Keeping relations sweet: Cambodian PM Hun Sen, right, with Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung.18/01/2010
Pavin Chachavalpongpun
Bangkok Post
Relations between Thailand and Cambodia have shown no signs of improvement. Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya has insisted that normal diplomatic ties cannot resume until Phnom Penh ends its relationship with former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra.
Meanwhile, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen continues to challenge the Thai leadership. On January 12, 2010 Mr Hun Sen said that ties might be restored soon because Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's embattled government would not last much longer.
To understand what has been happening in Thai-Cambodian relations, one must not analyse them solely in the bilateral context. The need to consider other geopolitical factors, particularly within mainland Southeast Asia, is imperative in order to comprehend certain behaviour of political leaders and the reasons behind their policies in regard to their neighbours.
Cambodia is a small state, being sandwiched between two bigger neighbours: Thailand and Vietnam. Leaders in Phnom Penh have taken the advantage of its location by playing one neighbour against the other. This is not a new tactic. Siam used the same strategy when it dealt with the British and the French during the colonial period. Some Thai historians agree that it was this strategy that helped Siam escape colonisation.
For Cambodia, Vietnam has always been a powerful nation. Prior to the advent of the French colonialists, Cambodia was dominated by Vietnam and paid tribute to its rulers in Hanoi. During the Cold War, relations between Cambodia and Vietnam were shaped by conflict and mutual distrust.
In 1978, Vietnamese forces began a full-scale invasion of Cambodia. Not until 1990 did Vietnam completely withdraw its troops from the country.
Today, however, ties between Phnom Penh and Hanoi are at their best. Mr Hun Sen is known to have forged close relations with the Vietnamese leadership and has attempted to reduce the level of economic dependence on Thailand.
In many ways, Mr Hun Sen has used his intimate relations with Hanoi to counter-balance his country's ties with Bangkok. At this critical juncture in Thai-Cambodian relations, his strong friendship with Vietnam had added a sense of confidence to his uncompromising diplomacy vis-a-vis Thailand.
Ou Virak, director of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights, interestingly explained the current state of the Thai-Cambodian conflict in the context of Cambodian-Vietnamese relations. He said that Hun Sen has to think about the Cambodian-Vietnamese border to the east as well, not just the Cambodian-Thai border to the west.
Mr Ou Virak reportedly said: "The debates about the Khmer-Vietnamese border have been restricted by the government, but on the Khmer-Thai conflict, we see not only that the Cambodian government pays special attention, but incites anger against Thailand, complicit in the change of the word from "Thai" to "Siem" to describe the Thai people, using television and radio networks to attack Thailand.
"But on the eastern (Vietnam) side, we have never seen the Cambodian government support border protection against Vietnam's encroachments."
This observation of Mr Ou Virak has became more tangible in the recent political struggle between Hun Sen and Sam Rainsy, leader of the opposition Sam Rainsy Party (SRP).
In October 2009, Mr Sam Rainsy led a number of Cambodian farmers in Svay Rieng province in removing six wooden posts that marked the border with Vietnam. A month later, he released a statement accusing the Hun Sen government of failing to protect Khmer territory.
Mr Sam Rainsy said: "Vietnam has been, over the last 30 years, grabbing thousands of square kilometres of Khmer territory. This is an ongoing painful process that Hun Sen does not want us to look at. But we cannot help see the tears and hear the cries of countless Khmer farmers who are losing their rice fields to Vietnam."
He also said that the farmers' land rights in the area were not respected in the border demarcation process between Cambodia and Vietnam that is currently underway and scheduled to be completed by 2012.
Mr Hun Sen struck back by charging Mr Rainsy with destruction of property and racial incitement. At present, Mr Rainsy is in exile in France.
Mr Hun Sen is aware that he cannot allow domestic politics to upset the Vietnamese leadership. To put it simply, he cannot fight with both Thailand and Vietnam. After all, the country has already suffered from the interruption in bilateral trade with Thailand. Cambodia cannot afford to jeopardise its economic interests with Vietnam.
In recent years, Vietnam has made significant economic inroads into Cambodia. It has reportedly expressed its interests in Cambodia's agri-business, aviation, telecommunications and banking. Last month, Hanoi signed an agreement with Phnom Penh that could result in investments worth billions of dollars, including a deal in aluminium ore, known as bauxite, in Cambodia's border province of Mondokiri.
The Vietnamese connection does not lie only in Cambodia's economic domain. Vietnam has continued to build up its influence in Cambodian politics through its proxies. It has been reported widely and much discussed among diplomats in Southeast Asia that many Cambodian ambassadors are of Vietnamese lineage.
These include Cambodia's Foreign Minister Hor Nam Hong, Ambassador to London Hor Nambora, and Ambassador to Bangkok You Ah (currently recalled). They are strong allies of Hun Sen and are formidable forces that help strengthen his regime. For example, it was reported that, in July 2009, Hor Nambora lashed out at the Global Witness organisation which accused Mr Hun Sen of corruption. Likewise, Mrs You Ah chose to use offensive language against Thailand as the bilateral conflict reached its peak last year.
But this game of politics, found inside Thailand and Cambodia, runs parallel with the local reality on both sides of the border. Local Thais and Cambodians want to keep bilateral ties "normal". The friendly boat race in Koh Kong early this month, among teams from Cambodia, Thailand and Vietnam, proved that the people at the borderlands undoubtedly prefer peace to conflict.
Pavin Chachavalpongpun is author of the forthcoming book, "Temple of Doom: Hysteria about the Preah Vihear Temple in the Thai Nationalist Discourse." <./span>
Meanwhile, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen continues to challenge the Thai leadership. On January 12, 2010 Mr Hun Sen said that ties might be restored soon because Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's embattled government would not last much longer.
To understand what has been happening in Thai-Cambodian relations, one must not analyse them solely in the bilateral context. The need to consider other geopolitical factors, particularly within mainland Southeast Asia, is imperative in order to comprehend certain behaviour of political leaders and the reasons behind their policies in regard to their neighbours.
Cambodia is a small state, being sandwiched between two bigger neighbours: Thailand and Vietnam. Leaders in Phnom Penh have taken the advantage of its location by playing one neighbour against the other. This is not a new tactic. Siam used the same strategy when it dealt with the British and the French during the colonial period. Some Thai historians agree that it was this strategy that helped Siam escape colonisation.
For Cambodia, Vietnam has always been a powerful nation. Prior to the advent of the French colonialists, Cambodia was dominated by Vietnam and paid tribute to its rulers in Hanoi. During the Cold War, relations between Cambodia and Vietnam were shaped by conflict and mutual distrust.
In 1978, Vietnamese forces began a full-scale invasion of Cambodia. Not until 1990 did Vietnam completely withdraw its troops from the country.
Today, however, ties between Phnom Penh and Hanoi are at their best. Mr Hun Sen is known to have forged close relations with the Vietnamese leadership and has attempted to reduce the level of economic dependence on Thailand.
In many ways, Mr Hun Sen has used his intimate relations with Hanoi to counter-balance his country's ties with Bangkok. At this critical juncture in Thai-Cambodian relations, his strong friendship with Vietnam had added a sense of confidence to his uncompromising diplomacy vis-a-vis Thailand.
Ou Virak, director of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights, interestingly explained the current state of the Thai-Cambodian conflict in the context of Cambodian-Vietnamese relations. He said that Hun Sen has to think about the Cambodian-Vietnamese border to the east as well, not just the Cambodian-Thai border to the west.
Mr Ou Virak reportedly said: "The debates about the Khmer-Vietnamese border have been restricted by the government, but on the Khmer-Thai conflict, we see not only that the Cambodian government pays special attention, but incites anger against Thailand, complicit in the change of the word from "Thai" to "Siem" to describe the Thai people, using television and radio networks to attack Thailand.
"But on the eastern (Vietnam) side, we have never seen the Cambodian government support border protection against Vietnam's encroachments."
This observation of Mr Ou Virak has became more tangible in the recent political struggle between Hun Sen and Sam Rainsy, leader of the opposition Sam Rainsy Party (SRP).
In October 2009, Mr Sam Rainsy led a number of Cambodian farmers in Svay Rieng province in removing six wooden posts that marked the border with Vietnam. A month later, he released a statement accusing the Hun Sen government of failing to protect Khmer territory.
Mr Sam Rainsy said: "Vietnam has been, over the last 30 years, grabbing thousands of square kilometres of Khmer territory. This is an ongoing painful process that Hun Sen does not want us to look at. But we cannot help see the tears and hear the cries of countless Khmer farmers who are losing their rice fields to Vietnam."
He also said that the farmers' land rights in the area were not respected in the border demarcation process between Cambodia and Vietnam that is currently underway and scheduled to be completed by 2012.
Mr Hun Sen struck back by charging Mr Rainsy with destruction of property and racial incitement. At present, Mr Rainsy is in exile in France.
Mr Hun Sen is aware that he cannot allow domestic politics to upset the Vietnamese leadership. To put it simply, he cannot fight with both Thailand and Vietnam. After all, the country has already suffered from the interruption in bilateral trade with Thailand. Cambodia cannot afford to jeopardise its economic interests with Vietnam.
In recent years, Vietnam has made significant economic inroads into Cambodia. It has reportedly expressed its interests in Cambodia's agri-business, aviation, telecommunications and banking. Last month, Hanoi signed an agreement with Phnom Penh that could result in investments worth billions of dollars, including a deal in aluminium ore, known as bauxite, in Cambodia's border province of Mondokiri.
The Vietnamese connection does not lie only in Cambodia's economic domain. Vietnam has continued to build up its influence in Cambodian politics through its proxies. It has been reported widely and much discussed among diplomats in Southeast Asia that many Cambodian ambassadors are of Vietnamese lineage.
These include Cambodia's Foreign Minister Hor Nam Hong, Ambassador to London Hor Nambora, and Ambassador to Bangkok You Ah (currently recalled). They are strong allies of Hun Sen and are formidable forces that help strengthen his regime. For example, it was reported that, in July 2009, Hor Nambora lashed out at the Global Witness organisation which accused Mr Hun Sen of corruption. Likewise, Mrs You Ah chose to use offensive language against Thailand as the bilateral conflict reached its peak last year.
But this game of politics, found inside Thailand and Cambodia, runs parallel with the local reality on both sides of the border. Local Thais and Cambodians want to keep bilateral ties "normal". The friendly boat race in Koh Kong early this month, among teams from Cambodia, Thailand and Vietnam, proved that the people at the borderlands undoubtedly prefer peace to conflict.
Pavin Chachavalpongpun is author of the forthcoming book, "Temple of Doom: Hysteria about the Preah Vihear Temple in the Thai Nationalist Discourse." <./span>
10 comments:
Do you believe this idiotic analysis? the writer know very little about Cambodia.
Aside to writer: your article lack of facts and base on your imagination. Stop write the article like this
Dear 4:09 PM
No doubt dear for all idiotic analysis!! they are cronies of KI-Media and SRP, the just made groundless article to be favor of their their silly bosses. Most of them are dump and waste beasts coming from USA's toilets and some from rural and slump areas in PP.
If you want to see them just take a walk around Coffee Shop or Moto-taxied crowds you will see those dump guys.
Khmer
Only the idiot that does not know Cambodia is a vasel state of Vietnam.
"Three things cannot be long hidden: the sun, the moon, and the truth." - Buddha
Extrait Sihanouk
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=42RpbMAeiO4
Culture Revolution - Public execution & Impact
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DIrUHVFkm9A&feature=related
Cambodge : JEUX De la MORT De SIHANOUK CONTRE YUON
http://www.youtube.com/watch?gl=FR&hl=fr&v=sVLTFmWX4VE
Khmer Rouge survivors give voice to their 'silent suffering'
People interested in testifying and groups with survivors who would like to become involved can contact ASRIC via e-mail at asric.apa@nyu.edu or by calling Nou at 562-985-7439.
Good! At least the Thai starting to set fire on the Viet.
But I agree with this articles, Hun Sen is just Viet slave.
At last other foriegners talking the truth.
Smoke, fire will start from Viet side soon.
The Siem know how to hit the Sen govt head.
Not only hit Hun Sen but told the world that Hanoi is trying hard to take full control of Cambodia.
Good for us Khmer that Siem are trying to up sad Hun sen this way. I do not like Siem but I am realy hate Viet too.
Maybe SRP and all Khmer will get some profits from this article.
The concept of "playing one neighbor against the other" is an outdated concept because there is no more colonial and the cold war!
Why Khmer people have to think about the Siem and the Viet all the time when there is a conflict? What about United Nations? What about the World Court? What about the Super Powers such as United States,China,France,Russia...
The Siem and the Viet are living in a fantasy land if they think that they can control Cambodia! The future of Cambodia doesn't belong to the Siem or the Viet because soon the whole South East Asia mainland will be connected by major highways and railroads leading to China and to other countries! The race is on to control the natural resource of South East Asia!
It is up to the Siem and the Viet if they want to make their life easy because if Khmer don't have their life easy and it will affect everything from politic to trade and eventually military conflict!
The Siem and the Viet leaders need to know by now why King Sihanouk of Cambodia chose China to take his residency since his heyday of representing Khmer resistance force against Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia in 1980!
Sihanouk is right.
Vietnam and Thailand prepare to share Cambodia with USA approval.
Only China could help us.
God bless Cambodia.
I just want to say those two nations to back off with Cambodia. Don't bring old shit up that Cambodia is a week nation and being sandwich of these two nations. Look at Singapore, it is being sandwich between Malaysia and Indonesia but these two nations has no business of interfering with Singapore's business. They respect the tiny state as it signed and respected.
YOUN and SIAM must do the same!!!
This is not a concept of playing one neighbor against other like King Eng Duong and King Norodom had done in the past in order to save our nation Vietnam and Thailand. Hun Sen has no patriatic conscience to act like our previous kings. What Hun Sen has done is just to serve Hanoi interest and help to accomodate Vietnam's long term policy of Indochina federation in the near future. We see no clue that Hun Sen wants to get rid of Vietnam's yoke.
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