none matched Suharto for the way he institutionalized graft throughout government, Sugiarto added.