Election campaign matures

By Sam Rith and Charles McDermid
Phnom Penh Post, Issue 16 / 04, February 23 - March 8, 2007

As the run-up to the April 1 commune elections intensifies, new political tactics have emerged, others have vanished, and the major parties are promising big gains and progressive platforms.

Politicos, observers and analysts agree that the campaign atmosphere has improved, and that pre-campaign political rhetoric has taken a softer tone. Mostly gone are the aggressive smear tactics, anti-Vietnamese vitriol and outright political killings that have marred earlier elections. By many accounts, Cambodian politics have matured. But others are wondering if this is a fledgling step towards democracy or ruling-party window-dressing.

Still, with the official campaign period beginning on March 16, it is yet to be seen who will end up controlling the Cambodia's 1,621 commune councils - and who will end up as April's fools.

"So far, this year has had many, many differences from 2002; the candidates are more professional and they understand how to do a campaign much better than in 2002," said Ou Virak, executive secretary of the Alliance for Freedom of Expression. "The general public knows what to expect. They are making more demands of their candidates. It's pressure from these demands that's pushing the level of competition higher. Even the ruling party has learned the language of democracy. They've learned what to say to win votes they're getting smarter."

Koul Panha, executive director of the Committee for Free and Fair Elections, said the National Election Committee has upgraded techniques in voter and candidate registration, and in its distribution of voter information sheets.

"But in its political willingness to have free and fair elections, the NEC still has a lot of shortages, Panha said. "For example, as in the state-run media, including TV and radio. The NEC has not made an effort to make access equal for all political parties. We have seen only the ruling party. And there are security issues in the remote areas. People still have fears: the NEC has not made an effort to cooperate with local authorities to investigate complaints or punish any person who committed the crime."

But Virak and other analysts have said that the public's concerns over poverty, corruption and land grabbing have meant increased pressure on inefficient officials, and the process of appeasing constituents is changing.

"In other elections, even 2002, the network of the communist regime was used to win elections," Virak said. "In the old days what they did was kiss up to the next level , and they'd receive the position. Going to the people would have been a shock to those candidates. Now most council candidates know how elections really work. The electorate has become more mature."

Bravado is coming from the four main camps.

"Some people are going to get a big surprise on the evening of April 1, " said Sam Rainsy, leader of the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP), which won 13 commune chief positions in 2002. "The objective that we consider realistic is to win between 200 and 300 communes, including the biggest ones. This will pave the way for our victory [in national elections] next year."

Khieu Kanharith, Minister of Information for the CPP, said on February 22 that the ruling CPP should win about 97 or 98 percent of the commune positions and 95 percent of the popular vote in 2008.

According to Funcinpec spokesman Nouv Sovathero, the party's hierarchy remains strong despite the departure of Prince Norodom Ranariddh. He said Funcinpec was still able to field candidates in 1,459 communes, or sangkats.

"At least we could get from 80 to 85 percent in the coming commune election," Sovathero said. "In the general national election in 2008 we are still hoping for victory and plan to participate in the government as in previous mandates."

The newest party of the four able to field at least 1,000 candidates, the Norodom Ranariddh Party (NRP), has high hopes Ranariddh's image will translate to grassroots success.

"We believe we could win about 80 to 90 percent in the coming election," said Muth Chantha, NRP spokesman. "Before, Funcinpec won only 11 commune chiefs. Now we hope that we will get more. We do hope to have an NRP presence in all 1,621 communes.

In 2002 the CPP won 1,596 commune chief positions, an almost 98 percent hold on grassroots politics.

Rainsy concedes that an agreement was struck with the ruling CPP to create a milder political atmosphere, but bristles at the assertions of NGO Human Rights Watch that the compromise has "led to a noticeable decline in the party's role as government watchdog and advocate of the poor."

"I met with Hun Sen and Sok An and said 'Please, can we avoid political killings and intimidation?,'" Rainsy said. "I told them we could be competitors and rivals without being enemies on the battlefield. Some have said I sold out. Some have said that this is the end of the SRP. But the other side, what they don't see is that in this 'calm' we have gotten closer to the people and there have been fewer killings. Normally, before an election we had someone killed every week."

Rights NGO Licadho has reported five killings related to the commune elections.

"Even though the number of people being killed is less than 2002, it impacts the process seriously - even one being killed sends a message to others," said Kek Galabru, president of Licadho. "If just one person is killed that means people are scared and the election is not free and fair."

For years accused of fanning nationalistic fervor aimed at the CPP's ties to Vietnam, Rainsy now calls such strategies "counterproductive."

"In the past, especially in the 1993 election, all the non-CPP parties were running as freedom fighters for independence; Funcinpec and Son Sann were against a Vietnamese allied group that had a strong friendship with Hanoi," he said. "People don't have the same mindset any more. It could divert from the real issues."

But Virak believes there is another reason for the absence of anti-Vietnamese dialogue.

"My bet is because of the crackdown on the critics a year ago," Virak said. "That's a main factor. Mentioning the Vietnamese issues is much riskier than talking about democracy."