Thursday, May 26, 2011

Closing Order of Case 002 (Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith)

In preparation for the start of trial hearings beginning on 27 June 2011 of Case 002 against the surviving Khmer Rouge senior leaders Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary and Ieng Thirith, KI Media is starting a new series in posting installations of the public document of the Closing Order of Case 002.  The Closing Order of the Co-Investigating Judges forms the basic document from which all the parties (Co-Prosecutors, Co-Lead Lawyers for all civil parties, Defense Lawyers) will be making their arguments before the Trial Chamber judges (one Cambodian President, 2 Cambodian Judges, 2 UN judges).  Up until now, the hearings involving these four surviving senior Khmer Rouge leaders have been in the Pre-Trial Chamber over issues of pre-trial detention and jurisdictional issues.  Beginning in June 2011, the Trial Chamber will hear the substantive arguments over the criminal charges (e.g. genocide, crimes against humanity, penal code of 1956).

. . .

CLOSING ORDER
of Co-Investigating Judges You Bunleng and Marcel Lemonde, 15 September 2010
 
 
72.               The CPK Standing Committee was at the top of the Party's nation-wide communications. It was at the centre of a system of constant information between each part of the administrative hierarchy. It issued the instructions: "Send general reports through various spearheads. Propose short reports by telegram, (all this so) the Standing Committee knows the situation in order to provide timely instructions".206
73.               The channels of communication were meticulously organized at the level of the Centre (among ministries and offices around the Centre, within the Centre armed forces and within the Centre's S-21 security apparatus); between the Centre and the zones (with no inter-zone communication allowed); and between zones and sectors. Communication between sectors and districts depended on available means, but was less formalized.
Communication Within the Centre
74.               The distribution of messages that arrived at the Centre from outside entities was coordinated by Office K-1, where it was decided which of the leaders were to receive copies of messages which were subsequently delivered to them.207 This decision was taken by Pol Pot and his staff, who for this purpose received ingoing messages several times per day.208 According to one witness, Nuon Chea always received a copy of the messages Pol Pot had read.209

75.               There was also frequent written communication between individual CPK leaders, most notably between Pol Pot and Nuon Chea, who used to exchange letters every one or two days.210

77.               Surviving telegrams reported matters such as desertion and lawlessness,213 the conflict with Vietnam (detailing enemy numbers killed and equipment captured and advising Office 870 of planned offensives and enemy movements),214 questions on internal security activities in general terms215 or in detail, sometimes referring to those under suspicion,216 Vietnamese "spies" and their interrogations (mentioning the use of torture) 217 or "traitors" (while mentioning them by name).218
78.               The Zone sent and received between one and several telegrams per day on an irregular basis from the sectors.219 Communication was only established between the Centre and the sectors but not between the Centre and the districts.220
79.               A Zone Secretary had a schedule table prepared by the Centre, that indicted the times to make contact with the Centre. Telegrams were sent out from the zone at least once a day sometimes twice a day (morning and evening),223 or in special occasions, telegrams were sent at other hours of the day.224 One of the sector telegram operators in Central Zone (former North Zone) mentions that he received about four to five messages a day from the Centre (870).225

80.               The schedule for telegram activity in the sectors was developed by the zone, thus making it easier to distinguish between telegrams that came in from the Centre and those that were received from different sectors.226 The receipt of a telegram was confirmed by a code word from the other side.227 In 1978, communication between the Centre and the zones increased due to technical improvements.228

81.               Witnesses indicate that there was a strict policy of no communication between the zones: the communication between the zones would be sent via the Centre.229 No contact schedule table or decoding table existed for telegram communication from zone to zone, thus making such contact impossible.230 However one telegram operator states that zone to zone communication took place by letter sent by messengers and had to be stamped with the seal of the zone.231
Zone to Sector and District Communication
82.               Each sector had its own telegram office but any outgoing communication had to go through the Zone.232
83.               Only the Autonomous Sectors communicated directly with the Centre and not via the zone.233 One witness, who worked as a telegram operator in Autonomous Sector 105, states that the district offices mostly reported on irrigation projects, healthcare, the monitoring of forces and on "good or bad elements, traitorous or peaceful alliance elements".234 The Sector Secretary's Office would prepare a district performance report and send it back to the Centre
on a daily basis.235
84.               Messengers were mainly used for communication within the sectors and districts, as indicated by American sources (Stoney Beach report): "Each District and Sector within the Eastern Region (Zone) had a messenger network. The networks followed a rigid structure that mirrored the region (Zone) chain of command. For example, even if a district messenger unit was stationed near a regional unit, the district unit would first send messages to their headquarters, then on to the region messenger office. The message would then enter the region (Zone) network. The messengers carried high priority military, party and security messages, as well as personal correspondence for deployed personnel".236
85.               Democratic Kampuchea had the technical means to communicate with foreign countries. CPK senior leaders sent telegrams to other, mostly socialist friendly, states throughout the duration of the regime to comment or congratulate them on events in their respective countries,237 or to explain that everything was going fine.238

86.               According to [REDACTED], external communication was channeled through the embassy in Beijing and communication could either come from the party or the government or directly from Pol Pot to the party cell in Beijing.239 Inside the country, there was no access to any foreign information service.240 However, the Ministry of Propaganda was instructed to give senior leaders daily briefings about world news.241 Furthermore, [REDACTED] states that Ieng Sary had charged [REDACTED] with listening to the news from foreign broadcast
242
services.
Meetings to "Study at the Centre"
87.               Cadres from the Zone Committee and Sector level, including the military, were invited to "study meetings" in Phnom Penh243 or at "the Centre".244 Witnesses name Nuon Chea245 or Office 870246 or 870247 or Pol Pot248 as the sender of such invitations.
88.               In several cases, when cadres were called to the Centre, they would be arrested and never returned back to their zones.249
89.               Monthly meetings at the Centre were held at K-1 to which various leading cadre of District Committees, Sector Committees and Zone Committees were invited.250 These meetings were regularly headed and attended by senior Party cadre.251 Military meetings, gathering military commanders were held at the Olympic Stadium and were chaired by Pol Pot and Son Sen.252 Sometimes special meetings were held with only a few attendees and these meetings took place on an irregular basis.253


5 comments:

Anonymous said...

Shooooooooot!

Anonymous said...

Son Sen was a natural killer,
he killed a lot of Republicans,
his soldiers and
also his wounded soldiers.

I'm very happy to know that Son Sen and all of his family members are killed by Pol Pot.

He collected what he sowed.

Anonymous said...

វាគ្រាន់បើហើយពួកអាសមរង្សីអគតិទាំងនេះពួកវាចង់
ឲ្យតែពលរដ្ធខ្មែរស្លាប់កាលណាពួកវាសប្បាយចិត្តកាលហ្នឹងពីព្រោះអាពួកសមរង្សីដែលជាមេក្បត់ជាតិទាំង
ពូជនោះវាមិនដែលបានធ្វើអ្វីឲ្យប្រទេសខ្មែរជឿនលឿនមួយថ្ងៃណាទេ។ពួកអាក្បត់ជាតិសមរង្សីទាំងនៅក្នុងស្រុកនឹងក្រៅស្រុកនោះពួកវាមិនដែលចង់រស់នៅក្នុង
សហគមមនុស្សនោះទេ។បើពួកអាក្បត់ជាតិសមរង្សី
នៅឯក្រៅប្រទេសវិញមិនដែលឃើញអាពួកទាំងនោះវារស់នៅជិតពលរដ្ធខ្មែរទេវារស់នៅតែឯកឯង
វាមិនដែលចង់និយាយជាពលរដ្ធខ្មែរម្តងណាទេ
ជាពិសេសគឺនៅសហរដ្ធអាមេរិក។ជួនកាលមានពួកវាស្លាប់គឺគ្មាននរណាម្នាក់ទៅអើតមើលពួកវានោះទេពីព្រោះអាពួកនេះវាជាមនុស្សច្រណែន
និន្ទារវាងខ្មែរនឹងខ្មែរជារាងរាល់ថ្ងៃគំនិត្យអាពួកទាំងនោះមិនខុសនឹងគំនិត្យអាពតនោះឡើយ។អាពួកនេះបើវាមានវាសានាកន់កាប់ប្រទេសខ្មែរនោះប្រទេសខ្មែរនឹងក្លាយទៅជាប្រទេសអាសៀមខ្លះទៅ
អាយួនខ្លះទៅដួច្នេះអាពួកនេះមេរបស់ពួកវាខំជួយ
ជាលុយជាកាក់ធ្វើយ៉ាងដួចម្តេចឲ្យប្រទេសខ្មែរពុំមាននៅលើពិភពលោកយើងនេះ។គឺដោយសារអាមេបក្សរបស់ពួកវាគឺអាសមរង្សីដែលមានឪពុកជាមេក្បត់ជាតិកាលពីសម័យមុនហើយអាមេបក្សនេះវា
ចង់សងសឹកឲ្យឪរបស់វាដែលពលរដ្ធខ្មែរកាត់ទោសឲ្យឪអាសមរង្សីស្លាប់នៅពេលនោះ។

Son of a farmer said...

Why, Oh, why the real killer, SihanoukVarman, ain't initially brought into justice?

Even a dumbest man as meself sitll have acknowledgeably, explicitly, and exclusively knew that he is Da One who still actually and continuously has destroyed the nation of Kampuchea!

Anonymous said...

Sihanouk couldn't too long in Cambodia,he would love to live in
Beijing because China is his protector.The world court can't touch Sihanouk as long as China
behind him.He is a untouchable man.
Cambodians around the world hate
and want to send him to court,but
China is a Sihanouk stone wall.