September 1 2008By Raphael Minder
Financial Times (UK)
Among his childhood memories, Sam Rainsy recalls sitting with his father on the rooftop terrace of their beautiful house in Phnom Penh, watching pelicans land next to their water tank. "In Cambodia, which is full of superstitions, friends and neighbours kept telling us that these pelicans would end up by bringing us bad luck," he writes in his autobiography, Des Racines dans la Pierre (Roots in the Stone).
Sam Rainsy and his family have certainly endured plenty of misfortune. Their ups-and-downs mirror those of a country that ranks among Asia's fastest-growing economies, but that returned to multi-party democracy only 15 years ago, after decades of war and a genocide that wiped out about a quarter of the population.
Sam Rainsy has been an integral part of Cambodia's recovery, now as the leader of the country's main opposition party. But much of his life has been spent in France and other places of exile, first because of his father's political downfall, which ended with his death in mysterious circumstances, and then because of his own clashes with Hun Sen, the country's long-standing prime minister.
Still, that geographic distance in no way reduces the insight this book provides into events that have shaped Cambodia following a century of French colonialism, starting with the 1954 Geneva conference to reconfigure the former Indochina. Sam Rainsy's father was one of Cambodia's lead negotiators there, playing off tensions among more formidable government representatives such as Zhou Enlai and Vyacheslav Molotov to ensure that another foreign power would not fill the void left by the French.
The Geneva agreement guaranteed Cambodia's independence but was followed by the bleakest period in its history, climaxing in the Khmer Rouge's terrifying attempt to establish an agrarian utopia in the late 1970s. While that tragic episode was largely domestic, Sam Rainsy says Cambodia remains the Poland of Asia, sandwiched between two bigger neighbours, Thailand and Vietnam, and prone to being drawn into wider conflicts such as the Vietnam war.
This book is an often touching family history, but it also highlights the broader challenges faced by any war-ravaged country. After a successful banking career in Paris, Sam Rainsy returned to Cambodia in 1992 and within a year was put in charge of the finance ministry. Given the limited pool of talent, his wife Saumura was forced against her wishes to become deputy governor of the central bank.
For somebody with such a strong financial background, Sam Rainsy devotes surprisingly little of his book to Cambodia's economic resurgence, during which it has attracted billions of dollars of foreign investment and achieved average annual growth of 9 per cent over the past decade. Instead, he focuses excessively on the political jockeying in Phnom Penh, complicated by feuding within the royal family.
Sam Rainsy paints a grim picture of corruption in Cambodia, starting with his short-lived crusade, as finance minister, against tax evasion and smuggling. His strategy appears to have been remarkably naive at times. One ill-prepared boat attack against smugglers on the Mekong river, which he led, nearly cost him his life after the accompanying United Nations troops refused to get involved in the gunfight.
He has harsh words for foreign powers, including his otherwise beloved France, which he accuses of turning a blind eye to killings of political associates. Sam Rainsy has himself survived several assassination attempts, including a grenade attack that killed 19 -people.
"Paris preferred to forget the bloodstains on the suits of the ruling leaders in Phnom Penh in order to strike economic and technical co-operation agreements with them," he writes.
This book was published in the run-up to July's general election, which returned Hun Sen to power with a landslide victory. Despite Sam Rainsy's claim that Cambodians "want to get out of this old, neo-communist and mafiosi regime", many pundits believe that the 55-year-old Hun Sen has never had a stronger power base, almost justifying his boast that he would run the country until the age of 90. Rather than repressing opposition in the manner of the Burmese junta, Hun Sen has benefited from Sam Rainsy's challenge, which has been crucial to Cambodia's democratic credentials.
The book's title refers to the blend of architectural and natural beauty found around Angkor Wat, Cambodia's cultural treasure, where trees grow among the ruins. Although Sam Rainsy might not like the idea, it also seems an appropriate symbol for Hun Sen's deep-rooted control over his country.
The writer is the FT's Asia regional correspondent
Sam Rainsy and his family have certainly endured plenty of misfortune. Their ups-and-downs mirror those of a country that ranks among Asia's fastest-growing economies, but that returned to multi-party democracy only 15 years ago, after decades of war and a genocide that wiped out about a quarter of the population.
Sam Rainsy has been an integral part of Cambodia's recovery, now as the leader of the country's main opposition party. But much of his life has been spent in France and other places of exile, first because of his father's political downfall, which ended with his death in mysterious circumstances, and then because of his own clashes with Hun Sen, the country's long-standing prime minister.
Still, that geographic distance in no way reduces the insight this book provides into events that have shaped Cambodia following a century of French colonialism, starting with the 1954 Geneva conference to reconfigure the former Indochina. Sam Rainsy's father was one of Cambodia's lead negotiators there, playing off tensions among more formidable government representatives such as Zhou Enlai and Vyacheslav Molotov to ensure that another foreign power would not fill the void left by the French.
The Geneva agreement guaranteed Cambodia's independence but was followed by the bleakest period in its history, climaxing in the Khmer Rouge's terrifying attempt to establish an agrarian utopia in the late 1970s. While that tragic episode was largely domestic, Sam Rainsy says Cambodia remains the Poland of Asia, sandwiched between two bigger neighbours, Thailand and Vietnam, and prone to being drawn into wider conflicts such as the Vietnam war.
This book is an often touching family history, but it also highlights the broader challenges faced by any war-ravaged country. After a successful banking career in Paris, Sam Rainsy returned to Cambodia in 1992 and within a year was put in charge of the finance ministry. Given the limited pool of talent, his wife Saumura was forced against her wishes to become deputy governor of the central bank.
For somebody with such a strong financial background, Sam Rainsy devotes surprisingly little of his book to Cambodia's economic resurgence, during which it has attracted billions of dollars of foreign investment and achieved average annual growth of 9 per cent over the past decade. Instead, he focuses excessively on the political jockeying in Phnom Penh, complicated by feuding within the royal family.
Sam Rainsy paints a grim picture of corruption in Cambodia, starting with his short-lived crusade, as finance minister, against tax evasion and smuggling. His strategy appears to have been remarkably naive at times. One ill-prepared boat attack against smugglers on the Mekong river, which he led, nearly cost him his life after the accompanying United Nations troops refused to get involved in the gunfight.
He has harsh words for foreign powers, including his otherwise beloved France, which he accuses of turning a blind eye to killings of political associates. Sam Rainsy has himself survived several assassination attempts, including a grenade attack that killed 19 -people.
"Paris preferred to forget the bloodstains on the suits of the ruling leaders in Phnom Penh in order to strike economic and technical co-operation agreements with them," he writes.
This book was published in the run-up to July's general election, which returned Hun Sen to power with a landslide victory. Despite Sam Rainsy's claim that Cambodians "want to get out of this old, neo-communist and mafiosi regime", many pundits believe that the 55-year-old Hun Sen has never had a stronger power base, almost justifying his boast that he would run the country until the age of 90. Rather than repressing opposition in the manner of the Burmese junta, Hun Sen has benefited from Sam Rainsy's challenge, which has been crucial to Cambodia's democratic credentials.
The book's title refers to the blend of architectural and natural beauty found around Angkor Wat, Cambodia's cultural treasure, where trees grow among the ruins. Although Sam Rainsy might not like the idea, it also seems an appropriate symbol for Hun Sen's deep-rooted control over his country.
The writer is the FT's Asia regional correspondent
7 comments:
why not in khmer version and sell in newstand in Cambodia? we eager to read it !
PEOPEL POWER TO THE PEOPLE CAMBODIA!
THE CAMBODIAN PEOPLE NEED A REVOLUTION!
THE PEOPLE NEED TO DISSEMINATE INFORMATION ABOUT PEOPLE POWER THROUGHOUT CAMBODIA. THIS IS THE ONLY MECHANISM TO BRING ABOUT CHANGES TO CAMBODIA.
SAY YES TO PEOPLE POWER!
Yes, go ahead, make ours day, Punks!
Sam Rainsy's struggle for his motherland is excessively admirable...he has not solely been inscribed as the most resistant opposition leader, but he has also been inscribed as the political-credits builder for Hun Sen and his regime...very thoughtful!
Hun Sen and his cohort should kneel before Sam Rainsy to pay gratitude and thanks to him.
As a nation of Cambodia, all Cambodian peoples including younger generation should see politics in Cambodia in the very self-oriented citizen.
This self-oriented citizen means to wake up and participate the social movement as much as possible. If anyone sees CPP is good, go and work inside CPP to democratize it. If anyone see SRP is good, go and work inside to strengthen this democratic party.
As a long-sighted younger generation, CPP and SRP are the two inseparable. Without SRP, CPP can not legitimize themselves in front of Cambodian peoples and the international communities. Also, without CPP, SRP has no place to experiment its weakness and strength.
I appeal to all our youths join the political movement in Cambodia to build brighter future for nation!
KY
I recommend you all to read this book if you understand French language. I am not sure there is English version.
It is one of my inspiring book!
God bless Cambodia and its people!
I have personally admired what Mr. Sam Rainsy has done for Cambodia, but I still think that we need more "Sam Raisy" to rebuild Cambodia.
For decades, Cambodia was ruled by the Kings, then the colonizer (French), and Communist, and then Dictator regime as of today.
The Khmer Younger generation is now so tired with the Politic in Cambodia because whoever comes to power will become corrupt and abuse power to oppress his own people.
With that enough complaining, as KY suggested, all Cambodian youths should start involving to build your country. If you love your country, go ahead to join whatever Party you want and try to make that part do the best for Cambodian.
We all know that CPP is controlled by Vietnam. The CPP leaders have to listen to Hanoi leaders. That is true and no one can deny that. The whole world know that. Dont need to have ONE EYE to see it, even the blind people who have a Khmer heart still feel it.
But, it doesnot mean that all the CPP members are bad. They are still Cambodian. The CPP members should start sending the secret that the Hanoi Regime tell you to do to let the world know it. If you do that, Hanoi will be ashamed because Hanoi now is a member of the UN, WTO, etc... Hanoi now has its own problem because lots of the Vietnamese who are fighting for the democracy in Vietnam is telling the world about how bad the Hanoi regime is.....
Let start doing something useful for Cambodia. We used to live without foods during the Polpot regime. We can live poor for couple months or years, but if we have a democracy and independent Cambodia, our Cambodian live will be better off soon.
If we dont do it, Cambodia will never be INDEPENDENCE as we think.....
Hi, Raisy, I know you do verythig you just wanted the powers, so please do not bring the country in to the war.
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