By Martin Petty
Reuters
A grenade attack on the office of Thailand’s army chief this month is stoking fears of a worst-case scenario in Thailand’s political crisis – a possible fissure in the military along fault lines that have divided the country.
Analysts, diplomats and military sources say it is premature to talk of a split in Thailand’s powerful and politicized army but that festering ideological differences show signs of broadening in one of the most charged climates in decades.
A divide in an institution central to Thailand’s power structure would deepen uncertainty over the outlook for Thailand’s export-dependent $260 billion economy, Southeast Asia’s second-largest, and raise the prospect of instability in a country seen as a gateway to the region for foreign companies.
Large numbers of soldiers of lower ranks and some senior officers, analysts say, are sympathizers of Thailand’s rural, grassroots anti-government, red-shirted protest movement.
In contrast, many of the military’s top brass are at the other end of the political spectrum, allied with royalists, business elites and the urban middle classes, who wear yellow at protests and largely support the present government.
The red-yellow divide is growing increasingly intractable.
And Thailand’s markets remain vulnerable to a correction, after benefiting from waves of foreign money moving into the Asian emerging markets that rebounded first from the global crisis. The stock market is off its January highs but is still up around 85 percent from the lows it hit in November 2008.
“When there is chaos and the country is divided, people look to the military to be in control,” said a Bangkok-based security analyst, who asked not to be identified because discussions of the military are sensitive.
“But it’s the first time in a generation that we’ve seen military divisions like this. There’s definitely an ideological split. It’s unlikely there’s any danger just yet, but that all depends on where this crisis will go.”
The Jan. 15 attack on army chief Anupong Paochinda’s office – he was not there at the time – and the apparent attempt to cover it up, have eroded public confidence in the military, polls show. Although there were no injuries, the brazen attack was widely seen as a challenge to Anupong’s authority.
Rogue soldier
The authorities’ reluctance to arrest their prime suspect, a rogue major general openly allied with an anti-government movement, has raised questions about how the army perceives his influence among parts of the rank-and-file.
The infamous Khattiya Sawasdipol – a maverick, self-proclaimed warrior better known as “Seh Daeng” – is dismissed by his critics as a loud-mouthed attention-seeker. But he enjoys a cult-like following among some soldiers and has made bold public threats to Anupong, warning him of a “gang attack.”
Khattiya is also a close associate of exiled former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, a twice-elected billionaire ousted in a 2006 coup and the assumed leader of the opposition Puea Thai party and the “red shirt” protest movement – both of which seek to topple Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva’s military-backed government.
“This government has survived because of the military,” added the security expert. “Without its support, it would have tanked.”
The military played a pivotal role in brokering the ruling coalition government to keep Thaksin at bay. But the six-party alliance is looking vulnerable, facing internal divisions of its own and lacking enough popular support to win an election.
That raises questions over what the military and its backers would do if the government falls and if Thaksin’s allies, who they have fought hard to sideline, wrestle back power through an election win for his Puea Thai party.
Convicted of graft while in self-imposed exile, Thaksin is very much back in the picture, forming a provocative alliance with neighbouring Cambodia’s prime minister, Hun Sen, and rallying supporters from just over the border.
Thaksin’s opponents say he is disloyal to revered 82-year-old King Bhumibol Adulyadej. Thaksin says his conviction was politically motivated and insists he supports the monarchy.
Adding to the combustible political mix is the question of succession of the ageing king, who has been hospitalized since Sept. 19, and whether an eventual change of monarch would lead to a change in the balance of power in the military, which has traditionally been closely aligned with the palace.
Analysts, diplomats and military sources say it is premature to talk of a split in Thailand’s powerful and politicized army but that festering ideological differences show signs of broadening in one of the most charged climates in decades.
A divide in an institution central to Thailand’s power structure would deepen uncertainty over the outlook for Thailand’s export-dependent $260 billion economy, Southeast Asia’s second-largest, and raise the prospect of instability in a country seen as a gateway to the region for foreign companies.
Large numbers of soldiers of lower ranks and some senior officers, analysts say, are sympathizers of Thailand’s rural, grassroots anti-government, red-shirted protest movement.
In contrast, many of the military’s top brass are at the other end of the political spectrum, allied with royalists, business elites and the urban middle classes, who wear yellow at protests and largely support the present government.
The red-yellow divide is growing increasingly intractable.
And Thailand’s markets remain vulnerable to a correction, after benefiting from waves of foreign money moving into the Asian emerging markets that rebounded first from the global crisis. The stock market is off its January highs but is still up around 85 percent from the lows it hit in November 2008.
“When there is chaos and the country is divided, people look to the military to be in control,” said a Bangkok-based security analyst, who asked not to be identified because discussions of the military are sensitive.
“But it’s the first time in a generation that we’ve seen military divisions like this. There’s definitely an ideological split. It’s unlikely there’s any danger just yet, but that all depends on where this crisis will go.”
The Jan. 15 attack on army chief Anupong Paochinda’s office – he was not there at the time – and the apparent attempt to cover it up, have eroded public confidence in the military, polls show. Although there were no injuries, the brazen attack was widely seen as a challenge to Anupong’s authority.
Rogue soldier
The authorities’ reluctance to arrest their prime suspect, a rogue major general openly allied with an anti-government movement, has raised questions about how the army perceives his influence among parts of the rank-and-file.
The infamous Khattiya Sawasdipol – a maverick, self-proclaimed warrior better known as “Seh Daeng” – is dismissed by his critics as a loud-mouthed attention-seeker. But he enjoys a cult-like following among some soldiers and has made bold public threats to Anupong, warning him of a “gang attack.”
Khattiya is also a close associate of exiled former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, a twice-elected billionaire ousted in a 2006 coup and the assumed leader of the opposition Puea Thai party and the “red shirt” protest movement – both of which seek to topple Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva’s military-backed government.
“This government has survived because of the military,” added the security expert. “Without its support, it would have tanked.”
The military played a pivotal role in brokering the ruling coalition government to keep Thaksin at bay. But the six-party alliance is looking vulnerable, facing internal divisions of its own and lacking enough popular support to win an election.
That raises questions over what the military and its backers would do if the government falls and if Thaksin’s allies, who they have fought hard to sideline, wrestle back power through an election win for his Puea Thai party.
Convicted of graft while in self-imposed exile, Thaksin is very much back in the picture, forming a provocative alliance with neighbouring Cambodia’s prime minister, Hun Sen, and rallying supporters from just over the border.
Thaksin’s opponents say he is disloyal to revered 82-year-old King Bhumibol Adulyadej. Thaksin says his conviction was politically motivated and insists he supports the monarchy.
Adding to the combustible political mix is the question of succession of the ageing king, who has been hospitalized since Sept. 19, and whether an eventual change of monarch would lead to a change in the balance of power in the military, which has traditionally been closely aligned with the palace.
9 comments:
Red Shirts do not stop your fight until this evils Gov't disappear from Thailand...
Time to have a revolution now in Thai's politics. The monarchy has dominated in the Thai country for too long. They can see an example in Nepale..! Phumibol Adhuljadet own overall businesses in Thailand and he is the richest king in the world..! The Thai monarchy is too ripe now... Only change will make better social unity..!
Take your best shot red shirts, until Abhisit Vejjajiva remove from office.
Thaksin's supporters
The division of Thai's politics becuase of the moanrchy's involvement in politics: few points of view related to the current thai politics are: 1). Monarchy's interference; 2). the sucession of the current aged king who will definately and naturally be away of the world in sometime in the near future, which has no one from royal family be placed; 3). the current political upheaval between red-shirt who backed ex=PM and the yellow shit who back the current installed government by military through coup in 2006; 4). the exiting unrest in the South is still unsolveable (this make thai politicians fears of plitting country for idependence) and the last and 5). discrimination betwenn rural and urban people, rich and poor people becuase of materilism, which make thailand worse in social division..! Thailand now is in deep crisis and plit inevitable..!
At the same time, Cambodia must be careful on the political impacts from internal division of thailand, by invasion and/or keeping the Khmer Preah Vihear Temple as a hostage and other movement of thai troops and/or using Cambodia as the base to fight for their rivals.
Man is first spiritual. When he lose his identity who he was and is, he will do what is right in his own eye.
There can't be stability in that point of view. The foundation is faulty. Unless he can align his compass to the true source of his being the results will always be conflicts and hurts.
លោកគណបក្សប្រឆាំងទាំងអស់ដែលនៅស្រុកខ្មែរ
តើអស់លោកធ្វើសម្រាប់ប្រទេសជាតិខ្មែរឬក៏ដើម្បី
បំផ្លាញជាតិ?បើបំផ្លាញជាតិសូមអស់លោកឈប់ត្រឹមហ្នឹងទៅ
បើអស់លោកបំរើជាតិតើអស់លោកបំរើជាតដោយវិធីណា?បើរាល់ពេលរាល់វេលាមិនដែលឃើញជម្នេញអ្វីដល់ជាតិសោះ។
មានតែពាក្យមូលបង្កាច់គ្នាទៅវិញទៅមកមិនដែលឈរឈប់សោះចំពោះបក្សប្រឆាំង។គណបក្សប្រឆាំងតែងតែនិយាយថាគណបក្សប្រជាជនអ្វើការ
ក្រោមគាបសង្កត់យួនចុះខាងគណបក្សប្រឆាំងវិញ
មិនធ្វើការសម្រាប់បរទេសដែរឬអី?ចុះហេតុដួចម្តេចមិនថាខ្លួនឯងផងហើយចេះតែថា
ឪ្យគេហើយមិគិតដល់ទង្វើខ្លួនឯងដែលបានធ្វើនោះផង?រាល់ថ្ងៃដើរធ្វើតែវិធុង្សនាឲ្យខ្មែរបេកបាក់សម្គីគ្នានឹងគ្នាមិនដែលបានឈរឈប់ទេនេះហើយឬដែលថាជួយខ្មែរ?ឥឡូវគ្មាននរណាអាចជួយបានទេវាចប់ហើយ
ចំពោះគណបក្សប្រឆាំង។ចំពោះបក្សពួកខ្លួនឯងក្បត់ជាតិឃើញនឹងភ្នែកហើយមកចោតថាគណបក្សប្រជាជនទៅវិញអ្នកទាំងអសនេះបើមានបំណងចង់ទៅស្រុកខ្មែរសូមទេវត្តាដែលថែរក្សារអង្គរវត្តសូមលោកកុំឲ្យក្រុមទាំងនោះបានសម្រាច់គ្រប់ពេល
គ្រប់វេលាពីព្រោះពួកនេះហើយដែលឲ្យប្រទេសកម្ពុជាហិនហោចខ្លោចផ្សាររាប់រយឆ្នាំមកហើយមិន
ដែលបានជួយធ្វើអ្វីឲ្យប្រទេសជឿនលឿនទេ។ចំពោះអាសៀមវាយកដីខ្មែររាប់មិនអស់រហូតដល់សព្វថ្ងៃអាបក្សប្រឆាំងមិនដែលនិយាយទេពួកសៀម
វាបានវាយធ្វើបាបពលរដ្ធខ្មែរនៅក្នុងជុំរំជារាងរាល់
ថ្ងៃអាពួកនេះវាមិនដែលនឹកឃើញទេមាននៃថាអាពួកនេះវាបក្សពួកអាប្រទេសសៀមទាំងស្រុង។
Red and yellow shirt should be unite. Don't let Vietnam and Hun Sen destroy your country.
KRACK APPEARING IN HUN XEN TUGS TOO!
Ah kdor na kor doch ah kdor na. Ar red kor doch ah yellow.
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