Showing posts with label Opinion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Opinion. Show all posts
Saturday, July 23, 2011
Thursday, June 02, 2011
Anonymous accusation received by KI-Media
Dear Readers,
Thank you,
KI-Media team
Today, an anonymous reader sent us the poster below and asked us to post it on KI-Media. Because of the accusations leveled against Mr. Sourn Serey Ratha, we have asked him to provide a rebuttal to this poster. While Mr. Sourn provided a reply to our request, we felt that his answers contained personal information that we think it would be best for him to edit them out himself. However, based on Mr. Suon’s input, we also decided to hide the photo of innocent bystanders shown on the poster. We will post Mr. Sourn’s final reply as soon as we receive it.
At the same time, we would like to solicit input from our readers on how we should handle such information in the future. Should we ignore them? Should we post them? Please let us know.
Thank you,
KI-Media team
Labels:
Opinion,
Sourn Serey Ratha
Sunday, October 17, 2010
Language Use
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Theary Seng, in another Banana Republic, not too far from this one: the Monkey Forest of Ubud, Bali, 15 Oct. 2010 |
Opinion by Theary C. Seng
I have been a reader of KI Media from the very beginning but only religiously within the last couple of years and would like to send a belated public congratulations on its 5th anniversary and its 10 Million visitor milestone. I am pleased to be mentioned as an “inspiration” for its inception, especially when I have such a high regard for KI Media for its value and contribution to democracy in Cambodia.
Recently, I have been delighted with the postings of Khmer Democrat. Where have you been the last 5 years?! Personally, I may not adopt some of the manner of speech but my appreciation extends beyond my own sensibility to the values these postings have for democracy and freedom of expression in Cambodia.
First, I like the edgy, irreverent, sly subversive, intelligent tone. KI Media commentaries, specifically those of Khmer Democrat and Sacrava, are different from the often vulgar comments in the free for all section where, due to a lack of imaginative shaping, these personal, racial, sexist attacks usually remained at the level of invective.
Second and related, KI Media runs counter to the political correctness of this CPP fear-infested culture still functioning with a Stalinist orthodoxy. The voice (of KI Media generally, Heng Soy, Khmer Democrat and Sacrava specifically) rings with irony and disapproval rather than the cultural deference and feigned public reverence. Their voices pierce through the public façade of hypocrisy and entrenched fears and provide private release for the high-strung population under the stress of poverty, corruption, domestic violence and other ills. They are not afraid to give offense on behalf of the oppressed, the ill-used, the victims of a kangaroo court/political machinery run amok etc.
Third, these voices provoke us to think more expansively about politics as they relate to cultures, traditions, class, upbringing, education-level, background and experiences, religion etc. Theirs is a voice of educated communication, with pungency, wit and flair. In a society and under a leadership trained on thought-control, KI Media is refreshing in breaking the taboos – mildly or with pointed sharpness, depending on the topics to be addressed.
We live in a society where we have lost all sense of proportions: when a boy steals a piece of bread, he is sent to jail; when a man kills 2 million of his fellow Cambodians, he is invited to Paris for a peace agreement. We are overwhelmed by the magnitude and constant myriad abuses and violent crimes. So, we focus disproportionately on the pettiness, as the pettiness is within our realm of reaction and it makes it seem that we are doing something about a pet moral issue offending us.
For example, the word “ass” is not a nice word but it’s not on the same level of the f- word. Moreover, it’s a clever play on word; in English a donkey is also called an ass. This manner of speaking may not be within my sensibility, but this is qualitatively different than the meaningless vulgarity on display in the free for all comment section as well as the earthy vulgarity heard and seen on the streets of Phnom Penh. More generally speaking, KI Media explicitly dissuades vulgarity and itself does not engage in it. The once-in-awhile off-the-beat usage of “Ass”, “Shit”, “Idiots” is comic relief, public release and I appreciated it for its “punchy-ness” to address a serious problem. An “aw shucks” is not appropriate when a “SHIT!!!!!” is called for. (It may surprise you that this is coming from a person who can’t swear, in any language, for the life of hers.)
For me, KI Media (mainly Heng Soy, Khmer Democrat and Sacrava) give expression to the collective frustrations and they provide comic relief and public release – an attempt at a proportionate response via wit and humor to the violence and abuse in society.
In this regard, KI Media follows in the footsteps of The Onion, "Le Canard Enchainé" and Nokor Thom of Soth Polin of another era. More power to you, KI Media, for your contribution to democracy and free expression in this often time humor-less society devoid of wit and intelligence.
Wishing you another 10 (thousand) years of political offense and taboo-breaking on behalf of the oppressed and voiceless of Cambodia, the majority.
Theary C. Seng
. . . . .
P.s. Below are some random and not-so-random comments of searches I made on language and humor.
Other cognitive psychology and cognitive linguistics works indicate that word-choice has significant “framing effects” on the perceptions, memories, and attitudes of speakers and listeners
Obscenity is a matter of subject; vulgarity is a matter of tone. Although obscenity might be a vehicle for brilliantly perceptive expression, when it is not used as a device in educated communication, it will descend to vulgarity.
Sarcasm should not be like a saw, but a sword; it should cut, and not mangle —Lord Francis Jeffrey
caustic remark, irony, sarcasm, satire - witty language used to convey insults or scorn; "he used sarcasm to upset his opponent"; "irony is wasted on the stupid"; "Satire is a sort of glass, wherein beholders do generally discover everybody's face but their own"--Jonathan Swift
Buffoonish - a tendency toward coarse joking.
Facetiae - coarsely witty stories or books. — facetious
Ribaldry - coarse, vulgar, or obscene language or joking. — ribald
Blendword: Have you ever tried combining two words to make a completely innovative and funny word? Blendword comedy is nothing but the creation of funny words by blending two or three words.
Burlesque: This is a form of satire, since Burlesque comedy involves ridiculing any basic style of speech or even writing. Burlesque is theatrical entertainment of broad and parodic humor, which usually involves comic skits. It is said to have originated from the Italian Commedia dell'arte.
Caricature: Caricature involves exaggerated portrayal of a person’s mental, physical, or personality traits in wisecrack form. Caricatures can be insulting, complimentary, political or can be drawn solely for entertainment too.
Parody: Parody is defined as a work created to mock, comment on, or poke fun at an original work, its subject, or author, by means of humorous or satiric imitation. Parody is nothing but a composition that imitates or misrepresents somebody's style, in a humorous way.
Satire: Satire is defined as a sort of glass, wherein beholders do generally discover everybody's face but their own. Satire is a branch of comedy, which makes use of witty language to convey insults or scorn. In satire, human or individual vices, follies, abuses, or shortcomings are held up to reprimand by means of ridicule, burlesque, derision, irony, or other methods. Although satire is usually meant to be funny, the purpose of satire is not primarily humor, but an attack on something or some subject the author strongly disapproves of.
Labels:
KI-Media content,
Opinion,
Sacrava,
Theary Seng
Tuesday, September 28, 2010
Democracy in Cambodia is in a Coma
Tuesday, September 28, 2010
Opinion by Pretty Ma
Opinion by Pretty Ma
Recent political verdict issued by the Prime Minister's court was seen as Mr. Hun Sen's determination, or Hanoi's to say the least, to completely ban Mr. Sam Rainsy from Cambodian political arena given that the case is border encroachment from the East. This highly political judgment came to no one's surprise, especially to the Cambodian public in general. However, it has probably placed the world, especially donors' countries in an awkward position. It is quite a moral dilemma since it calls into question the validity, sincerity and the ability of the large donors to convince their good-hearted citizens that Cambodian democracy no longer qualifies. As likely the case of Mr. Sam Rainsy, Cambodian democracy is in a coma, regardless of whichever way one looks at it. All the major institutions has molded into a one party based operation. The government of Cambodia is operating on this single line of policy, one party service only and it serves only those party members who towed the party's line while punishing another portion of population who believe in running the country otherwise. Pluralistic form of democracy is no longer valid in this case.
Should this kind of political menace and scenario is allowed to fly, then Mr. Hun Sen can pick and choose, boot any opposition leaders, today or tomorrow, at his own chosing. He can frame any argument through his party's cleverly designed defamation law, use his courts, accusing and convicting anyone he sees as a real challenge to his power or structure, knowing that he can get away with it through little or no consequence or reactions which he might consider to be a silent support from the world community and donors. It would not be the first assumption and I am sure it's not the last.
As long as the world continue to channel my tax dollars and yours, including the generosity of their citizen's hard earned money to this regime with very little conditions or serious guidelines attached, or definite demand of concrete results, then maybe we can say that this is the best "HELL" the world has probably concluded, from my own perception, in the best interests of the Khmer people and nation for regional economic and political reason – it should be understood that stability is the magic word they want you to hear. Getting goods across the land from place to place at a faster pace, corporate profits and individual interests are more important than protecting human rights, enforcing Cambodian democracy, ensuring independence of the 3 major state institutions, enforcing a clear system of check-and-balance, giving official opposition a decent fighting chance, a real operating budget, getting a term limit for Prime Minister office so on and so forth which will lead to long term stability, and solid democratic foundation. It is quite insulting when they have to ask their people and the rest of the civilized world that this is the best they can do with Billions of dollars, 30 years or so after the Killing Fields.
Cambodia can only afford a one man's ruling while human rights and democracy has to take the back seat in the eyes and wisdom of our so-called mother or father of democracies. It is just tearing me apart since I was blessed to enjoy my real freedom here in America. I am so sad for all the chances we have had in not only ensuring our territorial integrity and getting our nation free from foreign invaders, we now moving back even much deeper and deeper into the old Vietnamese colonial trap. The world could not care less, since, now, it is not in military uniform. It all comes down to economic and economic: highways will bring all sorts of goods across the borders, and it will end up with the haves and have-nots fighting for survival like beasts. The majority of Khmers are poor, farmers, uneducated, unsophisticated, easy to fool, and they are such an easy prey to all sorts of predators. You know what I am saying. It's legal now, and it will all be legal, but by then what do you have left to sell? I know for sure that those tall buildings and hotels are not mine and not my people, those rubber plantations and the like are for export, and they are not mine or yours. There are farming land concessions now and even more on the horizon that will produce rice or other products to support people in other country. It’s all for export, not for the needy inside Cambodia, so this means that more people will probably end up begging on the street. For those who have lost their farming lands, I can't even imagine what their lives – be they young, old or babies – are going to be like? It's so hard to see a mother or a grandmother raise her hands begging for a little generosity and compassion. You look at them and you can just pass by without giving a bit while inside you, you feel so guilty that you couldn't give enough. And if you pass one without giving, all she has to say: "How could you be so uncompassionate, my child". It hurts like hell. That experience stuck with me until today, and this is why I chose to be the minority against the new social norm that Cambodia is flaunting today. I guess maybe I have been away far too long, and I have remained too Cambodian in my own conservative way, that I seem to find so many flaws in the new Cambodia - a country that has become so morally and materially corrupted than anything I had ever experienced from my memory days as a child back in the mid-60s till I left in 1981.
Opportunities to strengthen Cambodian democracy has been lost over the years as each donor countries was thinking more or less of their own country's interest while turning a blind eye on the derailing process of democracy that is taking shape in Cambodia. With so much money to give away, something the Cambodian government can't do without, the donor countries could have forced the system to open up. When you get a loan from a mortgage institution, you will have to meet certain criteria and payment terms. What is there difference for Cambodia? Short term gain and long term pain for the Khmer people? The world has overlooked all credible gathering evidence and pleas from human rights groups, and seem as always readily willing to accept one lie on reform after the other, or lie of this and of that while refusing to politely tell the human right violators that talk is cheap, but show us the real results, and we'll take it from there. At times, I questioned if the world is ever serious about democracy in Cambodia. I know that some of our friends, especially those next door to us, don't want anything to do with that because it can cause a stir in their own communist world. No, freedom will ring in Cambodia.
Our constitution was built out of sand, with so many loopholes and misguided interpretation. It has led to all sorts of political misuse, manipulation and, more often than not, it no longer corresponds to the original intent and spirit of the 1991 Paris Peace Accord. As a student of American Government Politics, I have always preferred the American system of check-and-balance because I knew this kind of parliamentary abuse will likely occur, and we have seen that manifested right in front of our very eyes the abuse of elected member of parliaments at the direction of the Prime Minister office, not once, not twice, too many times to even count.
The Cambodian People Party was build on such a systemic network of patronage, a party founded on the practice of reward and punishment. As a party member, one has to tow the party line, the party leader or he/she'll pay a hefty price. Way back, a judge was removed to a remote town from Phnom Penh, for ruling against the government's interest. This was done just to intimidate other judges and justices to be careful of issuing their next verdict in any cases that don't go the government's way. The government and the ruling party in Cambodia today has operated on an ideology from the past, i.e. for party members, you can join the party but you can't leave, in another word, this communist party would rather take a prostitute to be its bride, but will not allow its wife to become a prostitute. Good luck to all of those who have politically prostituted themselves to be a part of their new found quick-to-rich scheme, the party of their future. Ironically, some of them should have not left Cambodia from the day of Vietnam’s invasion. It just makes no sense and, I am sorry to say, you would have been much better off by joining that preferred party of yours from the start. Who know? You would probably be challenging your PM for his personal seat. This is where Vietnam knows Khmers best. There are always those who would prostitute themselves to any level to get ahead in their material world. Can't do it on their own, but need to go through the process of corruption, of looting one’s own nation on the back of vulnerable Khmers, the poor, the old, and the have-nots who subsist in large number across the country. Look at the face of those beggars and who do you see: your mothers, yours grandmothers, your fathers and they are all Khmers. This is why it is really so painful to see, especially for us, human.
Khmer people must learn from their past, learn to cast their vote strategically and wisely. They need to focus on having a balanced approach to good governance. As I write in my previous post, in our time – such as this one – when we need to ensure our territorial integrity, to account for national revenue and spending, to protect people's lands and interests and the likes, a counter political force is the way to go - a minority government that allow the system to work best in responding to your concerns. People need to start moving away from any form of dictatorship since no man can last forever and history has taught us a good lesson of that. At the end of the day, it's not so much about a leader whom we like or dislike, it is not about Mr. Hun Sen or Mr. Sam Rainsy, but about a country that is truly democratic and a peaceful, respectable elected process. More importantly is a peaceful change of leadership through that revolving door of the PM Office. It should start – a process that is long overdue - with a 2-term limit for the premiership position; a creation of the Office of the Independent Prosecutors Council; an overhaul to the judicial system, and a proper level of operating budget for political Oppositions as legal participants of the process.
Should this kind of political menace and scenario is allowed to fly, then Mr. Hun Sen can pick and choose, boot any opposition leaders, today or tomorrow, at his own chosing. He can frame any argument through his party's cleverly designed defamation law, use his courts, accusing and convicting anyone he sees as a real challenge to his power or structure, knowing that he can get away with it through little or no consequence or reactions which he might consider to be a silent support from the world community and donors. It would not be the first assumption and I am sure it's not the last.
As long as the world continue to channel my tax dollars and yours, including the generosity of their citizen's hard earned money to this regime with very little conditions or serious guidelines attached, or definite demand of concrete results, then maybe we can say that this is the best "HELL" the world has probably concluded, from my own perception, in the best interests of the Khmer people and nation for regional economic and political reason – it should be understood that stability is the magic word they want you to hear. Getting goods across the land from place to place at a faster pace, corporate profits and individual interests are more important than protecting human rights, enforcing Cambodian democracy, ensuring independence of the 3 major state institutions, enforcing a clear system of check-and-balance, giving official opposition a decent fighting chance, a real operating budget, getting a term limit for Prime Minister office so on and so forth which will lead to long term stability, and solid democratic foundation. It is quite insulting when they have to ask their people and the rest of the civilized world that this is the best they can do with Billions of dollars, 30 years or so after the Killing Fields.
Cambodia can only afford a one man's ruling while human rights and democracy has to take the back seat in the eyes and wisdom of our so-called mother or father of democracies. It is just tearing me apart since I was blessed to enjoy my real freedom here in America. I am so sad for all the chances we have had in not only ensuring our territorial integrity and getting our nation free from foreign invaders, we now moving back even much deeper and deeper into the old Vietnamese colonial trap. The world could not care less, since, now, it is not in military uniform. It all comes down to economic and economic: highways will bring all sorts of goods across the borders, and it will end up with the haves and have-nots fighting for survival like beasts. The majority of Khmers are poor, farmers, uneducated, unsophisticated, easy to fool, and they are such an easy prey to all sorts of predators. You know what I am saying. It's legal now, and it will all be legal, but by then what do you have left to sell? I know for sure that those tall buildings and hotels are not mine and not my people, those rubber plantations and the like are for export, and they are not mine or yours. There are farming land concessions now and even more on the horizon that will produce rice or other products to support people in other country. It’s all for export, not for the needy inside Cambodia, so this means that more people will probably end up begging on the street. For those who have lost their farming lands, I can't even imagine what their lives – be they young, old or babies – are going to be like? It's so hard to see a mother or a grandmother raise her hands begging for a little generosity and compassion. You look at them and you can just pass by without giving a bit while inside you, you feel so guilty that you couldn't give enough. And if you pass one without giving, all she has to say: "How could you be so uncompassionate, my child". It hurts like hell. That experience stuck with me until today, and this is why I chose to be the minority against the new social norm that Cambodia is flaunting today. I guess maybe I have been away far too long, and I have remained too Cambodian in my own conservative way, that I seem to find so many flaws in the new Cambodia - a country that has become so morally and materially corrupted than anything I had ever experienced from my memory days as a child back in the mid-60s till I left in 1981.
Opportunities to strengthen Cambodian democracy has been lost over the years as each donor countries was thinking more or less of their own country's interest while turning a blind eye on the derailing process of democracy that is taking shape in Cambodia. With so much money to give away, something the Cambodian government can't do without, the donor countries could have forced the system to open up. When you get a loan from a mortgage institution, you will have to meet certain criteria and payment terms. What is there difference for Cambodia? Short term gain and long term pain for the Khmer people? The world has overlooked all credible gathering evidence and pleas from human rights groups, and seem as always readily willing to accept one lie on reform after the other, or lie of this and of that while refusing to politely tell the human right violators that talk is cheap, but show us the real results, and we'll take it from there. At times, I questioned if the world is ever serious about democracy in Cambodia. I know that some of our friends, especially those next door to us, don't want anything to do with that because it can cause a stir in their own communist world. No, freedom will ring in Cambodia.
Our constitution was built out of sand, with so many loopholes and misguided interpretation. It has led to all sorts of political misuse, manipulation and, more often than not, it no longer corresponds to the original intent and spirit of the 1991 Paris Peace Accord. As a student of American Government Politics, I have always preferred the American system of check-and-balance because I knew this kind of parliamentary abuse will likely occur, and we have seen that manifested right in front of our very eyes the abuse of elected member of parliaments at the direction of the Prime Minister office, not once, not twice, too many times to even count.
The Cambodian People Party was build on such a systemic network of patronage, a party founded on the practice of reward and punishment. As a party member, one has to tow the party line, the party leader or he/she'll pay a hefty price. Way back, a judge was removed to a remote town from Phnom Penh, for ruling against the government's interest. This was done just to intimidate other judges and justices to be careful of issuing their next verdict in any cases that don't go the government's way. The government and the ruling party in Cambodia today has operated on an ideology from the past, i.e. for party members, you can join the party but you can't leave, in another word, this communist party would rather take a prostitute to be its bride, but will not allow its wife to become a prostitute. Good luck to all of those who have politically prostituted themselves to be a part of their new found quick-to-rich scheme, the party of their future. Ironically, some of them should have not left Cambodia from the day of Vietnam’s invasion. It just makes no sense and, I am sorry to say, you would have been much better off by joining that preferred party of yours from the start. Who know? You would probably be challenging your PM for his personal seat. This is where Vietnam knows Khmers best. There are always those who would prostitute themselves to any level to get ahead in their material world. Can't do it on their own, but need to go through the process of corruption, of looting one’s own nation on the back of vulnerable Khmers, the poor, the old, and the have-nots who subsist in large number across the country. Look at the face of those beggars and who do you see: your mothers, yours grandmothers, your fathers and they are all Khmers. This is why it is really so painful to see, especially for us, human.
Khmer people must learn from their past, learn to cast their vote strategically and wisely. They need to focus on having a balanced approach to good governance. As I write in my previous post, in our time – such as this one – when we need to ensure our territorial integrity, to account for national revenue and spending, to protect people's lands and interests and the likes, a counter political force is the way to go - a minority government that allow the system to work best in responding to your concerns. People need to start moving away from any form of dictatorship since no man can last forever and history has taught us a good lesson of that. At the end of the day, it's not so much about a leader whom we like or dislike, it is not about Mr. Hun Sen or Mr. Sam Rainsy, but about a country that is truly democratic and a peaceful, respectable elected process. More importantly is a peaceful change of leadership through that revolving door of the PM Office. It should start – a process that is long overdue - with a 2-term limit for the premiership position; a creation of the Office of the Independent Prosecutors Council; an overhaul to the judicial system, and a proper level of operating budget for political Oppositions as legal participants of the process.
Sunday, April 04, 2010
International Aid and Authoritarian Rule
Sunday, April 04, 2010
Opinion by MP
Opinion by MP
Good food for thought by Khmerisation on US and Chinese influence in Cambodia.
Having recently mentioned on this blog that China is a permanent fixture in SE Asia and that the real challenge lies with Cambodia to adapt foreign influences to her requirements and conditions, may I now add a few more points.
1. The US unlike China is a mature, established democracy, and Khmerisation is right to stress the positive role the Americans could bring to the ‘democratic process’ in Cambodia which is still in its nascent stage, hanging perilously by a threat.
On the other hand, being a global power and a democracy are not necessarily the same thing. The US government has what we term public opinion to adhere to, especially, in areas of foreign policy and intervention. The State Department is ultimately answerable to the American electorate who can exert moral or political influence on the direction and limits of American agenda abroad. One of the most important lessons the US State Department has drawn from foreign ventures since the Cold War years is that the US cannot become militarily embroiled in another region or country for long without drawing public outcry or backlash at home. The Vietminh cleverly exploited this weakness of US involvement in Indochina in the sixties and the seventies by launching suicidal offensives against US bases forcing the latter to increase their firepower that in turn resulted in greater losses of American and civilian lives. Because Hanoi had no public opinion to live by and its own collateral losses were not disclosed to world media, there was no obligation on its part to play by the same rules. This was also a dimension of the Vietminh’s triumph over the French at Dien Bien Phu which forced the settlement at Geneva in 1954.
Likewise, the withdrawal of American military involvement in Cambodia and South Vietnam in April 1975 was not so much an abrupt u-turn in US foreign policy or deliberate betrayal of trust of friends and allies (South Vietnam and Cambodia), but more the culmination of the realisation that the US government and, in that sense, the American people, had reached the threshold of their resolve, and exhausted their overstretched responsibility and commitment over Indochina. After all, the war was a huge strain on American economy costing billions of dollars in public revenue and thousands of young American lives.
With this background in mind it would be sensible not to read too much into this latest gesture of US displeasure over Cambodia’s expulsion of Uyghur refugees. In any case, one feels that the US has been far too accommodating towards Phnom Penh in areas of human and civil rights since the early 1990s; the brutal grenade attack in March 1997, the bloody coup against a democratically elected government in the same year and a range of gross excesses that continue to violate ordinary Cambodians’ rights as humans no less blatantly than the much better publicised repatriation of the 12 Uyghurs.
This US forbearance may be partly in line with that pragmatism in foreign policy that has seen successive US administration going to bed with strange bedfellows: he may be a SOB, but he is our SOB! By eschewing direct confrontation with Phnom Penh, the US has also adopted an essentially advisory role in its dealing with that regime, and whether this tactic is conducive to long term mutual benefit remains to be seen. In the mean while, what is clear is that this lenient approach has only served to encourage authoritarianism and foster Cambodian people’s sense of isolation and powerlessness in relations to oppression and tyranny which is not what Americans or any people really desire.
2. It should be beyond dispute that all forms of foreign aid come with strings attached. The impact that such assistance has upon a developing nation like Cambodia depends on 2 essential criteria: a) the motives of the donors and b) those of the recipients themselves. The Japanese or South Koreans may want to involve themselves more on improving infrastructure such as roads and highways knowing improved road links and mobility will lead to greater demand for their mass produced motorised vehicles and facilitate their transportation and extraction of raw materials from the recipient country or region.
The Chinese, on the other hand, with no moral conditions attached to their aid package, are potentially the most exploitative and predatory of donors. Like the Vietminh in the sixties and the seventies, China could take on all of her European and North American rivals as well as Pacific Rim powers like Japan and S. Korea in an economic battle and prevail. As Khmerisation rightly pointed out, the immediate injection of Chinese cash and capital could be just short-lived sugar coated bait that might leave lasting bitter taste in the mouth and stomach. No conditions attached means no questions asked either way: the donor/investor undertakes not to meddle in irrelevant issues like human rights and wrongs, while the recipient grants wholesale concessions to the donor and the freedom to make speedy returns on their investment without being distracted by undue environmental, human rights concerns or verifications.
If we look at those countries that have positively absorbed or assimilated US influence starting with Japan and S. Korea in the wake of the Second World War and the Korean War respectively, they had consciously opted to embrace more than US dollars and economic investment. Rather, with the realisation that foreign influence could come and go, these countries had to take measures to modernise and erect social public institutions as foundations and platforms for their continued social growth and advancement. With sound institutions, every penny earned by the state through public taxation system or external loans and other forms of financial aid is poured straight into state coffer. The government’s main priority will then be the allocation of this money into areas of corresponding need and urgency. Without such institutions in place, Cambodia could continue to rely on foreign aid for another two hundred years and still be economically impoverished. There is no use in publicly chiding generals for stealing soldiers’ salary or for creating an army of phantoms since these individuals know that unless they make good use of opportunities that can be found through such a porous system they would have bypassed a golden chance to enrich themselves, albeit at public expense.
The onus is still therefore very much on Cambodia to choose which path she wants to tread. The climate has never been better for the country to develop and even distinguish itself among other nations in the regions. Whereas the sixties and the seventies were a maelstrom of wars, revolutions and upheavals, the world of today is much more conducive to stability and growth where no one will benefit from chaos and strife. Unless, that is, these elements force themselves upon individuals and society.
MP
Having recently mentioned on this blog that China is a permanent fixture in SE Asia and that the real challenge lies with Cambodia to adapt foreign influences to her requirements and conditions, may I now add a few more points.
1. The US unlike China is a mature, established democracy, and Khmerisation is right to stress the positive role the Americans could bring to the ‘democratic process’ in Cambodia which is still in its nascent stage, hanging perilously by a threat.
On the other hand, being a global power and a democracy are not necessarily the same thing. The US government has what we term public opinion to adhere to, especially, in areas of foreign policy and intervention. The State Department is ultimately answerable to the American electorate who can exert moral or political influence on the direction and limits of American agenda abroad. One of the most important lessons the US State Department has drawn from foreign ventures since the Cold War years is that the US cannot become militarily embroiled in another region or country for long without drawing public outcry or backlash at home. The Vietminh cleverly exploited this weakness of US involvement in Indochina in the sixties and the seventies by launching suicidal offensives against US bases forcing the latter to increase their firepower that in turn resulted in greater losses of American and civilian lives. Because Hanoi had no public opinion to live by and its own collateral losses were not disclosed to world media, there was no obligation on its part to play by the same rules. This was also a dimension of the Vietminh’s triumph over the French at Dien Bien Phu which forced the settlement at Geneva in 1954.
Likewise, the withdrawal of American military involvement in Cambodia and South Vietnam in April 1975 was not so much an abrupt u-turn in US foreign policy or deliberate betrayal of trust of friends and allies (South Vietnam and Cambodia), but more the culmination of the realisation that the US government and, in that sense, the American people, had reached the threshold of their resolve, and exhausted their overstretched responsibility and commitment over Indochina. After all, the war was a huge strain on American economy costing billions of dollars in public revenue and thousands of young American lives.
With this background in mind it would be sensible not to read too much into this latest gesture of US displeasure over Cambodia’s expulsion of Uyghur refugees. In any case, one feels that the US has been far too accommodating towards Phnom Penh in areas of human and civil rights since the early 1990s; the brutal grenade attack in March 1997, the bloody coup against a democratically elected government in the same year and a range of gross excesses that continue to violate ordinary Cambodians’ rights as humans no less blatantly than the much better publicised repatriation of the 12 Uyghurs.
This US forbearance may be partly in line with that pragmatism in foreign policy that has seen successive US administration going to bed with strange bedfellows: he may be a SOB, but he is our SOB! By eschewing direct confrontation with Phnom Penh, the US has also adopted an essentially advisory role in its dealing with that regime, and whether this tactic is conducive to long term mutual benefit remains to be seen. In the mean while, what is clear is that this lenient approach has only served to encourage authoritarianism and foster Cambodian people’s sense of isolation and powerlessness in relations to oppression and tyranny which is not what Americans or any people really desire.
2. It should be beyond dispute that all forms of foreign aid come with strings attached. The impact that such assistance has upon a developing nation like Cambodia depends on 2 essential criteria: a) the motives of the donors and b) those of the recipients themselves. The Japanese or South Koreans may want to involve themselves more on improving infrastructure such as roads and highways knowing improved road links and mobility will lead to greater demand for their mass produced motorised vehicles and facilitate their transportation and extraction of raw materials from the recipient country or region.
The Chinese, on the other hand, with no moral conditions attached to their aid package, are potentially the most exploitative and predatory of donors. Like the Vietminh in the sixties and the seventies, China could take on all of her European and North American rivals as well as Pacific Rim powers like Japan and S. Korea in an economic battle and prevail. As Khmerisation rightly pointed out, the immediate injection of Chinese cash and capital could be just short-lived sugar coated bait that might leave lasting bitter taste in the mouth and stomach. No conditions attached means no questions asked either way: the donor/investor undertakes not to meddle in irrelevant issues like human rights and wrongs, while the recipient grants wholesale concessions to the donor and the freedom to make speedy returns on their investment without being distracted by undue environmental, human rights concerns or verifications.
If we look at those countries that have positively absorbed or assimilated US influence starting with Japan and S. Korea in the wake of the Second World War and the Korean War respectively, they had consciously opted to embrace more than US dollars and economic investment. Rather, with the realisation that foreign influence could come and go, these countries had to take measures to modernise and erect social public institutions as foundations and platforms for their continued social growth and advancement. With sound institutions, every penny earned by the state through public taxation system or external loans and other forms of financial aid is poured straight into state coffer. The government’s main priority will then be the allocation of this money into areas of corresponding need and urgency. Without such institutions in place, Cambodia could continue to rely on foreign aid for another two hundred years and still be economically impoverished. There is no use in publicly chiding generals for stealing soldiers’ salary or for creating an army of phantoms since these individuals know that unless they make good use of opportunities that can be found through such a porous system they would have bypassed a golden chance to enrich themselves, albeit at public expense.
The onus is still therefore very much on Cambodia to choose which path she wants to tread. The climate has never been better for the country to develop and even distinguish itself among other nations in the regions. Whereas the sixties and the seventies were a maelstrom of wars, revolutions and upheavals, the world of today is much more conducive to stability and growth where no one will benefit from chaos and strife. Unless, that is, these elements force themselves upon individuals and society.
MP
Friday, July 25, 2008
The Affair of Preah Vihear
July 24, 2008
Opinion by Kenneth T. So
Opinion by Kenneth T. So
I want to point out a few observations that I feel is very important to the central issue of the Preah Vihear temple. The following are my two immediate observations concerning the affair of the Preah Vihear temples:
1. The press keeps mentioning that Preah Vihear was an ancient Hindu temple instead of a Khmer temple. Preah Vihear is not a Hindu temple but a Khmer temple built under the reign of Yasovarman I, a Khmer king in the 9th century, dedicated to Shiva, one of the Hindu gods. When the press says that Preah Vihear is a Hindu temple, it deemphasizes Khmer ownership and legitimacy to the temple. In modern time, the war of words is very important.
2. Thailand kept insisting on using her own map to claim the disputed area around Preah Vihear instead of the French-Siamese Commissioned Map of 1907, where the International Court of Justice (ICJ) based its judgment on to award Preah Vihear to Cambodia. The map was the product of the treaty signed by Thailand and French (Cambodia was under the French protectorate) in 1907. It is legal and binding. Thailand wants to use its own map that is not binding and not recognized by the International Court of Justice.
Cambodia is doing the right thing to seek help from the UN. Of course, Thailand does not want the UN to intervene because she knows that most likely the UN will side with Cambodia and would probably ask Thailand to withdraw from the disputed area.
Thailand is playing hard ball because she knows Cambodia is no match with her militarily. Cambodia has no choice but to ask the UN for help. With the UN help I don't think Thailand will dare to encroach further into our territory. If war were to erupt, Thailand would be condemned by the world and she will lose face. Additionally, the Muslims are now waiting for the right occasion to stir troubles again in the southern region of Thailand. I do not think Thailand can afford to have a war with Cambodia. Thailand may win in the short term but she will lose in the long run.
Thailand fears the UN because among the five permanent members, I believe Cambodia can count on France, China, and Russia to side with Cambodia. I am not quite sure about the US position, but I hope she sides with Cambodia. The UK may side with Thailand because of the long standing relationship with that country.
Kenneth So
Aryasatya (Sanskrit)
Chattari Ariyasachchani (Pali)
Chatuk Arey Sachak (Khmer)
The Four Noble Truths (English)
1. The press keeps mentioning that Preah Vihear was an ancient Hindu temple instead of a Khmer temple. Preah Vihear is not a Hindu temple but a Khmer temple built under the reign of Yasovarman I, a Khmer king in the 9th century, dedicated to Shiva, one of the Hindu gods. When the press says that Preah Vihear is a Hindu temple, it deemphasizes Khmer ownership and legitimacy to the temple. In modern time, the war of words is very important.
2. Thailand kept insisting on using her own map to claim the disputed area around Preah Vihear instead of the French-Siamese Commissioned Map of 1907, where the International Court of Justice (ICJ) based its judgment on to award Preah Vihear to Cambodia. The map was the product of the treaty signed by Thailand and French (Cambodia was under the French protectorate) in 1907. It is legal and binding. Thailand wants to use its own map that is not binding and not recognized by the International Court of Justice.
Cambodia is doing the right thing to seek help from the UN. Of course, Thailand does not want the UN to intervene because she knows that most likely the UN will side with Cambodia and would probably ask Thailand to withdraw from the disputed area.
Thailand is playing hard ball because she knows Cambodia is no match with her militarily. Cambodia has no choice but to ask the UN for help. With the UN help I don't think Thailand will dare to encroach further into our territory. If war were to erupt, Thailand would be condemned by the world and she will lose face. Additionally, the Muslims are now waiting for the right occasion to stir troubles again in the southern region of Thailand. I do not think Thailand can afford to have a war with Cambodia. Thailand may win in the short term but she will lose in the long run.
Thailand fears the UN because among the five permanent members, I believe Cambodia can count on France, China, and Russia to side with Cambodia. I am not quite sure about the US position, but I hope she sides with Cambodia. The UK may side with Thailand because of the long standing relationship with that country.
Kenneth So
Aryasatya (Sanskrit)
Chattari Ariyasachchani (Pali)
Chatuk Arey Sachak (Khmer)
The Four Noble Truths (English)
Monday, May 19, 2008
One Nation, Underprivileged
May 18, 2008
Opinion by Justin C. Sok
In April, the weather has always been humid, sultry, and hot. The scent of earth on the warm breeze, the simplicity of the landscape, which stretches for as far as the eye can see. The fruit trees in the orchard, the line of palm trees in the rice fields’ dikes and the fluttering of the coconut leaves in the trees. I catch occasional glimpses of cattle grazing in the fields, while the water buffalos are enjoying taking their bath in the mud in the irrigation canals. I see the rolling forested hills and the hazy mass of the green ridge mountains. The water lilies, in variety of colors, are floating lazily atop the glasslike surface of the lakes. The female villagers are wearing sarongs along with long sleeves shirts, and wrap their heads and faces with kroma, with hats made of thatch or palm leaves to protect their beautiful skins from getting too dark, sitting in the boats (Touk Dor) in the calm water picking up watercress and pulling lotus roots so that they can take them home to prepare evening meal for the family. The village men were grabbing their fishing poles, and reeling in their catch, then casting the line back into the calm waters of the big lake. Some were in the water using the nets to catch the fish. The pelicans were studying the shallow water intently for signs of a meal. The farmers are driving the ox carts with their wheels squeaking that give an irritation sound, which leaving behind clouds of smoldering brown dust in the hot and dry ruts in the dirt road. Some are ridding on the back of the cows watching over and rounding up a herd of cattle. Would you please pull over, I need to use the bush!
A sunset casts the village in gold. A spume of clouds spread across the sky, orange in the evening night. I watch the dawn glow faint over the shimmering trees and distant mountains. I watch until the sunset and the sky bleeds out a rich, wine red behind them. During the night, the ground releases the scent of damp earth and growing grass. The characteristic scent of the air blending with the slight of sweet smell of variety of flowers: Pka Trobaek Prey, Nakry, Rum Chek, Rum Chong, Champi and Champa, Rumdoul, Malis Rout and Malis Lea, Kdang Ngea, Krovann, and Kolab, and honey suckle on the breeze. I can see the vastness of the starry skies, peaceful waters, weeping trees, pelicans, owls, and the chorus of crickets, frogs, and toads, chicks chirping, and ducklings quacking, serenade my feeling of tranquility of the dark. Looking at the stars in their vastness, I can imagine, the possibilities looming in the vast unforeseeable future. The sense that darkness was a gift, a curtain behind, which indicates that anything could be out there, behind the darkness, in the future; anything could happen. But the stars were luminous and distinct, and I felt a sudden eerie slippage, as though the true map of the universe were emotional, time and space folded upon themselves to bring distant points together through the power of a common feeling. Ouch! Op! I had just committed sin. I squashed mosquito!
In 1960’s, the US government had described Cambodia as a country populated by a superstitious, ‘docile and passive people’, whose world was restricted to village, temple and forest and who, ‘could not be counted on to act in any positive way for the benefit of US aims and policies. President Richard Nixon and his top foreign policy advisor, Henry Kissinger, had disdained on Cambodians, “They simply didn’t exist.” What’s a travesty to the human kind! I was born into this world by my parents during, which the Nixon Administration decided to unleash the bombing of Cambodia. My life began in a world of war. Oh! Preah Euy!
The angry outburst from the sky, the shattered trees in the forest, the B-52 were hovering and hidden above the clouds; the T-28s with napalm were roaring and diving by; the twisting and funneling dark clouds of smoldering smoke and hundreds of thousands cluster bombs had been released from the planes. When a bomblet detonates, some 200,000 steel fragments would be propelled, at ballistic speed; some were designed to air burst, some were ground burst, some were delayed action. The bombs rained down on the landscape creating a deadly killing spree zone. Some bomblets contained metal barbed darts that would pin people to the ground. The napalm would scorch the ground, and the fire would suck the air out from people’s lungs. The B-52 could drop 25,000 of these bomblets on a single bombing run. The size of the bomb craters would dot the landscape. At the same time, the AC-47 gunship circled above that fired 6,000 rounds per minute. It would saturate the landscape and surrounding area. The villagers run for cover anywhere they could. They had little protection against such an enormous attack, whose payloads destroyed everything.
The operation was given a codenamed, “Operation Menu,” Breakfast, Snack, Lunch, Dinner, Dessert, and Super. But I learned that the innocent Cambodian people including my parents and relatives had given a different codenamed. They called it, “Hell on earth.” The world, I once had born into, that was so naturalistic and beautiful had suddenly turned completely into the dark abyss.
My mother had once told me that while she was pregnant with me, she had spent more time in the trenches than she had stayed outside in the daylight. We had to stay in metre-deep slit trenches piled with logs and earth. If we needed to come out to get water, firewood, or food, we had to take our chances. But most of the time, we had to stay in the trenches to avoid from getting killed by artillery and its deadly shrapnel. We were blessed with second chance. Despite the incessantly aerial bombardments, we had survived. Some of our relatives and most people in the villages including their families were not lucky. Some got burned to death. Some got buried alive in their trenches.
My mother hardly knew where my father was during the day. At night, he crawled his way back into the trench to bring us some food to eat and left us in minutes. A few minutes could save his life. According to my mother, my father could not stay with us because there were army recruiters of the Khmer Royal army, Khmer Rouge, and Viet Cong Armies. It was too dangerous to stay in our village. So early in 1973(?), my parents decided to move the family across the country to live in Pai Lin, Northwest of Battambang Province.
On March 23, 1970, King Norodom Sihanouk addressed to his little and/or ordinary people on Radio in Beijing, “Brothers and sisters, Koun Chao, go to the jungle and join the guerrillas.” The Black-clad-Order groups or the Khmer Rouge took the opportunity to politicize the message as their propaganda to delude and exploit on the innocent and vulnerable Cambodian people. The Khmer Rouge had, in fact, won over the heart of the people. They marched from the north, south, east, and the west regions toward the Capital. The Khmer Rouge was like a school of hungry piranha. They raided the villages, towns, and cities and torn down and destroyed social and infrastructures and killing almost every life in their paths. Within months of their control, the Khmer Rouge implemented and instituted their radical political campaign and turned Cambodia back into their once an agricultural state, “force a social, cultural, and economic revolution, without any Western technology or aid, that would create a racially pure Khmer society that was self-sufficient and socially and economically egalitarian”.
My uncles, aunts, cousins, and distant relatives from both sides of my parents, and including my maternal grandparents who were left behind in Chantrea/Kroal Ko, Svay Rieng province, were forced to relocate to Pursat province. I have come to learn that very few of them had survived. Most of them had died of starvation, illness, or were executed. My maternal grandparents were old, and I heard that no one took care of them. So they died of starvation and a lack of a medical care. The Khmer Rouge was deep-seated, indoctrinated with pure communist ideology; however, they had veered to genocidal in their policies. “Moha Aus-cha, Moha Lout Ploss. Tver Srè Mouy Hectare Aoy Ban Bey Tons.” After 3 years 8 months and 20 days, nearly 2 million of our innocent Khmer people had perished. This was the greatest mass murder in our Khmer history.
The scent of dead flesh laced the air and soon was detected by the so-called “brotherly loved, Vietnam.” The Hanoi of Vietnam had been waited for this important opportunity since the Vinh Te Canal/Kompup Te Ong massacre in 1814. So in December 1978, the Hanoi government appealed to other Asian countries and used the term “genocide” as their political excuse to gain their support to come and “save” the innocent and vulnerable Cambodian people from the Khmer Rouge’s grip. In January of 1979, Vietnam invaded Cambodia. So they came with their well-trained armies including their civilians loaded in the army trucks. Once the coast was clear and their camps were secured, they unloaded their civilians to settle in the new place that they had just taken. The Hanoi government tried to work out their political negotiations with their newly installed puppet government, hoping that the puppet government would allow for their civilians to settle in Cambodia. In the 80’s, they worked the innocent Khmer people in the K5, looted the belongings of Cambodian and transported them to Vietnam, moved the border posts into Cambodia and mark the new border as their own, built their forts; performed courtships and give birth to babies; trained their offspring in their native Vietnamese customs; scoured the fields looking for natural resources; combed deep into the woods; dove in the deep waters; established their rights in the heart of Phnom Penn, welcomed their Vietnamese leaders, and congratulated one another for their great achievement in taking Cambodia as part of Indochina plans.
Currently, Cambodia is the sole breadbasket to the privileged few; especially, those who are currently the high-ranking government officials. In the circle of the current government, there is covert of political, judicial, and legislative manipulation, where the unwritten rules of those in power are commonly applied, where loyalties shift overnight and a friend can become an enemy by noon. There are deals that constitute and support the on-going corruption. They know how to work together like a spider lacing up its prey with its intricate web. Everybody’s back is scratched. One does not need a hyperactive imagination to paint a considerable number of scenarios to grasp what has been going on in the current Cambodian government. It is a fact!
It is so ironic that after more than 30 years, no one is brave enough to come forward to substantiate the claims of being responsible for having created the atrocity of the “Killing Fields”. Some leaders are continuing to act like the boxers answering the bell for the ninth round; tired, bloody, beaten, with both eyes swollen shut but determined to continue to pummel each other. Some leaders are acting like cattle that lie in the shade and endlessly chew the same cud over and over. While others are so barbaric, they address the ordinary citizens as “animals” and “wild beast.” Still others are irresponsible, ignorant, and are moral cowards. They see themselves as the images of a dragon-like creature that dwell on mountaintops and sleep coiled in the clouds, their spines untroubled by any lack of lumbar support. They can float free like a bird, without ties or allegiances or responsibility, and are unable to take on any important role to cement positive relationships in our society. Instead of spending time trying to educate the younger Khmer generations about the historical facts and what needs to be done to prevent a grave injustice and atrocity from happening again to our nation, they are continuing to enjoy sending out their political rhetoric of hate messages to other Khmer individuals and groups.
“Koun Khmeng Chea . . . . The children are born without sin. They don’t know the difference between right and wrong. The parents, not the child, likewise, the leaders, not the ordinary citizens, are responsible. That kind of leadership is a danger to the human race. They’re destroyers of visions. Visions, especially a child’s vision, has the power to change the world, to pull up these blinders and throw open the door to the wonderful world of possibilities that life offers each of us. So as the parents and leaders, we should embrace and shower our children with love. We should teach them about our past and help them to navigate through the world we shared, because they are the greatest assets for our nation . . . . . Tum Paing Snorng Russey.”
Normally, we associate truth with knowledge, with seeing things fully and clearly, but it is more accurate to say that access to the truth always depends on a very precise mixture of knowledge, skills, and experiences. This is, perhaps, nicely captured by our Khmer national monument of Bayon, a four-faced statue, which each face represents certain characteristics and qualities of a true leader. True leaders depend as much on their ability to see and heed the commonsense voice of the people from all walks of life. True leaders should develop the next generation with talent. True leaders would leave optimistic blueprints for future generations to build upon. True leaders would attend the sick, to irrigate a pasture, to climb a mountain, to write a poem, to sing the songs of people, to lie by a stream and dream, to know the joy of love, and share the pain of loss. The true leader’s greatest responsibility and accountability is to protect the weakest members of our society. This true leader is, in fact, Mr. Sam Rainsy, whom I have admired for his intellect, ability, and dedication that he has been given to our people and our country. We’re all should ask ourselves, “How long will we continue to hide the flame of hope, but let it burn brightly to lead our people to a bright future?” How long will we continue to hold our hands over a candle flame to prevent from being put out by the relentless blows of windstorm? It is time for every Khmer to join the railroad into the service to fight a war that was long overdue unjust. Let’s the illumination of our candle flame shows the past in a new light, “Give the power back to our Khmer people!”
Thank you and May Lord Buddha Bless Us, Bless Cambodia!
P.S.: I would like to take this opportunity to offer my full support for Mr. Rong Chhun and Mr. Chea Mony and their associates for their strong stance for democracy. I would also like to express my sincere appreciation to the KI-Media, Khmerization, NeoKhmer, Angkor Borei News, AmeKhmer, and all the Khmer news media and networks around the globe for their dedication in sharing sensitive information about our people and our homeland. You are the best! Keep up your excellent work! Sharing Knowledge is Power!
Opinion by Justin C. Sok
“We were left with the remnants of war: unexploded bombs, exploded bomb shells, and mines; the craters dotted the landscape, which filled with rusty and earthen colored water during the rainy season. The blood of our innocent Cambodian people stains the ditches, canals, and the tree trunks of Cheung Ek. The blood stains on the floors and walls and the mountain of bones and skulls of our innocent Cambodian people at Toul Sleng Centers. Thousands of our Cambodian people have been physically crippled, and equally important, thousands more have experienced clinically significant psychological and somatic symptoms. These are our national nightmares. Indeed, it is a symbol of the sacrifices and suffering of all our people in our Khmer history. They have taught us an important lesson in our times, which is that we must no longer tolerate such ‘vindictiveness for personal gain’. At the end, hatred cannot destroy such beauty.”It has always been a peaceful place with beautiful scenery. Into the faint mists of morning, wisps of fog still hang in the air, the wet, dewy grass, the sound of the rosters, the birds chirping, and the dogs barking, which signify as a morning alarm clock for the villagers. The rising sun sparks amid the trees. The villagers are getting ready to challenge their long and hard work in the fields under the steamy and hot sun. Cultivating the ground, plowing the fields, fishing, chopping and collecting firewoods, fetching the water, planting seeds, harvesting and picking crops, herding the cattle, and driving the ox cart to transport their fruits and vegetables to the market, is the typical day for the villagers.
In April, the weather has always been humid, sultry, and hot. The scent of earth on the warm breeze, the simplicity of the landscape, which stretches for as far as the eye can see. The fruit trees in the orchard, the line of palm trees in the rice fields’ dikes and the fluttering of the coconut leaves in the trees. I catch occasional glimpses of cattle grazing in the fields, while the water buffalos are enjoying taking their bath in the mud in the irrigation canals. I see the rolling forested hills and the hazy mass of the green ridge mountains. The water lilies, in variety of colors, are floating lazily atop the glasslike surface of the lakes. The female villagers are wearing sarongs along with long sleeves shirts, and wrap their heads and faces with kroma, with hats made of thatch or palm leaves to protect their beautiful skins from getting too dark, sitting in the boats (Touk Dor) in the calm water picking up watercress and pulling lotus roots so that they can take them home to prepare evening meal for the family. The village men were grabbing their fishing poles, and reeling in their catch, then casting the line back into the calm waters of the big lake. Some were in the water using the nets to catch the fish. The pelicans were studying the shallow water intently for signs of a meal. The farmers are driving the ox carts with their wheels squeaking that give an irritation sound, which leaving behind clouds of smoldering brown dust in the hot and dry ruts in the dirt road. Some are ridding on the back of the cows watching over and rounding up a herd of cattle. Would you please pull over, I need to use the bush!
A sunset casts the village in gold. A spume of clouds spread across the sky, orange in the evening night. I watch the dawn glow faint over the shimmering trees and distant mountains. I watch until the sunset and the sky bleeds out a rich, wine red behind them. During the night, the ground releases the scent of damp earth and growing grass. The characteristic scent of the air blending with the slight of sweet smell of variety of flowers: Pka Trobaek Prey, Nakry, Rum Chek, Rum Chong, Champi and Champa, Rumdoul, Malis Rout and Malis Lea, Kdang Ngea, Krovann, and Kolab, and honey suckle on the breeze. I can see the vastness of the starry skies, peaceful waters, weeping trees, pelicans, owls, and the chorus of crickets, frogs, and toads, chicks chirping, and ducklings quacking, serenade my feeling of tranquility of the dark. Looking at the stars in their vastness, I can imagine, the possibilities looming in the vast unforeseeable future. The sense that darkness was a gift, a curtain behind, which indicates that anything could be out there, behind the darkness, in the future; anything could happen. But the stars were luminous and distinct, and I felt a sudden eerie slippage, as though the true map of the universe were emotional, time and space folded upon themselves to bring distant points together through the power of a common feeling. Ouch! Op! I had just committed sin. I squashed mosquito!
In 1960’s, the US government had described Cambodia as a country populated by a superstitious, ‘docile and passive people’, whose world was restricted to village, temple and forest and who, ‘could not be counted on to act in any positive way for the benefit of US aims and policies. President Richard Nixon and his top foreign policy advisor, Henry Kissinger, had disdained on Cambodians, “They simply didn’t exist.” What’s a travesty to the human kind! I was born into this world by my parents during, which the Nixon Administration decided to unleash the bombing of Cambodia. My life began in a world of war. Oh! Preah Euy!
The angry outburst from the sky, the shattered trees in the forest, the B-52 were hovering and hidden above the clouds; the T-28s with napalm were roaring and diving by; the twisting and funneling dark clouds of smoldering smoke and hundreds of thousands cluster bombs had been released from the planes. When a bomblet detonates, some 200,000 steel fragments would be propelled, at ballistic speed; some were designed to air burst, some were ground burst, some were delayed action. The bombs rained down on the landscape creating a deadly killing spree zone. Some bomblets contained metal barbed darts that would pin people to the ground. The napalm would scorch the ground, and the fire would suck the air out from people’s lungs. The B-52 could drop 25,000 of these bomblets on a single bombing run. The size of the bomb craters would dot the landscape. At the same time, the AC-47 gunship circled above that fired 6,000 rounds per minute. It would saturate the landscape and surrounding area. The villagers run for cover anywhere they could. They had little protection against such an enormous attack, whose payloads destroyed everything.
The operation was given a codenamed, “Operation Menu,” Breakfast, Snack, Lunch, Dinner, Dessert, and Super. But I learned that the innocent Cambodian people including my parents and relatives had given a different codenamed. They called it, “Hell on earth.” The world, I once had born into, that was so naturalistic and beautiful had suddenly turned completely into the dark abyss.
My mother had once told me that while she was pregnant with me, she had spent more time in the trenches than she had stayed outside in the daylight. We had to stay in metre-deep slit trenches piled with logs and earth. If we needed to come out to get water, firewood, or food, we had to take our chances. But most of the time, we had to stay in the trenches to avoid from getting killed by artillery and its deadly shrapnel. We were blessed with second chance. Despite the incessantly aerial bombardments, we had survived. Some of our relatives and most people in the villages including their families were not lucky. Some got burned to death. Some got buried alive in their trenches.
My mother hardly knew where my father was during the day. At night, he crawled his way back into the trench to bring us some food to eat and left us in minutes. A few minutes could save his life. According to my mother, my father could not stay with us because there were army recruiters of the Khmer Royal army, Khmer Rouge, and Viet Cong Armies. It was too dangerous to stay in our village. So early in 1973(?), my parents decided to move the family across the country to live in Pai Lin, Northwest of Battambang Province.
On March 23, 1970, King Norodom Sihanouk addressed to his little and/or ordinary people on Radio in Beijing, “Brothers and sisters, Koun Chao, go to the jungle and join the guerrillas.” The Black-clad-Order groups or the Khmer Rouge took the opportunity to politicize the message as their propaganda to delude and exploit on the innocent and vulnerable Cambodian people. The Khmer Rouge had, in fact, won over the heart of the people. They marched from the north, south, east, and the west regions toward the Capital. The Khmer Rouge was like a school of hungry piranha. They raided the villages, towns, and cities and torn down and destroyed social and infrastructures and killing almost every life in their paths. Within months of their control, the Khmer Rouge implemented and instituted their radical political campaign and turned Cambodia back into their once an agricultural state, “force a social, cultural, and economic revolution, without any Western technology or aid, that would create a racially pure Khmer society that was self-sufficient and socially and economically egalitarian”.
My uncles, aunts, cousins, and distant relatives from both sides of my parents, and including my maternal grandparents who were left behind in Chantrea/Kroal Ko, Svay Rieng province, were forced to relocate to Pursat province. I have come to learn that very few of them had survived. Most of them had died of starvation, illness, or were executed. My maternal grandparents were old, and I heard that no one took care of them. So they died of starvation and a lack of a medical care. The Khmer Rouge was deep-seated, indoctrinated with pure communist ideology; however, they had veered to genocidal in their policies. “Moha Aus-cha, Moha Lout Ploss. Tver Srè Mouy Hectare Aoy Ban Bey Tons.” After 3 years 8 months and 20 days, nearly 2 million of our innocent Khmer people had perished. This was the greatest mass murder in our Khmer history.
The scent of dead flesh laced the air and soon was detected by the so-called “brotherly loved, Vietnam.” The Hanoi of Vietnam had been waited for this important opportunity since the Vinh Te Canal/Kompup Te Ong massacre in 1814. So in December 1978, the Hanoi government appealed to other Asian countries and used the term “genocide” as their political excuse to gain their support to come and “save” the innocent and vulnerable Cambodian people from the Khmer Rouge’s grip. In January of 1979, Vietnam invaded Cambodia. So they came with their well-trained armies including their civilians loaded in the army trucks. Once the coast was clear and their camps were secured, they unloaded their civilians to settle in the new place that they had just taken. The Hanoi government tried to work out their political negotiations with their newly installed puppet government, hoping that the puppet government would allow for their civilians to settle in Cambodia. In the 80’s, they worked the innocent Khmer people in the K5, looted the belongings of Cambodian and transported them to Vietnam, moved the border posts into Cambodia and mark the new border as their own, built their forts; performed courtships and give birth to babies; trained their offspring in their native Vietnamese customs; scoured the fields looking for natural resources; combed deep into the woods; dove in the deep waters; established their rights in the heart of Phnom Penn, welcomed their Vietnamese leaders, and congratulated one another for their great achievement in taking Cambodia as part of Indochina plans.
“Amoeba-like, communist Vietnam is slowly neo-colonizing Laos and Cambodia by the traditional Vietnamese expansionism termed Don Dien, first by occupying territory with troops, then having their families come in to settle the new territory, then putting the troops into civilian clothes to become "ready reservists" and replacing them with new troops for further expansion.” - Mike BengeEveryday the news about our homeland has continued to depict the perpetual state of upheaval, oppression, exploitation, and the ultimate cycle of violence. It is highly questionable if any politician and/or international community can guarantee peace and safety. To the average Cambodian, there are still constantly concerned about their safety and their family well-being. They are continuing to burrow their way through the drudgery of life. The people feel like a worm in a yard, which may be eaten any time by any predator. The people who speak are at risk that is soaked in fear. It is difficult to experience freedom when people are threatened and getting intimidated daily by those in power.
Currently, Cambodia is the sole breadbasket to the privileged few; especially, those who are currently the high-ranking government officials. In the circle of the current government, there is covert of political, judicial, and legislative manipulation, where the unwritten rules of those in power are commonly applied, where loyalties shift overnight and a friend can become an enemy by noon. There are deals that constitute and support the on-going corruption. They know how to work together like a spider lacing up its prey with its intricate web. Everybody’s back is scratched. One does not need a hyperactive imagination to paint a considerable number of scenarios to grasp what has been going on in the current Cambodian government. It is a fact!
It is so ironic that after more than 30 years, no one is brave enough to come forward to substantiate the claims of being responsible for having created the atrocity of the “Killing Fields”. Some leaders are continuing to act like the boxers answering the bell for the ninth round; tired, bloody, beaten, with both eyes swollen shut but determined to continue to pummel each other. Some leaders are acting like cattle that lie in the shade and endlessly chew the same cud over and over. While others are so barbaric, they address the ordinary citizens as “animals” and “wild beast.” Still others are irresponsible, ignorant, and are moral cowards. They see themselves as the images of a dragon-like creature that dwell on mountaintops and sleep coiled in the clouds, their spines untroubled by any lack of lumbar support. They can float free like a bird, without ties or allegiances or responsibility, and are unable to take on any important role to cement positive relationships in our society. Instead of spending time trying to educate the younger Khmer generations about the historical facts and what needs to be done to prevent a grave injustice and atrocity from happening again to our nation, they are continuing to enjoy sending out their political rhetoric of hate messages to other Khmer individuals and groups.
“Koun Khmeng Chea . . . . The children are born without sin. They don’t know the difference between right and wrong. The parents, not the child, likewise, the leaders, not the ordinary citizens, are responsible. That kind of leadership is a danger to the human race. They’re destroyers of visions. Visions, especially a child’s vision, has the power to change the world, to pull up these blinders and throw open the door to the wonderful world of possibilities that life offers each of us. So as the parents and leaders, we should embrace and shower our children with love. We should teach them about our past and help them to navigate through the world we shared, because they are the greatest assets for our nation . . . . . Tum Paing Snorng Russey.”
Normally, we associate truth with knowledge, with seeing things fully and clearly, but it is more accurate to say that access to the truth always depends on a very precise mixture of knowledge, skills, and experiences. This is, perhaps, nicely captured by our Khmer national monument of Bayon, a four-faced statue, which each face represents certain characteristics and qualities of a true leader. True leaders depend as much on their ability to see and heed the commonsense voice of the people from all walks of life. True leaders should develop the next generation with talent. True leaders would leave optimistic blueprints for future generations to build upon. True leaders would attend the sick, to irrigate a pasture, to climb a mountain, to write a poem, to sing the songs of people, to lie by a stream and dream, to know the joy of love, and share the pain of loss. The true leader’s greatest responsibility and accountability is to protect the weakest members of our society. This true leader is, in fact, Mr. Sam Rainsy, whom I have admired for his intellect, ability, and dedication that he has been given to our people and our country. We’re all should ask ourselves, “How long will we continue to hide the flame of hope, but let it burn brightly to lead our people to a bright future?” How long will we continue to hold our hands over a candle flame to prevent from being put out by the relentless blows of windstorm? It is time for every Khmer to join the railroad into the service to fight a war that was long overdue unjust. Let’s the illumination of our candle flame shows the past in a new light, “Give the power back to our Khmer people!”
Cambodian votes for Mr. Sam Rainsy for the next Prime Minister!
Thank you and May Lord Buddha Bless Us, Bless Cambodia!
P.S.: I would like to take this opportunity to offer my full support for Mr. Rong Chhun and Mr. Chea Mony and their associates for their strong stance for democracy. I would also like to express my sincere appreciation to the KI-Media, Khmerization, NeoKhmer, Angkor Borei News, AmeKhmer, and all the Khmer news media and networks around the globe for their dedication in sharing sensitive information about our people and our homeland. You are the best! Keep up your excellent work! Sharing Knowledge is Power!
Labels:
2008 General Election,
Justin Sok,
Opinion,
Sam Rainsy,
Vote SRP
Monday, May 05, 2008
Reflection on President Sam Rainsy’s Speech
May 3, 2008
Opinion by Justin C. Sok
It was a very pleasant and a friendly atmosphere. Despite the short notice, there were still approximately two hundred people at the reception. I was glad to see some of our old friends and got acquainted with new ones. It was an honor for me, for the first time, to have met with President Sam Rainsy in person. We had exchanged greetings with Chum Reap Sur and shook hands.
President Sam Rainsy had spoken at length about the current political and social ills in Cambodia, which he whole heartily believes that if we, the citizens at all levels, through our collective insensitivity and inaction, we allow the status quo to either continue or become even worse. Consequently, our people and our homeland would face greater challenges in the near future.
President Sam Rainsy spoke eloquently with compassion and empathy about the struggles our people go through every day. For so many years, our people have endured so much suffering, which obviously stemmed from the inequality, injustice, and poverty caused by the Hun Sen Regime. President Sam Rainsy appeared enthusiastic, energetic, determined, and decisive about his strategic plans. He professed with confident on how he and his administration, should he win the national election in July, would plan to go about to resolve the political and social issues for our people and our homeland.
President Sam Rainsy expressed his heart felt concern with all of his supporters about the societal problems that include political oppression (death threats and threats to sue in the court of law), unemployment, poverty, land grabbing, eviction, and daily harassment by those corrupted officials of the Hun Sen Regime. He also emphasized on the important political issues that is include: economy (i.e. inflation), border issues, environmental concerns, and the continuing of influx of illegal immigrants, which is threatening our national security. President Sam Rainsy appealed to his countrymen, with all his heart for their full-fledged support to help elect him to become the next Prime Minister. He vehemently vowed to keep his promises. He plans to bring solutions to the Cambodian people when he takes office after July.
President Sam Rainsy had specifically pointed out that corruption is at the core of Cambodia current predicament; this has hampered the country from moving forward. His top priority is to eliminate corruption. He had wished to eradicate corruption since he had stepped up into political arena in the early 1990’s. Corruption is a cancer, which is imbedded deep down in our society among the rich and powerful. “Ah Tom Si Tom, Ah Touch Si Touch,” he stated. The corruption among the high-ranking officials and the privileged has continued to cause the country to deteriorate both politically and economically, and thus, indeed, has threatened our survival as a nation. My general intellects about President Sam Rainsy’s speech of an on-going corruption within the Hun Sen Regime has led me to believe that Mr. Hun Sen has completely failed to acknowledge these problems and/or Mr. Hun Sen is incompetent or is too ignorant to care to rectify these problems.
President Sam Rainsy has pointed out how the ways that Pol Pot and Ieng Sary’s Clique have killed millions of our people as compared to the ways our people are being killed now under the Hun Sen Regime. Under the Pol Pot and Ieng Sary’s Clique, our people were systematically killed. The people were executed right on the spot. The people were killed in mass and dumped into the ditches. The people were starved to death. People died due to a lack of medical treatment. The people were forced to work 20 hours or more, a day, with a little food to eat. The Pol Pot and Ieng Sary’s Clique constantly watched our people and guarded Cambodia under the iron curtain - no information about what had been going on in the country got out to the outside world. Within 3 years 8 months and 20 days, the Pol Pot and Ieng Sary’s Clique killed more than 2 million of our people.
On the other hand, the Hun Sen Regime is used a different strategic plan to kill our people. First is the land. Currently, land is a hot commodity and it is at a “high peak” in value. Mr. Hun Sen allowed his high-ranking officials to either force our people to sell their land at a lower price or their land would be confiscated and they would not be compensated. Mr. Hun Sen allowed the foreign companies to buy off thousands and thousands of acres of land, rubber plantations, and hired people to work at low wages. The high-ranking officials put our national monument “Angkor Wat Temple” for lease and pocketed the money. Our own people are being evicted; their homes have been bulldozed and burned down. They were chased and prodded from their land and villages. As a result, our people are ended up in the streets begging for food for their survival. Some of our people have no choice but to choose dumpsites as their living squatters.
Second, illegal immigrants have swarmed into our Tonle Sap. They trashed, polluted the lake, and they have used hand grenades and electric shock to kill our fish. They have depleted and driven extinction to some of our fish species and destroyed of their habitats.
Third, is the forestry. Mr. Hun Sen had allowed the foreign logging companies to cut down of our precious trees and shipping them abroad and his high-ranking officials pocketed the money. Mr. Hun Sen has allowed the foreigners to slowly nibble away our vital natural resources (land, forest, and water) until they are depleted. Land, forest, and water are the heart and soul of our Khmer survival as a nation, and if allow this to continue, eventually, it would eradicate the whole Khmer nation.
In my political opinion, it would be foolish if President Sam Rainsy used his political platform to run for political office as a roadblock for other political parties. He has chosen to run for political office because he believes he has the knowledge, skills, ability, and political experience (national and international) to bring democracy to our people and our homeland. He wants a free and democratic Cambodia. He wants to plant the seeds our democracy in Cambodia and to help grow respect for human rights and dignity, so that each and every Cambodian citizen in this generations and the next, would have the opportunity to freely exercise their basic fundamental rights without fear of being persecuted. This has always been the top priority of his and it is of monumental importance for all of us. He believes the people have trusted in him, and in return, he wants to invest more in our people, in their economy, and in their future. He fights for Factory/Garment Workers to raise their wages. He makes sure that proper working conditions are met including adequate salary, benefits, and sick and vacation times. President Sam Rainsy advocates for our teachers. He demands raising their salaries, and provide continuing education and trainings for our teachers. President Sam Rainsy would ensure that every Cambodian child will receive an excellent education. Those that have graduated from college and universities would be sure to land a decent job. “No one is born a good citizen; no nation is born a democracy. Rather, both are processes that continue to evolve over a lifetime. Young people must be included from birth. A society that cuts off from its youth severs its lifeline.” Kofi Annan. More over, President Sam Rainsy fights for women rights. He advocates for equal opportunity for women in political office and corporations in Cambodia. Equally important, we are the agricultural nation; therefore, farmers are our backbones for our country. President Sam Rainsy would ensure that our farmers have adequate support and have all the resources including irrigation systems and equipments to work on their farmland and growing crops.
President Sam Rainsy has strong public policies on corruption, terrorism, human and drug trafficking, environmental concerns, illegal immigrants, and border issues. More importantly, President Sam Rainsy’s utmost goal, upon becoming Prime Minister, is to unify all Cambodian compatriots by embracing all of our Khmer people, living inside Cambodia and overseas to join forces in rebuilding our country.
The responsibility for alleviating the plight of our people and our homeland falls upon all members of our society. As individuals, all citizens have a duty to assist our homeland through acts of charity and personal commitment. We also carry the moral responsibility to assist and empower the people by working collectively through and with the government to establish just and effective public policies. But one crucial societal aspect remains to be clarified publicly by the Hun Sen Regime. If all members of our society are ready to lend a hand and take charge in sharing responsibility with the government so the whole nation can benefit and move forward, what has stopped the people from doing it? To answer the question, let’s we all closely examine the recent political message made by Mr. Hun Sen for the purpose of his political campaign. “If the people voted for the ruling party, CPP, there will be no war. The people don’t need to run for the trenches.” The statement is clearly point out that, in fact, Mr. Hun Sen is the main roadblock for our people and our country to move forward. Surprisingly, this is not an unusual message coming out from Mr. Hun Sen’s mouth. As a matter fact, this is an excellent example on how he and his regime have been able to continue to stay in power by using forces against his political opponents.
A new political message is therefore called for. It must begin with the age-old assumption that we are only as strong as our weakest link. It asseverates that the judgment of our society will depend not on how it treats its most powerful, privileged, and wealthy, but rather on how its treat its most vulnerable. It will invoke a spirit of cooperation, rather than one of greed. And it will place the concern and needs of every Khmer, rather than those of corrupted groups, at the top of the government. If we can begin to move the country toward such a political message, I envision a dramatic positive change of our Khmer nation.
Coming this July, I plead with all my heart to all of our Khmer people living in all 22 provinces to carefully consider about making a final decision before you casting your vote. Your vote should match with the most qualify candidate, whom you think will be the next Prime Minister that can lead our people and our country to a brighter future. I totally understand the struggles your family and you are going through each day. But it is the important moment that each and every one of you must make a wise decision. It is not about a bag of salt and/or a bag of sugar, one Sarong and/or one Kroma, one cow here and one chicken there, in exchange for your vote. It is about your vote, and your vote is your voice. Your voice is for you and your children’s future. And your future will be depending on the liberty and freedom that you will have.
I am very confident with President Sam Rainsy. He is genuine and a man of moral integrity. He is a charismatic leader. President Sam Rainsy is the right man, for the right time, and for the right reasons for our people and our homeland. Please vote for President Sam Rainsy for the next Prime Minister!
Thank you for reading.
Som Preah Chea Mchas Chouy Bom Pleu Plov Aoy Koun Khmer Yoeung Krup Knea Ning Brotest Cheat Yoeung Tov Rok Ana Kut Dor Roung Roeung!
Opinion by Justin C. Sok
“In a democracy the poor will have more power than the rich, because there are more of them, and the will of the majority is supreme.” - AristotleI wanted to take this important opportunity to share with everyone about the important information that I have learned from President Sam Rainsy’s speech at the banquet on the 27 of April, at the New Paradise Restaurant in Long Beach, California.
It was a very pleasant and a friendly atmosphere. Despite the short notice, there were still approximately two hundred people at the reception. I was glad to see some of our old friends and got acquainted with new ones. It was an honor for me, for the first time, to have met with President Sam Rainsy in person. We had exchanged greetings with Chum Reap Sur and shook hands.
President Sam Rainsy had spoken at length about the current political and social ills in Cambodia, which he whole heartily believes that if we, the citizens at all levels, through our collective insensitivity and inaction, we allow the status quo to either continue or become even worse. Consequently, our people and our homeland would face greater challenges in the near future.
President Sam Rainsy spoke eloquently with compassion and empathy about the struggles our people go through every day. For so many years, our people have endured so much suffering, which obviously stemmed from the inequality, injustice, and poverty caused by the Hun Sen Regime. President Sam Rainsy appeared enthusiastic, energetic, determined, and decisive about his strategic plans. He professed with confident on how he and his administration, should he win the national election in July, would plan to go about to resolve the political and social issues for our people and our homeland.
President Sam Rainsy expressed his heart felt concern with all of his supporters about the societal problems that include political oppression (death threats and threats to sue in the court of law), unemployment, poverty, land grabbing, eviction, and daily harassment by those corrupted officials of the Hun Sen Regime. He also emphasized on the important political issues that is include: economy (i.e. inflation), border issues, environmental concerns, and the continuing of influx of illegal immigrants, which is threatening our national security. President Sam Rainsy appealed to his countrymen, with all his heart for their full-fledged support to help elect him to become the next Prime Minister. He vehemently vowed to keep his promises. He plans to bring solutions to the Cambodian people when he takes office after July.
President Sam Rainsy had specifically pointed out that corruption is at the core of Cambodia current predicament; this has hampered the country from moving forward. His top priority is to eliminate corruption. He had wished to eradicate corruption since he had stepped up into political arena in the early 1990’s. Corruption is a cancer, which is imbedded deep down in our society among the rich and powerful. “Ah Tom Si Tom, Ah Touch Si Touch,” he stated. The corruption among the high-ranking officials and the privileged has continued to cause the country to deteriorate both politically and economically, and thus, indeed, has threatened our survival as a nation. My general intellects about President Sam Rainsy’s speech of an on-going corruption within the Hun Sen Regime has led me to believe that Mr. Hun Sen has completely failed to acknowledge these problems and/or Mr. Hun Sen is incompetent or is too ignorant to care to rectify these problems.
President Sam Rainsy has pointed out how the ways that Pol Pot and Ieng Sary’s Clique have killed millions of our people as compared to the ways our people are being killed now under the Hun Sen Regime. Under the Pol Pot and Ieng Sary’s Clique, our people were systematically killed. The people were executed right on the spot. The people were killed in mass and dumped into the ditches. The people were starved to death. People died due to a lack of medical treatment. The people were forced to work 20 hours or more, a day, with a little food to eat. The Pol Pot and Ieng Sary’s Clique constantly watched our people and guarded Cambodia under the iron curtain - no information about what had been going on in the country got out to the outside world. Within 3 years 8 months and 20 days, the Pol Pot and Ieng Sary’s Clique killed more than 2 million of our people.
On the other hand, the Hun Sen Regime is used a different strategic plan to kill our people. First is the land. Currently, land is a hot commodity and it is at a “high peak” in value. Mr. Hun Sen allowed his high-ranking officials to either force our people to sell their land at a lower price or their land would be confiscated and they would not be compensated. Mr. Hun Sen allowed the foreign companies to buy off thousands and thousands of acres of land, rubber plantations, and hired people to work at low wages. The high-ranking officials put our national monument “Angkor Wat Temple” for lease and pocketed the money. Our own people are being evicted; their homes have been bulldozed and burned down. They were chased and prodded from their land and villages. As a result, our people are ended up in the streets begging for food for their survival. Some of our people have no choice but to choose dumpsites as their living squatters.
Second, illegal immigrants have swarmed into our Tonle Sap. They trashed, polluted the lake, and they have used hand grenades and electric shock to kill our fish. They have depleted and driven extinction to some of our fish species and destroyed of their habitats.
Third, is the forestry. Mr. Hun Sen had allowed the foreign logging companies to cut down of our precious trees and shipping them abroad and his high-ranking officials pocketed the money. Mr. Hun Sen has allowed the foreigners to slowly nibble away our vital natural resources (land, forest, and water) until they are depleted. Land, forest, and water are the heart and soul of our Khmer survival as a nation, and if allow this to continue, eventually, it would eradicate the whole Khmer nation.
In my political opinion, it would be foolish if President Sam Rainsy used his political platform to run for political office as a roadblock for other political parties. He has chosen to run for political office because he believes he has the knowledge, skills, ability, and political experience (national and international) to bring democracy to our people and our homeland. He wants a free and democratic Cambodia. He wants to plant the seeds our democracy in Cambodia and to help grow respect for human rights and dignity, so that each and every Cambodian citizen in this generations and the next, would have the opportunity to freely exercise their basic fundamental rights without fear of being persecuted. This has always been the top priority of his and it is of monumental importance for all of us. He believes the people have trusted in him, and in return, he wants to invest more in our people, in their economy, and in their future. He fights for Factory/Garment Workers to raise their wages. He makes sure that proper working conditions are met including adequate salary, benefits, and sick and vacation times. President Sam Rainsy advocates for our teachers. He demands raising their salaries, and provide continuing education and trainings for our teachers. President Sam Rainsy would ensure that every Cambodian child will receive an excellent education. Those that have graduated from college and universities would be sure to land a decent job. “No one is born a good citizen; no nation is born a democracy. Rather, both are processes that continue to evolve over a lifetime. Young people must be included from birth. A society that cuts off from its youth severs its lifeline.” Kofi Annan. More over, President Sam Rainsy fights for women rights. He advocates for equal opportunity for women in political office and corporations in Cambodia. Equally important, we are the agricultural nation; therefore, farmers are our backbones for our country. President Sam Rainsy would ensure that our farmers have adequate support and have all the resources including irrigation systems and equipments to work on their farmland and growing crops.
President Sam Rainsy has strong public policies on corruption, terrorism, human and drug trafficking, environmental concerns, illegal immigrants, and border issues. More importantly, President Sam Rainsy’s utmost goal, upon becoming Prime Minister, is to unify all Cambodian compatriots by embracing all of our Khmer people, living inside Cambodia and overseas to join forces in rebuilding our country.
The responsibility for alleviating the plight of our people and our homeland falls upon all members of our society. As individuals, all citizens have a duty to assist our homeland through acts of charity and personal commitment. We also carry the moral responsibility to assist and empower the people by working collectively through and with the government to establish just and effective public policies. But one crucial societal aspect remains to be clarified publicly by the Hun Sen Regime. If all members of our society are ready to lend a hand and take charge in sharing responsibility with the government so the whole nation can benefit and move forward, what has stopped the people from doing it? To answer the question, let’s we all closely examine the recent political message made by Mr. Hun Sen for the purpose of his political campaign. “If the people voted for the ruling party, CPP, there will be no war. The people don’t need to run for the trenches.” The statement is clearly point out that, in fact, Mr. Hun Sen is the main roadblock for our people and our country to move forward. Surprisingly, this is not an unusual message coming out from Mr. Hun Sen’s mouth. As a matter fact, this is an excellent example on how he and his regime have been able to continue to stay in power by using forces against his political opponents.
A new political message is therefore called for. It must begin with the age-old assumption that we are only as strong as our weakest link. It asseverates that the judgment of our society will depend not on how it treats its most powerful, privileged, and wealthy, but rather on how its treat its most vulnerable. It will invoke a spirit of cooperation, rather than one of greed. And it will place the concern and needs of every Khmer, rather than those of corrupted groups, at the top of the government. If we can begin to move the country toward such a political message, I envision a dramatic positive change of our Khmer nation.
Coming this July, I plead with all my heart to all of our Khmer people living in all 22 provinces to carefully consider about making a final decision before you casting your vote. Your vote should match with the most qualify candidate, whom you think will be the next Prime Minister that can lead our people and our country to a brighter future. I totally understand the struggles your family and you are going through each day. But it is the important moment that each and every one of you must make a wise decision. It is not about a bag of salt and/or a bag of sugar, one Sarong and/or one Kroma, one cow here and one chicken there, in exchange for your vote. It is about your vote, and your vote is your voice. Your voice is for you and your children’s future. And your future will be depending on the liberty and freedom that you will have.
I am very confident with President Sam Rainsy. He is genuine and a man of moral integrity. He is a charismatic leader. President Sam Rainsy is the right man, for the right time, and for the right reasons for our people and our homeland. Please vote for President Sam Rainsy for the next Prime Minister!
Thank you for reading.
Som Preah Chea Mchas Chouy Bom Pleu Plov Aoy Koun Khmer Yoeung Krup Knea Ning Brotest Cheat Yoeung Tov Rok Ana Kut Dor Roung Roeung!
Thursday, May 01, 2008
A genuine message from a younger generation Cambodian citizen
Thursday, May 01, 2008
Dear Somdech Ta,
I am younger Cambodian has been non-stoppingly disturbed by your political rhetorics and messages. I think you should write or express something valuable and reliable to instruct your Koun Chao.
Somdech Ta, according to my observing, you are good in labeling and segregating the political groups. The so-called Pol Potians, Lon Nolians, and Hun Senians have frequently, eloquently iterated by Som Dech Ta.
I don't understand what is your goal and political agenda to label Khmers with such different political groups in order to benefit Cambodia?
Now, you are not only lambasting Lon Nonians and Pol Potians, but you are absolutely siding with Hun Senians. As a glorious king, why you have to side with one group and abuse another group like this? I don't see any political maturity and good role model being expressed or iterated by you at all, Som Dech Ta.
I am frankly confessing that Som Dech Ta should spend the less time you have to write academic book or history book or short proverb book etc to leave it as your legacy for Cambodian younger generations to head a good future for Cambodia.
With Respect!
KY
I am younger Cambodian has been non-stoppingly disturbed by your political rhetorics and messages. I think you should write or express something valuable and reliable to instruct your Koun Chao.
Somdech Ta, according to my observing, you are good in labeling and segregating the political groups. The so-called Pol Potians, Lon Nolians, and Hun Senians have frequently, eloquently iterated by Som Dech Ta.
I don't understand what is your goal and political agenda to label Khmers with such different political groups in order to benefit Cambodia?
Now, you are not only lambasting Lon Nonians and Pol Potians, but you are absolutely siding with Hun Senians. As a glorious king, why you have to side with one group and abuse another group like this? I don't see any political maturity and good role model being expressed or iterated by you at all, Som Dech Ta.
I am frankly confessing that Som Dech Ta should spend the less time you have to write academic book or history book or short proverb book etc to leave it as your legacy for Cambodian younger generations to head a good future for Cambodia.
With Respect!
KY
Labels:
Khmer Young,
Message to King-Father,
Opinion
Friday, April 18, 2008
Justice for Whom?
Opinion by Vichet Chhuon
Originally posted at http://www.KhmerWITICA.com
http://www.khmerwitica.com/blog/view/id_650/title_justice-for-whom/
Originally posted at http://www.KhmerWITICA.com
http://www.khmerwitica.com/blog/view/id_650/title_justice-for-whom/
I thank the editors of Khmer Witica for providing a space for Khmer people to share our thoughts on issues that matter to our community.
Tomorrow, April 17, will mark the 33rd anniversary of the Khmer Rouge’s evacuation of Phnom Penh. Many historians have marked this day as the beginning of the Killing Fields. As we enter the New Year, I urge each of us to reflect on the meaning of being part of the Cambodian diaspora and consider our people’s beautiful past, as well as our recent history that is inextricably connected to genocide.
Almost three weeks ago, a community forum was convened at California State University, Long Beach to collect testimonies from community members, academics, and professionals, for possible inclusion in the international criminal trial of former Khmer Rouge leaders. This “hybrid court” composed of both Cambodian and foreign judges will purportedly bring to justice those responsible for the Cambodian genocide. Unfortunately, there have been a number of reports that cite problems with this tribunal including allegations of mismanagement, corruption, and financial shortage. In this article however, I address a more fundamental issue and offer an alternative perspective to what was ostensibly an operating assumption of the community forum I attended. Here, I challenge the idea that these tribunals will achieve justice for the Cambodian people. As such, this court, as it seeks to convict former senior Khmer Rouge officials for their crimes against humanity, is likely on a misguided pursuit of justice for the Cambodian people.
The tragedy that befell the Cambodian people between 1975 and 1979 was a unique brand of mass violence that involved a number of parties beyond those presently charged. One would expect that for these proceedings to approach authentic justice, the court would attempt to hold all parties responsible for their obvious (and not so obvious) involvement in crimes against humanity. How might the conviction of a handful of elderly former Khmer Rouge leaders (and the life imprisonment that would follow) be qualified as justice for Cambodians? What about those lower level Khmer Rouge administrators whose energy and willingness to serve surely facilitated the work of the Khmer Rouge killing machine? What about those actors whose actions contributed to Cambodia’s political instability and helped ripen the country for the Khmer Rouge’s emergence? Historians have well documented the linkages between the Khmer Rouge’s succession to power with the Cold War politics of three decades ago including the United State’s illegal bombings of Cambodia. Moreover, the international community’s lack of response to the plight of Cambodian people in the late 1970s contributed an added dimension of complicity in this tragedy.
As well, have Cambodian people been given the opportunity to share their thoughts on how to achieve justice? What might justice look like for genocide survivors and their families? My candid talks with members of the Cambodian community in southern California and conversations with my own family members provides some, albeit anecdotal, evidence that Cambodian people believe that the hybrid court will likely accomplish very little. A deep distrust in contemporary Cambodian politics combined with the grim understanding that Cambodian lives are probably perceived as less valuable than others surely contribute to this skepticism. My own view is that this tribunal is fueled not so much by Cambodian people’s insistence on justice and accountability but more so by a Western guilt for their complicity in this tragedy. These proceedings have been assembled not because Cambodians are eager to see these elderly men judged as “guilty” but because Westerners and elites need yet another opportunity for after-the-fact, moral grandstanding.
Unfortunately, the type of justice that will emerge from the hybrid court is unlikely to reveal the truths that Cambodians require to turn the page on their tragic past. The court may accomplish a logical sense of justice in that those charged and found guilty are sentenced and imprisoned. But the justice that Cambodians want might be to understand the truth of what occurred and why it occurred (similar with the proceedings of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation years ago). This type of justice would help survivors better make sense of their experiences and more fully understand the circumstances in which they lost their loved ones. More immediate than punishment, individuals seek to create causal linkages in the events of their lives. However, this type of justice for Cambodians can only result if truth in all its messy forms is the objective.
I am sure that some victims will take comfort in the conviction and imprisonment of these men, all of whom are well into their 70s and 80s. This is their right and I honor their grief and anger. Most of my father’s side lost their lives during this period. However, this tribunal will not bring them back nor will it allow me to ever know my paternal grandparents. To be clear, my aim here is not to minimize the atrocities committed by the Khmer Rouge or divert attention from the responsibility of these individuals. My goal instead is to suggest that criminal proceedings alone are unlikely to achieve the sort of justice Cambodians deserve. However, it will likely be an either/or situation in this case. Time is running out on the opportunity to gather truth from these former Khmer Rouge leaders. It would be unfortunate if victims did not have ample opportunity to ask these men in person why these decisions were made. Hence, it looks to be a choice between justice in the punitive sense or justice as equated with truth and human understanding.
Ben Kiernan, a respected historian of Cambodia’s recent history, in applauding the decision to institute a hybrid court, noted that “a legal accounting of the crimes of the Khmer Rouge era cannot restore to Cambodians their lost loved ones, but it could give them back their history, if at least the tribunal goes ahead. Cambodian pupils may one day have textbooks to study the tragedy.” Professor Kiernan’s assessment overestimates the court’s impact on Cambodians. The genocide is already included in textbooks but with very little understanding of how these crimes against humanity had been permitted to unfold as they did. This information can be helpful for preventing this evil in the future. Will this tribunal achieve justice? I don’t know but it would be interesting to hear the voices of my community address this important topic. How we handle our tragic past ourselves will surely shape the future of our community. What I am certain of is that this tribunal will not bring back the over one million persons who lost their lives or give life to the countless unborn Cambodians.
Tomorrow, April 17, will mark the 33rd anniversary of the Khmer Rouge’s evacuation of Phnom Penh. Many historians have marked this day as the beginning of the Killing Fields. As we enter the New Year, I urge each of us to reflect on the meaning of being part of the Cambodian diaspora and consider our people’s beautiful past, as well as our recent history that is inextricably connected to genocide.
Almost three weeks ago, a community forum was convened at California State University, Long Beach to collect testimonies from community members, academics, and professionals, for possible inclusion in the international criminal trial of former Khmer Rouge leaders. This “hybrid court” composed of both Cambodian and foreign judges will purportedly bring to justice those responsible for the Cambodian genocide. Unfortunately, there have been a number of reports that cite problems with this tribunal including allegations of mismanagement, corruption, and financial shortage. In this article however, I address a more fundamental issue and offer an alternative perspective to what was ostensibly an operating assumption of the community forum I attended. Here, I challenge the idea that these tribunals will achieve justice for the Cambodian people. As such, this court, as it seeks to convict former senior Khmer Rouge officials for their crimes against humanity, is likely on a misguided pursuit of justice for the Cambodian people.
The tragedy that befell the Cambodian people between 1975 and 1979 was a unique brand of mass violence that involved a number of parties beyond those presently charged. One would expect that for these proceedings to approach authentic justice, the court would attempt to hold all parties responsible for their obvious (and not so obvious) involvement in crimes against humanity. How might the conviction of a handful of elderly former Khmer Rouge leaders (and the life imprisonment that would follow) be qualified as justice for Cambodians? What about those lower level Khmer Rouge administrators whose energy and willingness to serve surely facilitated the work of the Khmer Rouge killing machine? What about those actors whose actions contributed to Cambodia’s political instability and helped ripen the country for the Khmer Rouge’s emergence? Historians have well documented the linkages between the Khmer Rouge’s succession to power with the Cold War politics of three decades ago including the United State’s illegal bombings of Cambodia. Moreover, the international community’s lack of response to the plight of Cambodian people in the late 1970s contributed an added dimension of complicity in this tragedy.
As well, have Cambodian people been given the opportunity to share their thoughts on how to achieve justice? What might justice look like for genocide survivors and their families? My candid talks with members of the Cambodian community in southern California and conversations with my own family members provides some, albeit anecdotal, evidence that Cambodian people believe that the hybrid court will likely accomplish very little. A deep distrust in contemporary Cambodian politics combined with the grim understanding that Cambodian lives are probably perceived as less valuable than others surely contribute to this skepticism. My own view is that this tribunal is fueled not so much by Cambodian people’s insistence on justice and accountability but more so by a Western guilt for their complicity in this tragedy. These proceedings have been assembled not because Cambodians are eager to see these elderly men judged as “guilty” but because Westerners and elites need yet another opportunity for after-the-fact, moral grandstanding.
Unfortunately, the type of justice that will emerge from the hybrid court is unlikely to reveal the truths that Cambodians require to turn the page on their tragic past. The court may accomplish a logical sense of justice in that those charged and found guilty are sentenced and imprisoned. But the justice that Cambodians want might be to understand the truth of what occurred and why it occurred (similar with the proceedings of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation years ago). This type of justice would help survivors better make sense of their experiences and more fully understand the circumstances in which they lost their loved ones. More immediate than punishment, individuals seek to create causal linkages in the events of their lives. However, this type of justice for Cambodians can only result if truth in all its messy forms is the objective.
I am sure that some victims will take comfort in the conviction and imprisonment of these men, all of whom are well into their 70s and 80s. This is their right and I honor their grief and anger. Most of my father’s side lost their lives during this period. However, this tribunal will not bring them back nor will it allow me to ever know my paternal grandparents. To be clear, my aim here is not to minimize the atrocities committed by the Khmer Rouge or divert attention from the responsibility of these individuals. My goal instead is to suggest that criminal proceedings alone are unlikely to achieve the sort of justice Cambodians deserve. However, it will likely be an either/or situation in this case. Time is running out on the opportunity to gather truth from these former Khmer Rouge leaders. It would be unfortunate if victims did not have ample opportunity to ask these men in person why these decisions were made. Hence, it looks to be a choice between justice in the punitive sense or justice as equated with truth and human understanding.
Ben Kiernan, a respected historian of Cambodia’s recent history, in applauding the decision to institute a hybrid court, noted that “a legal accounting of the crimes of the Khmer Rouge era cannot restore to Cambodians their lost loved ones, but it could give them back their history, if at least the tribunal goes ahead. Cambodian pupils may one day have textbooks to study the tragedy.” Professor Kiernan’s assessment overestimates the court’s impact on Cambodians. The genocide is already included in textbooks but with very little understanding of how these crimes against humanity had been permitted to unfold as they did. This information can be helpful for preventing this evil in the future. Will this tribunal achieve justice? I don’t know but it would be interesting to hear the voices of my community address this important topic. How we handle our tragic past ourselves will surely shape the future of our community. What I am certain of is that this tribunal will not bring back the over one million persons who lost their lives or give life to the countless unborn Cambodians.
Labels:
Justice,
KhmerWitica,
Killing fields,
KR leaders,
Opinion,
Vichet Chhoun
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