CAMBODIA: Rural poor at risk from climate change, says report

Much of Cambodia depends on its rural economy (Photo: Courtesy of UNDP/Arantxa Cedillo)

PHNOM PENH, 30 August 2011 (IRIN) - Building local resilience will prove key to better addressing the effects of climate change in Cambodia, this year's Cambodia Human Development Report (CHDR) states.

"Local action and local solutions are what is needed most," Tin Ponlok, deputy director-general of climate change for the Cambodian Ministry of Environment, told IRIN. "This is where we can make the most difference."

Released on 30 August, the report, Building Resilience: The Future for Rural Livelihoods in the Face of Climate Change, identifies climate change as a threat to human development gains and a source of increasing vulnerability for Cambodia's poor.

Thailand unravelling

Red shirts' anger has its roots in deep-seated inequalities

May 19, 2010
By ERIK MARTINEZ KUHONTA, Freelance
Montreal Gazette (Quebec, Canada)

Despite some 18 coups in its contemporary history, Thailand has long been a bastion of stability in Southeast Asia. It has avoided bouts of mass violence that have marred regional neighbours like Indonesia and Cambodia, and has become a major destination for tourists and an economic dynamo in Asia.

However, the current crisis that has parts of Bangkok looking like Beirut has the potential to unhinge Thailand from its stable moorings. Since the first clashes erupted in April, 67 people have been killed, and more than 1,700 have been injured. This degree of violence is unprecedented in Thailand.

At its core, this crisis has its roots in deep-seated inequalities between the rural sector and the ruling institutions and social groups based in Bangkok. The conflict between the Red Shirts and the Thai government stems from the September 2006 coup that ousted former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra. The Red Shirts, primarily rural people from the poorer areas of Thailand in the north and northeast, are avid supporters of Thaksin.

Incensed by the coup as well as by recent court rulings and backroom deals that eliminated governments led by Thaksin allies, the Red Shirts have been pushing to force out the current government of the Democrat Party, which took charge of government in 2008 when a number of Thaksin's parliamentary allies switched sides to give the Democrats a majority. That shady deal and repeated efforts to oust Thaksin and his allies are what so enrage the Red Shirts.

At a deeper level, the Red Shirts' support for Thaksin and visceral opposition to the Democrat-led government is a result of Thaksin's pro-poor policies. These policies, often called populist, included a universal health-care program known as the 30-Baht (75-cent) policy, a debt-moratorium program for farmers, and a Village Fund scheme that would have given every village in the country 1 million baht ($25,000) to jumpstart small-scale entrepreneurial projects.

The record of these policies in alleviating poverty has been mixed, although the health-care scheme has been the most successful. But the actual success of these policies is less important than their political effect. The policies have created a powerful social base for Thaskin's party and a devoted following for his leadership. Unlike any prime minister in Thailand's history, Thaksin has successfully created a bond with the rural poor, established a track record of policy innovation in favor of the rural sector, and mobilized them to political action. This has created a major challenge for elites in Bangkok.

The Bangkok elite - the aristocratic class, the military, and large parts of the middle class - remain deeply opposed to Thaksin and the Red Shirts, especially because they view Thaksin as a corrupt prime minister who used his public office to protect and advance his capitalist interests.

But opposition to Thaksin is also due to his attempts to challenge King Bhumipol Adulyadej's traditional role as supreme leader of the nation. Since his accession to the throne in 1946, 82-year-old Bhumipol has been one of the most successful and unifying monarchs in Thailand. But the monarchy has also shown little tolerance for politicians who could displace its position as patron and builder of the nation. This is exactly what Thaksin sought to do through the force of his charisma, as much as through his pro-poor policies.

Thailand now finds itself on the brink of civil war. In the past, when Thai politics appeared to have reached a point of no return, Bhumipol was able to step in and bring the conflict to an end. This is no longer possible because the conflict involves the monarchy's role in the polity, but also because the king has been ailing for much of the past year. A recent effort by Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva to negotiate was rejected by the Red Shirts, pushing the government to use military force to dislodge the protesters. But a military strategy will only inflame rural discontent in the long-run. Both sides need to submit to an impartial negotiator, whether from within Thailand or from abroad, so that negotiations can be credible and earnest.

Once the violence subsides, the larger issue that Thailand needs to confront is the deep marginalization of the rural poor. The Bangkok elite has long ruled on the assumption that the rural poor would accept their fate and would never pose a serious challenge to the state and to society's conservative norms.

This is no longer the case and puts the burden on the elite to change its thinking if it wishes to remain relevant in the midst of political and social change.

Erik Martinez Kuhonta teaches political science at McGill University.

In our ricefields we have the Viet crocs, in our forest we have the deadly snakes: Plight of Khmer villagers in Svay Rieng

Away from the insdicrete gaze with butt stark naked

11 March 2010
By Kang Kallyann
Cambodge Soir Hebdo
Translated from French By Tout Louse Laut Rek
Click here to read the article in French

In rural areas, hygiene and the availability of toilets remain an elusive luxury. The tough living conditions led to human dramas that are both tragic and ridiculous.

The tragedy is taking place in Svay Rieng province, near the Cambodian-Viet border. During a recent coverage on the border dispute [near Koh Kban Kandal village where the Viet encroachment took place], a villager told me this story: four villagers died there in the last few month because they were bitten by snakes while they were relieving themselves in the forest. At first, I had a hard time holding my laughter when I heard about this story.

Nevertheless, the villager insisted: this snake problem caused a lot of trouble in the village and it is far from being resolved. With the lack of decent toilets, the villagers had no choice but to relieve themselves out in the open air, away from the village and away from any indiscrete gaze. To the chagrin of the villagers, their open air toilet is infested with snakes … but the villagers have no other choice, and they are exposing themselves to this danger on a daily basis. What could be viewed as a joke is in fact a tragedy for these villagers. When I discussed this topic with a local official, he prefers not to talk too much about it: of course, “some villagers” died recently “because of the snakes.” For their safety, the youths were asked to learn how to shoo away the reptilian pests. And, that was the end of the story.

So you think this is funny, eh? Now, think about the families of the victims when they learn that a simple toilet could have saved the life of their loved ones. Think also about this young woman who was raped in the forest, or better yet, think about this young man who was killed by strangers when he was relieving himself. Now you can see that these cases are not laughable at all, but that they are in fact ridiculous! Now, let’s see: how can we explain the contrast between these dirt poor provinces and the luxurious roads that filled the capital city of Phnom Penh? Do you think that, in the 21st century Cambodia, it is acceptable for forests surrounding villages to be strewn with human feces?

Some city dwellers have the habit of showing off their disdain to people who live in isolated villages. But, would these city dwellers be at ease if they had to risk exposing their intimacy, their health, or even worst, their life just to be able to relieve themselves? Hygiene is not always within the reach of everybody in Cambodia just yet. Right now, in Phnom Penh, there is countless number of cosmetic stores where costly plastic surgery is being offered to the public, where young women who are so preoccupied by their look can have their skin whitened up, and yet, there are still a large number of Cambodians who live without using any soap at all. Based on these observations, it is clear that what is supposedly ridiculous is not always what we believe it would be at all.

Quite often, the entrance to villages would bear large signs clamoring: “drink and live healthily to protect your health.” Furthermore, several NGOs insist that they are promoting hygiene and that they are building infrastructures to allow access to drinking water, or building toilets. Keep in mind also that the cost of the most basic toilet is about 140,000 riels, i.e. about $35, with all the numbers in mind, I feel less inclined to smile nowadays when I read stories in the newspapers about villagers having to face snakes.

UN Agency To Prioritise Development Areas In Cambodia

PHNOM PENH, Jan 22 (Bernama) -- The Cambodian government has said that its development partner, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), is planning to prioritise five areas for development projects in the country from 2011 to 2015, China's Xinhua news agency reported.

A statement released by the Council for the Development of Cambodia (CDC) on Friday, said government officials from various institutions had held a meeting with their development partner UNDP to review the implementation of projects assisted by the UNDP in 2009 and the ongoing projects for years ahead.

The statement said the meeting was chaired by Keat Chhon, deputy prime minister and minister of the economy and finance, and also the first vice chairman of the CDC.

From 2006 through 2010, the UNDP were focusing on governance; promotion of human rights protection, agriculture and poverty in rural area; capacity building and human resource development; and national development plan.

UNDP has assisted Cambodia between 80 million and US$120 million a year.

Cambodia seeks to expand growth, boost rural incomes in Tonle Sap Basin

09 Dec 2009
Source: Asian Development Bank (ADB)

MANILA, PHILIPPINES - Cambodia will target sweeping new measures to boost incomes and livelihood opportunities for thousands of poor households in the Tonle Sap Basin region, in a bid to broaden the country's economic base and address growing income disparities between urban and rural areas.

To aid the government's goal, the Asian Development Bank's (ADB) Board of Directors approved a loan and grant totaling $30.7 million for the Tonle Sap Poverty Reduction and Smallholder Development Project. Two of ADB's development partners in Cambodia, the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), and the Government of Finland will also contribute a combined $19.1 million.

Cambodia's economy has grown between 6%-10% in recent years, driven by the construction, garment and tourism industries. However, growth in the agriculture sector, which provides livelihoods for up to 85% of the population, has been uneven because of weak infrastructure, low productivity, a lack of access to markets and poorly developed rural financial services. The result is persistently high levels of rural poverty and food insecurity, with almost a third of rural households lacking sufficient food during each year.

The project will spur agricultural productivity and increase incomes for up to 2.5 million people in 630,000 households in the poor Tonle Sap Basin provinces of Banteay Meanchey, Kampong Cham, Kampong Thom and Siem Reap. It will fund new or upgraded infrastructure, which is likely to include small-scale waterworks for irrigation and flood control systems, and improved farm-to-market roads. In addition the project will help to establish commune-based livelihood improvement groups that will provide revolving funds to members to buy agricultural supplies such as seeds and fertilizers. Support will be given to build up the capabilities of microfinance institutions and rural service agencies, to train farmers in modern agriculture technologies, and to boost access to information through internet centers or e-kiosks that can be utilized by commune members.

"The project will deliver a broad range of benefits including increased crop productivity and output, improved post-harvest management, market access and prices, greater access to rural financial services, and increased knowledge of agriculture technologies, all of which will help raise living standards, boost incomes, and provide livelihood opportunities for poor households," said Ian Makin, Senior Water Resources Management Specialist with ADB's Southeast Asia Department.

It is also part of a broader ADB-led initiative to develop the Tonle Sap Basin, and complements the work of other development partners in the agriculture sector, including IFAD.

The project is strongly focused on providing grass roots support for individual communities, who will be fully involved in identifying priority investments that reflect their specific needs. It also includes a gender action plan to ensure women are able to participate fully and to benefit equitably from the project.

ADB's funds from its concessional Asian Development Fund make up 55.5% of the total project cost of $55.3 million and include a loan equivalent to $3.4 million, and a grant of up to $27.3 million. The loan has a 32-year term, including a grace period of eight years, with interest charged at 1% per annum during the grace period and 1.5% for the rest of the term. IFAD's loan and grant of up to $13.38 million, and Government of Finland's grant of $5.75 million equivalent will be administered by ADB, with the Government of Cambodia providing $5.47 million to make up the balance of the total.

The Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries is the executing agency for the project, which is due for completion around August 2017.

Cambodians draw for land [-Stealing from Puthea to give to Phal?]

Many Cambodians lack land of their own. Photograph: Abbie Trayler-Smith

A Cambodian scheme to redistribute land to the poor is drawing criticism from expropriated farmers, writes Francis Deron in Le Monde

Wednesday March 11th 2009
Francis Deron
Le Monde (France)

"Whereas the vast majority of farmers had their own plot of land 20 years ago, nowadays about one-fifth of the rural population is totally destitute, owning nothing whatsoever" - World Bank official

Day breaks in a village in Kompong Cham province, Cambodia, east of Phnom Penh. The paddy fields are deserted. Women are busy with the washing, but everyone is watching the family heads who have gathered around a map of the village and its surroundings showing the plots of land in the draw.

An official with a megaphone takes a chit from a box and reads out a number. The men, sitting cross-legged on the ground, look anxiously at the number they have been allocated, though they must surely know it by heart. Finally the official announces the name of the winner.

This strange procedure is part of the Land Allocation for Social and Economic Development (Lased) programme. With help from the World Bank and the German Organisation for Technical Cooperation (GTZ), the Cambodian government is giving eligible families land that cannot be transferred for at least five years. It is up to beneficiaries to build a home on the plot and make a livelihood there. Initially, some 8,000 families will be involved.

Of course that is a very small number compared with the masses of Cambodia’s landless peasants, estimated at half a million by the World Bank – but it is a start.

There is nothing new about the problem of land ownership for peasant farmers but it has become an explosive issue in Cambodia. In the 1960s the nascent Khmer Rouge movement played on land shortages to drum up support for the Communist insurrection that helped overthrow the regime of the former king, Norodom Sihanouk. Publicising the current scheme sends the message that the government is looking out for the landless.

After the fall of the Khmer Rouge and the disappearance of officials and public records, confusion surrounded the redistribution of land as private property. To complicate matters further, tens of thousands of people were gradually returning from refugee camps. Much of the land was seized by those with power or influence. Estimates suggest that less than 1% of the population took control of 20% to 30% of the land in that first wave of privatisation, which started in 1991.

"Whereas the vast majority of farmers had their own plot of land 20 years ago, nowadays about one-fifth of the rural population is totally destitute, owning nothing whatsoever," says a World Bank official.

Many of these people had to sell their land, often illegally, to pay for the high cost of medical treatment when family members were injured by landmines in the fields. Until recently in Cambodia, explosive devices left over from 30 years of insurrection and war were still maiming or killing people, at a rate of about 1,000 victims a year. Some families might have lost their only buffalo, depriving them of the means to farm their land. They would have had no option but to sell and find work as seasonal farm labourers.

Only families with per capita earnings of less than 50 (US) cents a day qualify for the Lased programme. Launched in 2003 it concerns publicly owned land that local authorities are required to give up as "social land concessions".

However, the scheme has been unevenly deployed. Nine out of 20 provinces have complied, five others are still hesitating and Prey Veng, a densely populated province bordering on Vietnam, has announced it has no available land.

Rapid population growth has not helped, more than doubling numbers in some districts that were already hard pressed to feed everyone 20 years ago. Many plots lie fallow too, but demand far outstrips the political determination to exploit such land.

Protest movements by expropriated farmers, backed by Cambodian and foreign human rights organisations, are increasingly common. They have recently started taking their complaints to court. They have not had much success so far, but the rising number of cases prompted the prime minister, Hun Sen, to threaten to disband the authority in charge of settling land disputes on account of its inadequate results.