Showing posts with label Fall of the Khmer Republic regime. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Fall of the Khmer Republic regime. Show all posts

Monday, April 26, 2010

Lest we forget: 17 April 1975

Saturday, 17 April 2010
Var Hong Ashe
MercatorNet.com


On this day 35 years ago, the Khmer Rouge marched into Phnom Penh.

I was born and raised in the small south-east Asian country of Cambodia, and brought up in the town of Takeo, south of the capital Phnom Penh. Cambodia was then ruled by King Norodom Sihanouk, and in its first years of independence from French colonial rule. In March 1970, Sihanouk was overthrown in a coup led by General Lon Nol, who declared the country a republic seven months later. This, along with the encroachment of the war from neighbouring Vietnam, threw the country into civil war.

My family and social background was rather privileged. My parents lived a comfortable life. They always employed domestic help for household tasks, in the kitchen and even with raising the children. By 1975 I was married with two girls (4 years and 20 months old at the time). My husband worked for Unesco, and I was an English teacher in a Phnom Penh college.

On 17 April 1975, we applauded the parade of victorious Khmer Rouge soldiers in the streets of Phnom Penh. Everyone was so happy just thinking it was the end of the civil war, which had lasted for five years and had already created so much suffering. We could not have imagined what was to come.

A few hours later, our misery started. The Khmer Rouge ordered us to leave the city “for three hours only” and to carry nothing with us so that they could search the place for republican soldiers who had gone into hiding. This order applied to all towns and cities, small or large, throughout the country. Of course, people did what they were ordered to do.

I left my house with my mother (who was going blind for lack of essential care after an eye operation), my two daughters, three sisters and two brothers. My father and my husband were not with us, and I was to learn their fates only later. My father, a colonel and head of a regiment of 2,000 soldiers was at the frontline; the Khmer Rouge killed him along with his brother officers when they surrendered. My husband was in Paris during this period; the Khmer Rouge tricked him into returning to Cambodia, and killed him on his arrival.

Five hours passed, one day, two days, three days…. We realised by now that this was a trip without return. The Khmer Rouge fired machine-gun rounds in the air to force us to advance under the intense heat of the scorching sun (April is the hottest month of the year in Cambodia). The children cried of thirst and hunger; the elderly were exhausted; pregnant women gave birth on the roadside; young people broke into houses along the road – empty since their owners had been evacuated ahead of us – to seek food.

We saw unbearable scenes: the decaying corpses of those who had dared question the orders to leave or refused to satisfy the whims of the Khmer Rouge; old people who pleaded not to be left behind; children wailing, having lost their parents; the wounded who had been waiting for an operation and who were forced to leave the hospitals, hardly able to hold themselves upright, with their wounds still open. It was extremely painful and alarming.

Everyone was in a pitiful physical state and an utterly powerless state of mind. Nobody could come to the assistance of others. We were faced with a hopeless situation.

The Khmer Rouge, I understood later, intended to eliminate the rich, the intellectuals, and anyone educated – like doctors, engineers and professors, the majority of whom tended to live in the city. For the Khmer Rouge these people were part of a dictatorial and corrupt regime that exploited the poor, and they sought to destroy everything they thought belonged to this world: buildings, luxury cars, villas, refrigerators.

On the edge of life

After about a month, completely exhausted, we stopped in a village where the Khmer Rouge started to integrate arriving city-dwellers like us into the life of the rural inhabitants. They distinguished us from the villagers, whom they called neak mool-thaan (old people) by describing us as neak jum-leah (new people) or, in some villages pror-cheer-chun thmey (new population).

It was still the dry season. My family and the other new people families were assigned to dig irrigation canals, ponds, dams, and cut trees in the forest and the jungle to make sites for orchards. When the rainy season started, we were woken up at 4 o’clock in the morning to go to work in the fields to plant rice. We were permitted to return home at 7 o’clock in the evening to eat. We were then forced to attend brainwashing sessions between 9 and 11 o’clock. At 4 the next morning, after a few hours rest, it all started again.

It continued like this during the entire harvest season. During the day, we were given a small bowl of salted rice porridge. This was eventually reduced to two tablespoons of clear porridge soup, twice a day. Everyone became very thin and extremely feeble. We came home exhausted after a day of planting rice. Then it was time for the brainwashing sessions.

The Khmer Rouge used to keep us on the move from village to village so that we couldn’t organise an insurrection. We usually travelled on foot or by ox-cart, but on one occasion we were sent by train. The long, slow train journey lasted three days and two nights. The coaches were crammed and we were like sardines in a tin. Most of us in a coach of more than 150 people had to stand.

A baby died. In the next coach an old woman also died. The authorities refused to stop the train for time and safety reasons. With some travellers complaining, and after long, cruel, anguished deliberations, the families of the dead had no other option than to throw the bodies out of the window.

Everyone became quiet for a long time while wondering who would be the next victim. My heart was heavy with sorrow for the families of the deceased. Moreover, I had almost lost my daughters in the jungle during this same journey – a story too long to describe here.

With time, more and more of the new people died – from hunger, disease, from a plague of sheer exhaustion, but most of all from the massacres perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge. They killed people on perfectly ridiculous pretexts: wearing spectacles, knowing how to read or how to open the door of a car, even for having a white mark on the wrist (a sign of having worn a watch). For the Khmer Rouge, these were all signs that the person concerned belonged to a rich, dictatorial class.

It was common to see a man whose face was pale, trembling with fear, being paraded through the village with his hands bound behind the back, guarded on either side by Khmer Rouge cadre carrying large machetes. It was terrifying: everyone knew that they were going to decapitate this man. The scene served its purpose of warning us that the Khmer Rouge wielded absolute power. We lived from one day to the next. We had no idea what might happen to us in the night or on the following day.

Dicing with death

How did I manage to survive? It was not easy. You constantly had to keep your presence of mind and be alert to the ways the Khmer Rouge might deceive you. They tested us constantly and without warning. On two occasions I managed to outsmart them.

The first time, a Khmer Rouge cadre gave me a piece of paper to read. Thinking rapidly, I held it upside down, and asked him what he wanted me to do with this sheet. He laughed and told me that I was stupid to try to read it upside down.

The second time, one of my former students recognised me in front of a Khmer Rouge soldier and addressed me as neak kroo (teacher). She quickly realised that she had made a terrible mistake. The soldier looked me up and down. A thousand thoughts crossed my mind in an instant. I needed to react very quickly. In that moment, I recalled that the Khmer word neak kroo can also mean “wise woman”. I pretended to be quite calm and started to address the Khmer Rouge soldier, smiling: “Now what do you think of this? My profession was to be a fortune-teller, and I was one of the best clairvoyants in my village”.

When he heard this, the soldier asked me to read his palm and predict his future. “My God”, I told myself, “help me!” Then I remembered what my mother had once said to me: peasants in Cambodia can be credulous…you have learn a little of their mentality. Almost all Khmer Rouge had been young peasant boys and girls – some of them so young that they could not even carry their rifle properly. I drew on my experiences at parents’ evenings, where I met parents of all social classes, on my studies of psychology at the Phnom Penh’s faculty of pedagogy, and on some books of astrology I had read, to mislead this Khmer Rouge soldier sufficiently to convince him that I was really a fortune-teller.

I think that on this day God was with me. Because of this terrifying incident, I could continue to play the role of clairvoyant. I even could gain some advantage from it: the Khmer Rouges cadres whose futures I portrayed gave me in “exchange” small amounts of food which helped keep my family alive.

This was not my only brush with death. After this incident, I was nearly killed on three more occasions, and many other horrible events occurred. Just to mention one: my small, then 7-year-old daughter was once tied to a tree and beaten in front of me. I could not do anything to help her. It was terribly painful and it still makes me dreadfully upset just to think about it.

The Khmer Rouge continued frequently to move the new people from one place to another. My family ended up in a distant village surrounded by jungle, at the foot of the Cardamom mountains in western Cambodia, near the border with Thailand. We heard distant rumours that the Vietnamese army had invaded Cambodia and were fighting against the Khmer Rouge. The arrival of Vietnamese soldiers in our area confirmed that it was true, and the Khmer Rouge fled into the mountains.

I had learned to speak Vietnamese in Phnom Penh, and quickly became friendly with the Vietnamese forces stationed in the village. They gave me food for my children and vitamins and drugs for my mother. This good luck did not last: the Vietnamese soon had to withdraw, and the returning Khmer Rouge accused me of being a spy for the Vietnamese army. They searched for me everywhere in order to kill me. A good friend warned me, and I managed to hide. My mother had to pretend she was very angry with me because I had abandoned my children to follow the Vietnamese. She cried (in fact they were tears of fear) and said that I was an ungrateful daughter. The Khmer Rouge appeared convinced.

In my hiding-place I spent my time mending clothes and hats from palm-tree leaves for fellow-fugitives, in exchange for food. I still lived in constant fear and apprehension. I was convinced that the Khmer Rouge would find me.

One day, a girl carrying palm-tree leaves came to see me. I received her with joy, thinking that this meant work and therefore food for my family and myself. But the girl acted in a strange way, looking from side to side and whispering. I was becoming afraid when she assured me that she had good news.

Her brother Yom, who knew the Thai-Khmer border like his pocket, had just arrived from Thailand on a mission to find the family of a Khmer friend, a former helicopter pilot who now lived in Thailand. By chance, the wife of this pilot had the same first name as me, two daughters around the same age as mine, and a blind aunt. The girl was convinced that I was the pilot’s wife. I told the girl that I was not the person Yom was looking for, but she believed without any doubt that I was. She was convinced that I was afraid of a Khmer Rouge trick and so did not trust her.

After the girl left, my mother and I discussed what to do. If it was a Khmer Rouge trap, why did they not just come directly and arrest me? Perhaps the girl was honest and did only want to help her brother to achieve his mission? In the end, the decisive point was that I had had enough of living in hiding. I had a better chance of surviving the Khmer Rouge by trying to escape to Thailand.

A few days later, Vietnamese troops returned to the area and the Khmer Rouge fled once more towards the mountains. Yom’s sister came back to see me, again with palm-tree leaves in hand. I resolved to follow her brother’s plan. We met Yom, who told me that it was impossible to bring my mother with us. I had to agree. I thus decided to take with me my two daughters and one of my sisters, leaving two other sisters to take care of my mother and other members of my family.

Yom suggested that we benefit from the sudden departure of the Khmer Rouge, along with their own families, by pretending to be part of a Khmer Rouge retinue. We gathered in Yom’s village, not far from mine. By nightfall, more than a hundred villagers (all of them Yom’s relatives) left on a track towards the border. All of us were on foot, except for some old men and women who rode in ox-carts.

As Yom had foretold, distant strange sounds – like night birds – responded to the sound of the ox-carts. Yom told us that the Khmer Rouge had invented these as signals to communicate among themselves. Fortunately, Yom could understand them and answered that we also were Khmer Rouge in the process of evacuation.

After a few hours trekking, Yom announced that we had entered the zone of mines and traps. Everyone had to walk in line closely behind him. My heart beat quickly, I did not dare even to breathe. Further on, Yom pointed to large holes in the ground covered by branches, which had bamboo-spikes at the bottom: traps for people who tried to escape towards Thailand. It was a nightmarish night.

At 5 o’clock in the morning, we heard the cocks crow. Although I was completely exhausted and ravenously hungry, my heart was filled with joy because I knew that finally we had arrived in a Thai village. We were almost free.

Yom, before disappearing, had instructed us about what to say and do when we met the Thai authorities. The Thai police sent us in army trucks to a refugee camp almost forty kilometres away from the border. When I arrived in the camp, exhausted but happy, I breathed intensely as if I had never been so free in my life.

Soon, for the first time in four years I tasted tap water and ate a bowl of rice with meat, had electricity, and saw people with clean clothes with different colours (we wore only black under the Khmer Rouge). I had to tell myself repeatedly that this wasn’t a dream.

After such ecstasy, I knelt down to thank God who had protected me and saved my life. I had passed the hardest trials of my life and emerged from them healthy and safe, along with several members of my family.

In the refugee camp, I met Robert Ashe, a young Englishman who worked for the United Nations High Commission for Refugees. A year later, in a small village in Gloucestershire called “Paradise”, we were married.

I remained for a long time traumatised by the cruelty, cowardice and inhumanity of the Khmer Rouge who walked into Phnom Penh on 17 April 1975. It is painful even now to recall and write these memories. Since then, I have lived other lifetimes, which include a return to Cambodia to revisit what remains of my home, my family and my country. Everything I went through, and all those who were lost, still haunt me.

Var Hong Ashe was born in Cambodia where she worked as an English teacher. She has lived in England since 1979, and is the author of From Phnom Penh to Paradise. This article has been reproduced under a Creative Commons licence from OpenDemocracy.net.

Tuesday, April 20, 2010

Cambodia’s Horror, and China’s

Tuesday, April 20, 2010
David Mills
FirstThings.com


A reminder of a great evil, which began thirty-five years ago, in Lest We Forget: April 17, 1975, by Var Hong Ashe. Just a few hours after the Khmer Rouge marched into Phnom Penh,

our misery started. The Khmer Rouge ordered us to leave the city “for three hours only” and to carry nothing with us so that they could search the place for republican soldiers who had gone into hiding. . . .

I left my house with my mother (who was going blind for lack of essential care after an eye operation), my two daughters, three sisters and two brothers. My father and my husband were not with us, and I was to learn their fates only later. My father, a colonel and head of a regiment of 2,000 soldiers was at the frontline; the Khmer Rouge killed him along with his brother officers when they surrendered. My husband was in Paris during this period; the Khmer Rouge tricked him into returning to Cambodia, and killed him on his arrival.

Five hours passed, one day, two days, three days…. We realised by now that this was a trip without return.

Saturday, April 17, 2010

Through the mistake of one single individual

April 17, 1975 - April 17, 2010
Op-Ed by Leng Sovady
Unofficial translation from French


(L'article en français se trouve en fin du texte anglais)

This year, April 17 will mark the 35th anniversary of the most tragic event in Cambodia’s history during the Twentieth Century. In fact, on this date, the Khmer Rouge – who were supported by North Vietnam and Communist China – succeeded in capturing Phnom Penh and thus began Cambodia’s genocide (with 2 million victims).

How did it come to this point, when, at the beginning of 1970, these Khmer Rouge people were virtually wiped out? They were almost wiped out by the repression led against them by Norodom Sihanouk, then-Cambodia’s head of state, between 1967-69.

Unfortunately, then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk was going to revive them back in March 1970 because he was furious at having been removed from power (on March 18, 1970) and he wanted to get his revenge at any cost.

In fact, this desire for revenge was translated into a monstrous alliance made in Beijing between Sihanouk, Hanoi and the main Khmer Rouge leaders. Under this alliance, Sihanouk would vouch for his allies at the national and international levels. On the same stroke, he also justified the North Vietnamese’s aggression against Cambodia.

Thus, it appears that it was the mistake committed by one single individual that allowed the Cambodian genocide to take place. Now, this individual who was one of the responsible leaders of the genocide tragedy still remains unpunished. In fact, he is now living comfortably at the expense of his good Chinese friends without ever pronouncing a single word of remorse to his numerous victims, nor worrying about the divine justice that will, sooner or later, inflict on him the punishment he deserves.
-------
Par la faute d’un seul

(17 Avril 1975 – 17 Avril 2010 )

La date du 17 Avril marquera, cette année, le 35e anniversaire de l’évènement le plus tragique de l’Histoire du Cambodge au XXe Siècle. A cette date, en effet, les Khmers Rouges – soutenus par le Nord-Vietnam et la Chine communiste – réussirent à s’emparer de Phnom-Penh et ce fut le début du génocide (2 millions de victimes).

Comment avait-on pu en arriver là, alors qu’au début de l’année 1970 ces mêmes Khmers Rouges avaient pratiquement cessé d’exister ? Car ils avaient été presque anéantis par la répression exercée contre eux par Norodom Sihanouk, alors Chef de l’Etat, pendant les années 1967, 68 et 69.

Celui-ci, malheureusement, allait les ressusciter en Mars 1970, parce qu’il était furieux d’avoir été écarté du pouvoir (18 mars 1970) et qu’il voulait à tout prix se venger.

Dans les faits, ce désir de vengeance se traduisit par une monstrueuse alliance réalisée à Pékin entre Sihanouk, Hanoï et les principaux chefs des Khmers Rouges, Sihanouk leur apportant sa caution sur le plan national et international. Et en même temps il justifiait l’agression nord-vietnamienne contre le Cambodge.

Il apparaît ainsi que c’est par la faute d’un seul individu que le génocide cambodgien a pu avoir lieu. Et cet individu, responsable numéro un de la tragédie du génocide, est toujours impuni et vit agréablement aux frais de ses bons amis chinois. Sans une parole de remords envers ses si nombreuse victimes. Et sans penser qu’il existe aussi une Justice divine, et que celle-ci lui infligera, tôt ou tard, le châtiment qu’il mérite.

Leng Sovady

Roland Neveu: The Fall of Phnom Penh

All photos: Roland Neveu




Saturday, April 17, 2010
Traversing The Orient Magazine

Georgie Walsh gains insight into the fall of Phnom Penh through the powerful and harrowing images of the French Photojournalist, Roland Neveu

Those with a keen interest in mod­ern history may well be familiar with the work of the French photojour­nalist Roland Neveu. His pictures have been featured on the cover of Time Magazine whom he worked for throughout the 80’s -covering numer­ous stories including missionaries in New Guinea and the war in Lebanon from 1982 to 1985.

He took the first images of Soviet pris­oners in Afghanistan’s mudjahe­deen holy war, the wars in Lebanon and conflicts in Central America. He was also the first to photograph victims of AIDS in Uganda in 1986. He has worked as a stills photographer on many films in­cluding the blockbusters Platoon, Born on The Fourth of July, Thelma and Louise and The Doors. As a documentary filmmaker he covered the fall of Marcos in the Philippines, the Touaregs rebellion in the Sahara in 1990 and the plight of Kurd refugees after the Gulf War in 1991.

For his latest project, Roland has returned to the day that launched his career and the work he is most famous for, the fall of Phnom Penh in April 1975.

When Roland first set foot in Cambodia it was 1973 and he was visiting as a sociology student with the dream of becom­ing a photojournalist. In his student days he photographed anti Vietnam War protests for left wing news organizations. However, before he turned his lens on the fall of Phnom Penh all his work as a photographer had been largely unrec­ognised and unpaid.

During this period media channels throughout the world were saturated with coverage of the war in Viet­nam. With this in mind Roland and a fellow student decided to turn their focus on Cambodia – a country that was teetering on the edge of civil war. They stayed three months and Roland sold his first photo to AP (Associated Press) before returning to France to fulfill his military obligations.

During military service Roland kept a close eye on the turmoil in Cambodia with intent to return once his time was served. Cambodia had gotten under his skin and he had a sixth sense that things were about to explode in the country. As he had previously been lucky to sell the pictures he took of war in Cambodia he thought, with hard work and more experience, he would be able to capture the situation better and in turn make more sales.

He returned to Phnom Penh in March 1975. The city had changed since his first visit and with refugees com­ing in from the countryside the population had grown to more than two million.

Times were tough. Inflation had gone through the roof and surviving off no more than three US dollars a day meant even obtaining food became a challenge.

Roland confides in his book, The Fall of Phnom Penh, “From a purely selfish point of view I can say that the fall came as a relief to me. Inside the French Embassy compound, I didn’t have to worry anymore about food as there was simply nothing to eat. Everybody was in the same situation. All that really mattered at that time was the story.” And the story he was to cover would launch his career as a world renowned war photographer.

He woke on April 17th 1975, to witness the first batch of Khmer Rouge soldiers entering Phnom Penh. This was the first time he’d seen a Khmer Rouge soldier in the flesh. He was not sure how they would react to having their photo taken. They did not seem to mind so Roland set off on foot, unsure what the situation was, capturing images of these soldiers. He hitched a ride on one of the Khmer Rouge commandeered trucks entering Phnom Penh and rode with the soldiers down Monivong Boulevard that cuts through the centre of the city. He captured many images along the way, some in colour but most taken with black and white film. As the truck reached the other side of town more Khmer Rouge sol­diers climbed aboard. These soldiers weren’t as friendly as the first ones had been, one pointed a gun to Roland’s stomach and demanded he hand over his camera and film.

Luckily for Roland, at that very moment several shots were fired and everyone jumped for cover providing a escape route for the young photog­rapher. Not wanting to risk any more chances of loosing the film – let alone his life -he walked back to the French Embassy for safety and to at least try and find out what was going on.

The situation was uncertain and it was to stay that way for the two weeks he spent inside the Embassy. Over a thousand people were stranded inside its gates; journalists, diplomats and for­eigners and also about five hundred Cambo­dians unsure of what the future was to be for Cambodia. The final decision made by the new Khmer Rouge run government was to evacu­ate all foreigners to Thailand by truck while all Khmer citizens were made to stay.

What was to follow would be one of the worst genocides of the 20th century.

Roland spent the next four years travelling to various parts of the world including visits to the refugee camps along the Thai/Burmese border. However, gaining access to the country was near impossible until 1979 when the Khmer Rouge regime collapsed under the Vi­etnamese invasion.

In January 1981 he was invited to Phnom Penh to celebrate the two year anniversary of the Vietnamese military victory over the Khmer Rouge. It had been almost six years since he was last in the city and he was amazed at how unrecognizable it was. The population had diminished from two million down to barely a hundred thousand and the streets were almost empty. He was also shocked to discover the torture centre of S-21 and the now famous killing fields at Choe­ung Ek.

Though his career has taken him to countless places, a big part of Roland’s heart remains in Cambodia where he returns frequently to photograph. He currently has a couple of projects on the go. One is a photographic travelogue on Cambodia called Beyond Angkor. The other is a book of war stories and photography from around the world.

The Fall of Phnom Penh book is available at leading bookstores in SE Asia or can be purchases directly at www.asiahorizons.com with PayPal.

For information on purchasing prints Roland can be contacted at rolandneveu@gmail.com

Phnom Penh (Monivong Blvd) on 17 April 1975

Phnom Penh, 17 April 1975: A Khmer Rouge soldier poses for my camera in the early hours. (Photo source: unknown, Originally posted by Kenneth at Khmer's website forum)

Monivong Boulevard, 17 April 1975: In the early morning, as the last fighting rages in the Tuol Kok area, soldiers and civilians retreat towards the city center. (Photo source: unknown)

Monivong Boulevard, 17 April 1975: A family carrying all of its worldly possessions searches for a place to go as the Khmer Rouge order the population to evacuate the city. (Photo source: unknown)

Monivong, 17 April 1975: Moments later, at a street corner off Monivong, government soldiers surrender their arms under the watchful eyes of the victors. (Photo source: unknown)

Mid-morning, 17 April 1975: A column of Khmer Rouge regulars moves deeper into the city along the Monivong Boulevard in the vicinity of Chamcarmon. (Photo source: unknown)

Monivong Boulevard, 17 April 1975: Throughout the morning, a procession of sympathizers and guerrillas ride around on trucks and army personnel carriers commandeered by infiltrated Khmer Rouge. (Photo source: unknown)

CAMBODIA: The Last Days of Phnom-penh

Monday, Apr. 28, 1975
Time Magazine (USA)

Silence finally fell across Cambodia's battlefields last week after five years of fratricidal fighting that claimed as many as 1 million casualties, leveled once graceful Cambodian cities and scorched the tranquil countryside. Admitting the futility of further resistance, the remaining leaders of the Khmer Republic drove to a prearranged meeting place—Kilometer 6 on Route 5—and there surrendered to officers of the Communist-dominated Khmer Rouge insurgents. Not since Seoul was overrun by North Korean attackers nearly a quarter-century ago had a national capital fallen in combat to Communist troops.

White Flags. Although government leaders had been vowing "to fight until the last drop of blood," there was no attempt at a last-ditch stand. Instead, with the city's last defenses collapsing before the rebels' relentless pounding, the government military command ordered its troops to surrender their weapons to the insurgents. As announcements blared from loudspeakers mounted on army trucks, white flags and banners sprouted everywhere—from downtown buildings and shops, from the masts of government gunboats in the Mekong and Tonle Sap rivers, from armored personnel carriers of the government's 2nd Infantry Division.

Then the black-uniformed rebels started entering the capital, first from the north and then from the west and south. Initially, at least, there was none of the carnage that some government officials had predicted. Neither was there the stony silence that has greeted conquerors in other civil wars. The rebels were given a tumultuous welcome. Streets were crowded as the besieged city's inhabitants cheered and waved white flags or strips of white cloth. About the only shooting came from jubilant insurgents triumphantly firing into the air.

There were, to be sure, some ominous notes. When the Khmer Rouge seized the government radio station, a rebel spokesman said menacingly in a broadcast: "We did not come here to talk. The Lon Nol clique [a reference to the President, who fled about a month ago] and some of its officers should all be hanged." Fearing reprisals from the Communists, a number of government officials and military officers, plus an estimated 2,000 other Cambodians, took refuge in the Hotel Le Phnom, which the International Red Cross had declared a neutral zone.

At the Ministry of Information, meanwhile, the Khmer Rouge commander in Phnom-Penh broadcast an appeal to all "ministers and generals who have not run away" to meet with him to "help formulate measures to restore order." At week's end, although almost all communication with Phnom-Penh was closed, there were unconfirmed reports that the Khmer Rouge had beheaded some members of the former government. There was no word as to the fate of Premier Long Boret, who was said to have been arrested while attempting to escape by helicopter.

The surrender ended a bloody chapter that began in March 1970, after a bloodless coup ousted Prince Norodom Sihanouk as chief of state. The new regime, headed by General Lon Nol, almost immediately launched a campaign to drive Hanoi's troops from their base camps inside Cambodia and quash the Khmer Rouge, a ragtag band of 3,000 to 5,000 leftist guerrillas. After initial hesitations, Washington backed the new regime. The U.S. invasion of Cambodia in 1970, directed against North Vietnamese sanctuaries, was partly designed to help Lon Nol. Also helpful were $1.8 billion in aid and thousands of bombing missions flown by the U.S. until Congress banned them in August 1973.

Swelling Ranks. For the first two years of the war, highly professional North Vietnamese and Viet Cong soldiers fought beside the Khmer Rouge; as volunteers and conscripted peasants swelled their ranks, the rebels fought alone. By the time the U.S. bombing ceased, the Communists claimed 90% of Cambodia's territory and were on the outskirts of the capital. Only the stubborn and unexpected resistance of the government's poorly paid troops kept Phnom-Penh from falling in 1973 or 1974. This year, when the insurgents blockaded the Mekong River and cut off all land access to the capital, the government had to rely on a U.S. airlift for food, fuel and ammunition.

It was thus just a matter of time before the capital would fall and, as last week began, an insurgent victory was imminent. After the evacuation of the U.S. embassy (TIME, April 21), the Phnom-Penh government stood alone. "We feel completely abandoned," said Premier Long Boret, who stated at the time that he had decided to remain in Cambodia. Any hope of resupplying or defending the capital ended when the U.S. airlift halted the day the embassy closed.

Soon after the U.S. evacuation, the insurgents, as if waiting for a signal that Washington had finally, irrevocably given up on Cambodia, began what proved to be the final assault of the war. Reinforced by units brought in from the provinces and from blockade stations along the Mekong River, about 40,000 Khmer Rouge troops attacked the capital from all sides.

The road between Phnom-Penh and Pochentong Airport was severed; suburbs to the northwest of the city fell; in the south, in the southwest, on the Mekong riverbank across from the capital's east side, insurgents rolled easily over government defenders. Highly accurate U.S.-made 105-mm. howitzers, captured from government forces, were brought within range of the airport to support a punishing rebel ground assault. After a three-day-long seesaw battle, first the control tower and then the airfield fell.

As the Khmer Rouge pushed forward, setting fire to houses and refugee camps, thousands of new refugees preceded them. The endless stream, including government soldiers who had shed their uniforms and insurgents who were attempting to infiltrate Phnom-Penh, pressed toward the capital on foot, in oxcarts and by motorbike.

Ghost Town. As the battle moved closer to Phnom-Penh, military police used rifle butts in a futile attempt to control the mobs of refugees flowing into the city. After a disaffected air force pilot bombed the military command headquarters (killing seven), a 24-hour curfew was imposed for one day while police went from house to house to search for infiltrators. Hospitals were crowded to two and three times their capacity. The small French community, anticipating the imminent arrival of the insurgents, began affixing the Tricolor to their houses; Paris had already recognized the Khmer Rouge. Meanwhile, the evacuated U.S. compound looked like a ghost town, picked clean of all movable objects by the Cambodian employees and police assigned to guard it.

By midweek, Phnom-Penh radio admitted that the situation "is boiling hotter and hotter." The insurgents had moved their 105-mm. howitzers close enough to shell downtown Phnom-Penh. The army's ammunition was nearly exhausted. "The end is fast approaching," a Cambodian employee of TIME cabled. "All is about to be lost. There will be no more escape."

Belatedly, the regime sought some political alternative to complete surrender. Only hours after interim President

Saukham Khoy fled Cambodia along with the U.S. diplomats, Long Boret announced a three-month suspension of the National Assembly and the creation of a seven-man "Revolutionary Committee," headed by Armed Forces Chief of Staff Sak Suthsakham, to rule the country. The committee offered the rebels a cease-fire if they would permit national elections to determine the future government of the country. The insurgents ignored the proposal.

With the military situation rapidly deteriorating, the government dropped its demands for elections. Via the Red Cross, it sent an urgent message to Prince Sihanouk, who had been titular head of the Khmer Rouge. The government offered a complete cease-fire and full transfer of powers to the insurgents. Its only condition: no reprisals. From Peking, where he lives in exile, Sihanouk spurned the proposals. He denounced the members of the Revolutionary Committee as "traitors who deserve hanging and should try to escape while they can." He urged the government's soldiers to "lay down their arms, raise the white flag and surrender." With that, the government surrendered completely and unconditionally.

It is expected that Khieu Samphan, 43, will quickly emerge as the major figure in the new government (see box below). For most of the war, the French-educated Samphan was Deputy Premier to Sihanouk, but it was clear all along that it was he who held the power, not the exiled prince.

A soft spoken Marxist, Samphan is expected to try to transform his nation into a one-party Communist-dominated state. In fact, in those areas that have been controlled by the insurgents for some time, there have been zealous efforts to sweep away the traditional easygoing habits of old Cambodia. A highly politicized, regimented life has been stressed, peasants have been herded into communes, and the state has acquired a dominant authority over private activities.

What role awaits Sihanouk is highly uncertain. In a series of statements last week, the mercurial prince insisted that he is neither a Khmer Rouge nor a Communist but a neutralist. "I am a very independent man," he said. He may have some voice in the new regime, perhaps as its representative abroad, though he has indicated that what he would really like is to be named lifetime head of state. Whatever the role, he said, he would advocate a Cambodia that would be nonaligned, progressive and nonCommunist. That would surely bring him into conflict with Khieu Samphan, who would surprise nobody by keeping Sihanouk in a figurehead role for a decent interval and then dumping him.

Rumbling Trucks. The most urgent task confronting the new regime is, of course, administration of the country. Some 2 million refugees (from a population of only 7.6 million) must be fed and sheltered. Government troops must be demobilized and put to work. The shattered economy must be reconstructed; in particular the lush ricelands, which once yielded surpluses, must be restored to productivity. Order must be restored in the capital, swollen to three times its normal population. In a calculated effort to thin out teeming Phnom-Penh, presumably to get refugees into the countryside to plant rice in time for the rainy season and perhaps to facilitate the search for hidden government and army officials, rebel sound trucks rumbled through Phnom-Penh toward week's end, warning of immediate attack. Panicked, thousands of refugees fled the city.

One advantage enjoyed by the Khmer Rouge is its apparent popularity among the general public, possibly because of relief and gratitude that the war is finally over. That reservoir of good will could quickly dry up, however, if the new rulers launch widespread reprisals or move quickly to create a harsh, regimented state. Addressing himself to these potential pitfalls, Khmer Rouge Politburo Member Chau Seng assured a Paris press conference last week that while "there will be some trials in Phnom-Penh, we will judge in a humane way." The new regime will in turn be judged—by its own citizens and by the rest of the world—on the basis of just how humanely it does behave.

17 April 1975: 35 years later, do you still remember where you were on that fateful day? (Re-post)

Citizens at first welcomed the Khmer Rouge in Phnom Penh (Photo: Historywiz.com)

The victorious Khmer Rouge paraded through Phnom Penh (Photo: Historywiz.com)

The forced evacuation of Phnom Penh in April 1975 (Photo: Historywiz.com)

Forced march (Photo: Historywiz.com)

Forced march (Photo: Khmer Rouge Trial Web Portal)

Forced labor (Photo: Khmer Rouge Trial Web Portal)

Forced labor (Photo: Khmer Rouge Trial Web Portal)

Saturday, April 18, 2009

Remembering a shadowed April

Kruy Nop, left, and Pang Thoerm pray during an April 17 vigil at Wat Vipassanaram in Long Beach. The annual observance commemorates the Killing Fields genocide. (Carlos Delgado/For the Press Telegram)

04/17/2009

By Greg Mellen Staff Writer
Long Beach Press Telegram (California, USA)



LONG BEACH - Many years ago, April was a happy month for Chantara Nop. Now it comes with shadows.

The Cambodian New Year in the middle of the month with its spring blossoms and spirit of renewal has forever become colored by the memories of April 17, 1975, for Nop and many other Cambodians.

That was the last day Nop saw his five brothers alive. That was the day darkness came to his home with the onset of the Killing Fields genocide, that would leave millions dead in less than four years under the brutal Khmer Rouge reign.

Nop, a small, thin, unimposing man, is one of the pre-eminent poets of his country. And every April 17, he pours out his soul and his tears onto the page as he remembers.

The small, frail survivor of the atrocities of 34 years ago recited one of his newest poems, titled simply "April 17, 2009," to a gathering of fellow Khmer Rouge victims and younger Cambodian-Americans on Friday night.

The event, in its fifth year, is an annual occurrence started by the Killing Fields Memorial Center to commemorate the dead, remember the past and teach the young about the darkness that enveloped Cambodia.

At Wat Vipassanaram, where Friday's event was held, monks prayed for the dead, with the venerable Kruy Nop, no relation to Chantara, reciting the requiem.

Kruy Nop, who recently returned to the temple, said the memorial prayers are important.

"This is a problem we all share," Kruy Nop said of survivors, including himself. "It's something we have to do because a lot of people died in this regime."

By praying and doing good deeds, Kruy Nop said the living can send good wishes to the lost souls of family members and other victims.

In addition to the prayers, there were testimonials by victims and a candlelight vigil.

While the memorial was held, the United Cambodian Community was staging its first commemorative day with a dinner, prayers and talks.

Sara Pol-Lim, executive director of UCC, also invited a number of members of the Jewish community to her event to highlight their shared histories with holocausts.

This week also marks Yom HaShoah, when Jews remember the Nazi holocaust.

Deborah Goldfarb, executive director of the Jewish Federation in Long Beach, said it is important for communities that have experienced genocide to have dialogue, "so we can learn from each other and heal together."

For Chantara Nop, who has written more than 4,000 poems and has been published and translated worldwide, the process of "throwing my feelings onto paper" as he calls it, is not without cost.

"Most of the time in April I'm sad," Chantara Nop says. "It used to be fun - the New Year, spring. Now it's really mixed."

In his newest poem, Nop writes about April 17 being written into his heart and the hearts of all Cambodians and about "the darkness, the devilish darkness" it brings.

In the poem he remembers how Pol Pot, the leader of the Khmer Rouge, killed people with any implement he could find. Nop remembers the screams of his people at dusk when the killings occurred, of mountains of bones and not being allowed to cry, of becoming a human ox who had to carry a cart around town and of an all-encompassing hunger.

The tale is all the more harrowing because it is true. Chantara Nop says it is vital that young people understand what their forbears endured and to never forget.

Rabbi John Borak of Amud Ha-Schachar looked to the future when he spoke at the UCC event.

"What matters most is what we do with our freedom," Borak said, adding that it is important not to live in the past or let it dictate a course. "Once we are free of tyranny, who do we become?"

greg.mellen@presstelegram.com, 562-499-1291

April 17 Memorial for the victims of the KR regime in Choeung Ek

Cambodian Buddhist monks sit at Choeung Ek memorial complex on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Friday, April 17, 2009, during a ceremony marking the 34th anniversary of the start of the Khmer Rouge regime. Hundreds of Cambodians joined the ceremony, bringing foods for monks, to dedicate to those who died during the Khmer Rouge's 1975-1979 regime, Kampuchea Democratic. On Monday, April 20, Kaing Guek Eav, also known as 'Duch,' will go on trial for crimes against humanity. 'Duch' was a commander of the Toul Sleng prison under the Khmer Rouge where thousands were tortured and killed. (AP Photo/Heng Sinith)
Cambodian Chan Kim Soung, 63, weeps as she talks about her history during the Khmer Rouge time at Choeung Ek memorial complex on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Friday, April 17, 2009, in a ceremony marking the 34th anniversary of the start of the Khmer Rouge regime. Hundreds of Cambodians joined the ceremony, bringing foods for monks to dedicate to those who died during the Khmer Rouge 1975-1979 regime, Kampuchea Democratic. On Monday, April 20, Kaing Guek Eav, also known as 'Duch,' will go on trial for crimes against humanity. 'Duch' was a commander of the Toul Sleng prison under the Khmer Rouge where thousands were tortured and killed. (AP Photo/Heng Sinith)
A Cambodian woman prays Buddhist monks at Choeung Ek memorial complex on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Friday, April 17, 2009, in a ceremony marking the 34th anniversary of the start of the Khmer Rouge regime. Hundreds of Cambodians joined the ceremony, bringing foods for monks, to dedicate to those who died during the Khmer Rouge's 1975-1979 regime, Kampuchea Democratic. On Monday, April 20, Kaing Guek Eav, also known as 'Duch,' will go on trial for crimes against humanity. 'Duch' was a commander of the Toul Sleng prison under the Khmer Rouge where thousands were tortured and killed. (AP Photo/Heng Sinith)
A Cambodian man and a boy walk in front of human skulls that are displayed in a stupa of Choeung Ek memorial on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Friday, April 17, 2009. April 17 marks the 34th anniversary that the Khmer Rouge defeated the Cambodian government in 1975. On Monday, April 20, Kaing Guek Eav, also known as 'Duch,' will go on trial for crimes against humanity. 'Duch' was a commander of the Toul Sleng prison under the Khmer Rouge where thousands were tortured and killed. (AP Photo/Heng Sinith)
A Cambodian Buddhist nun, left, reads a sign for a grave at Choeung Ek memorial on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Friday, April 17, 2009. April 17 marks the 34th anniversary that the Khmer Rouge defeated the Cambodian government in 1975. On Monday, April 20, Kaing Guek Eav, also known as 'Duch,' will go on trial for crimes against humanity. 'Duch' was a commander of the Toul Sleng prison under the Khmer Rouge where thousands were tortured and killed. (AP Photo/Heng Sinith)
Cambodian Buddhist nuns contribute their donations in front of the human skulls that are displayed in a stupa of Choeung Ek memorial on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Friday, April 17, 2009. April 17 marks the 34th anniversary that the Khmer Rouge defeated the Cambodian government in 1975. On Monday, April 20, Kaing Guek Eav, also known as 'Duch,' will go on trial for crimes against humanity. 'Duch' was a commander of the Toul Sleng prison under the Khmer Rouge where thousands were tortured and killed. (AP Photo/Heng Sinith)
Cambodian Buddhist monks walk through the former Khmer Rouge victim graves with a stupa in the background, are loaded hundreds of the human skulls of Choeung Ek memorial in outskirt of Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Friday, April 17, 2009. On Monday, April 20, Kaing Guek Eav, also known as 'Duch' will go on trial for crimes against humanity. 'Duch' was commander of the Toul Sleng prison under the Khmer Rouge where thousands were tortured and killed. (AP Photo/Heng Sinith)

Friday, April 17, 2009

Sacrava's Political Cartoon: April 17, 1975 ... and Champagne

Click on the cartoon to zoom in

Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com)

PARIS MATCH
Issue # 1353 (May 3, 1975)

On the eve of the fall of Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975, Sihanouk who took refuge in Beijing since he was deposed by the Cambodian National Assembly and the Council of the Kingdom on March 18, 1970, gave a reception to Mr. Alain Peyrefitte, the former minister of General de Gaulle. Their talk was published in the French magazine “Paris Match”, No. 1353, dated May 3, 1975. A large excerpt of this talk is provided below:

“On September 1st, 1966, in Phnom Penh , the capital of a free and peaceful Cambodia , General de Gaulle publicly condemned (he did it confidentially since 1960 without anybody in the world ever heard about it) the US military intervention in Vietnam . He countered this US policy, which he claimed to be doomed with catastrophe, with the exemplary policy of neutrality maintained since 1954 by the young head of state who welcomed him: Prince Norodom Sihanouk.

The US underestimated Norodom Sihanouk’s personality. After chasing him out, he was thrown into the hands of the Khmer Rouge who, up to then, fought against him. When things turn sour, the US tried to separate Norodom Sihanouk from the Khmer Rouge. It was a lost cause! The US have hooked him up with the Khmer Rouge “in life as well as in death (i.e. for eternity)”, as he said it in his own words. I met the prince in Beijing where he took refuge after the coup d’état perpetrated against him while he was in Moscow.

Since 1971, the Chinese had magnificently installed him in the former French Embassy. He turned this sumptuous palace into the center of Cambodian resistance. He warmly received me, accompanied by Maurice Papon and Albert Marcenet. During two hours, he tiredlessly showed us, with his expressive mimics, his outburst of voice, his picturesque verbal inventions, that nothing would cut into his determination.

“I am General de Gaulle,” he declared to me, “the General de Gaulle in London .” The contrast between this chubby small man and the memory of the thin giant brought smiles to our faces.

“But of course,” he explained to us sharply, “like him, I have only one goal: to free my country, only one mean: to make war, to coordinate the resistance, to revive the courage by talking to the heart of my people. At the beginning, de Gaulle also was alone, nobody believed in him. Little by little, they joined him from all over the places. The Chinese welcome me just like the British welcomed him; I am their guest, I am not their man, no more than he was the host of the British.”

- The Khmer Rouge are communists, I noted.

- That’s true; but they have to go through me because I embody the legitimacy. They need me, and I know that Cambodia needs them. I will tell the Cambodian people and they will believe me.

- Are you becoming communist, Your Highness?

- No, I don’t think so, in our Southeast Asia , communism has its good sides. You can see what is happening in China . Furthermore, there is no choice. After what the Americans did, I have only one choice, that one.

- Fidel Castro in Havana, told me more or less the same thing: “I was never a Marxist-Leninist, but the US embargo took away from me all other possibilities except this one.”

Norodom Sihanouk invited us to pick up the ivory chopsticks to eat fried shrimps. Suddenly pensive, he started again: “After the victory, I will stay only maybe six months. It is not important. I will accomplish my duty. I will have led the resistance. I will have liberated my homeland. I will be able to leave. De Gaulle did not remain either. If the Khmer Rouge think they no longer need me when the enemy will be chased out, and the country pacified, I will not hold on. I will then ask France to welcome me in the Midi for the rest of my days.”

He took his breath for a short while before continuing with rage, and this time, his rage had a self-criticism tone to it: “There was too much corruption. There has always been, but with the Americans, now, the corruption has triumphed, it has spread all over. They symbolize the corruption. Everybody think only about money. From the top to the bottom, it is embezzlement of public funds, breach of trust, corruption, servitude. They sell their souls for dollars. But every cloud has a silver lining. We were already corrupt and we did not know it. Now, we know and we find the strength to cleanse ourselves. The Americans create the hate of corruption because everything they symbolized is hated.”

His chopsticks quickly dropped in my plate some pieces of roast duck: “ Phnom Penh ,” he continued, “wallowed itself up in collaboration. It is an infected wound on the innocent face of Cambodia . Queen-Mother who abandoned me when I had my back turned, I will humiliate her. The middle-class of Phnom Penh who had betrayed their leader and their homeland, I will humiliate them; to punish them, I will not enter the capital with the troop, I will have them chased out first. I do not want to re-establish there after the Liberation. Instead, I will have a wooden hut built for me in the forest of Angkor , and it will be there that people will come to visit me. Phnom Penh is Vichy . Lon Nol is Laval . I will have him shot, of course. But, since he is Khmer, and that all Khmer people are my children, I will have him shot with tenderness.”

We have to recognize that the prophecy is realized in large part. Lon Nol escaped the firing squad but not his brother, it was said: Phnom Penh will be indeed humiliated, emptied of its inhabitants. And Sihanouk will put his legitimacy and his asset to the service of communism, maybe without too much illusions on the duration and the nature of his role.

He told me, with his flair for paradox which only serves to dress up his inner thoughts: “I do not hold a grudge against the Americans. They would have been the agents of the Providence . They will allow Cambodia to redeem itself. But I hold a grudge against France . Do you recall: de Gaulle held a grudge against the Americans for maintaining an embassy in Vichy? How can you maintain an embassy with the Phnom Penh puppets, and none with me?” I noted to the prince that we do not recognize regimes, but countries. The presence of an embassy in Phnom Penh simply meant that it is taking care on the spot of our citizens and our interests. “It’s the same,” he insisted, “I will see if France will have a friendly gesture towards me.”

Wednesday, April 15, 2009

17 Mesa Snaeha Nireas - "Love lost on 17 April": A Poem in Khmer by KC

Click on the poem in Khmer to zoom in
Drawing by Ung Bun-Heang (Sacrava)

The author would like to dedicate this poem to all Youths from the Khmer Republic regime who lost their loved ones following the 18 March 1970 event and under the Khmer Rouge regime. The author would also like to dedicate this poem to his comrade-in-arms from battalion 74 who fought in Trav, along National Road No. 2: Brothers Danh Ratana, Thach Serey, Than, Pech, Lay, as well as his friends in the Cambodian Navy: Lorn, Kha, Song, Nak, Soy, Oeun, Vantha, Ussara... If there is indeed a next life, may we become friends again!

California, USA
April 2009
KC