Sren
Krya, 23, recovers at a hospital in Kampong Cham in January 2012 after
being shot in the back by a security guard employed by TTY Co Ltd during
a protest over the clearing of land in Kratie province. Photograph:
Heng Chivoan/Phnom Penh Post
Last Updated on 26 December 2012
By Joe Freeman
The Phnom Penh Post
In
the realm of law and order, 2012 seemed to be the year of brazen
recklessness, when rank trumped justice and the big guy took it out on
the little guy.
Alongside
record-breaking drug busts, acid attacks, kidnappings and grisly
murders, apparent abuses of power turned up on a disturbingly regular
basis and dominated news headlines from the very beginning of the year.
In
January, security guards in Kratie province’s Snuol district opened
fire on villagers during a protest against the clearing of cassava
fields.
A
month later, then-Bavet town governor Chhouk Bandith allegedly fired
into a protest and injured three garment workers. Hardly a beat passed
before Bun Sokha, former deputy chief of staff of Prime Minister Hun
Sen’s bodyguard unit, was caught on tape in April beating a man with
three others in a Koh Kong hotel.
Only two guards were charged in the Snuol shooting, while charges against Bandith and Sokha were mysteriously dropped.
“The
context of Cambodia, with the powerful and well-connected enjoying
impunity to abuse the rights of others, remained consistent, but the
intensity of abuses certainly increased as issues of land seizures came
to the fore,” said Phil Robertson, deputy director of Human Rights Watch
in Asia.
“Similarly, shootings and beatings of ordinary persons by well-connected officials showed a disturbing increase.”
But
few cases shook the nation’s collective conscience as much as a murder
that took place in a jungle and reverberated well outside of Cambodia’s
borders. In late April, while escorting journalists into Koh Kong
province to examine the illegal logging trade, Cambodia’s crusading
environmentalist Chut Wutty was gunned down under circumstances that
have never been fully explained.
Or
rather, they have been fully explained, but few understand or buy the
explanation. The official version of events is that military police
officer In Rattana shot Wutty after an argument. Rattana was then shot,
or so the story goes, by Ran Boroth, a security guard employed at the
time by logging firm Timbergreen.
As
monitors of the case tried in vain to put the hard-to-assemble puzzle
together and find out what happened, a troubling piece was introduced.
Less than two weeks after the sentencing of Boroth, who was convicted to
two years in October for the accidental killing of Rattana, a
provincial court suspended his sentence. With time served, he walked
free in November.
Plenty
of gunplay occurred outside the boundaries of land and logging, though,
as was shown by the virtually endless stream of accounts describing the
Wild West behaviour of military officials and their apparent penchant
for shooting aimlessly into the sky on the slightest pretext.
As
recently as December 12, in perhaps the most ironic incident, a Royal
Cambodian Armed Forces soldier and four others out carousing allegedly
fired three shots into the air in sight of the Phnom Penh Municipal
Court.
Though
the five were charged less than a week later with illegal weapons
possession, the case was something of an outlier. Few members of the
military have been held to account in similar incidents, despite the
fact that Hun Sen spoke out against anarchic shooting sprees committed
by the powerful and well-connected.
In
September, he gave a speech calling for stricter measures against rogue
military officers, warning that he didn’t want to see any more media
stories about the government failing to act when the influential flouted
the law.
The
impact of Hun Sen’s words on military officials appeared negligible,
however. As Robertson pointed out, there was “no appreciable action to
hold them responsible and no apparent political commitment to change the
dynamic that allows officials to abuse who they want whenever they
want”.
One
day after the shooting outside the Phnom Penh Municipal Court, an angry
RCAF commander in Pursat province allegedly unloaded 10 bullets into
the air because his name wasn’t on a list of Cambodian People’s Party
supporters. His superiors said he would be “educated” about responsible
firearms usage; that’s military code for a slap on the wrist.
Some
received more than an education. The Anti-Corruption Unit, established
in 2010, made its third and fourth arrests in 2012. The year-long fraud
and corruption investigations into two Preah Vihear officials, deputy
prosecutor Thol Kem Hong and provincial taxation office boss Chea
Sophal, proved fruitful. Their cases are pending.
The
first corrupt official arraigned under the body’s new powers was
anti-drug czar Moek Dara, who was convicted in January on 32 counts of
bribery and corruption and sentenced to life in prison. He appealed, and
a decision is expected by the end of this month.
Drugs
seemed to show up everywhere in Cambodia this year, among users and
sellers, distributors and traffickers, while analysts and officials
issued warnings about the country turning into a drug production haven
in Southeast Asia.
Police
broke up methamphetamine labs, intercepted narcotics at Phnom Penh
International Airport, and seized international shipments of precursor
chemicals at the ports in Sihanoukville and Phnom Penh.
“It
is a little bit worse than last year,” said Meas Virith, deputy
secretary general at the National Authority for Combating Drugs. “Not
all of the chemicals are imported illegally. Some are made here … It is
normal that criminals try to find a place to produce drugs. This is a
new place.”
The
wide reach of narcotics brought down local tycoon Tang Seng Hak in
November, when anti-drug authorities raided his Phnom Penh home, where
they said a meth-smoking salon was in effect. More than a dozen people
were arrested and Seng Hak was charged with drug trafficking.
Crime,
of course, wasn’t limited to officials or the well-connected. Over the
past year, Cambodian authorities battled a dizzying array of attempted
capers, misdeeds and all-out mayhem. There were – to name but a few
incidents – online gambling networks, a high-profile pedophile who was
finally kicked out of the country, acid attacks, grisly murders and
horrific tragedies.
Cambodia’s
reputation as a haven for sex tourists seeking illegal pleasures was
slightly improved when government authorities booted out notorious
Russian pedophile Alexander Trofimov in June.
Trofimov
was an investor in a Sihanoukville resort who had been convicted of
abusing 17 Cambodian girls between 2005 and 2007. He received a royal
pardon last year but was re-arrested in the summer on deportation orders
from the Ministry of Interior.
Victims
of fatal and violent crime this year came from different backgrounds
and socioeconomic levels. But while motives and details differed, the
cases of wanton cruelty stood out.
Teuk
Thmem villagers in Battambang province mourned the lives of three
children, after a local man named Chem Vasna was charged with their
murder in September. The bodies were found in a field after they were
left there for four days. Police said Vasna confessed to raping and
slitting the throat of the eight-year-old girl after luring her into the
fields to help pick mushrooms. Afterwards, according to the
investigation, he killed her fleeing nine- and 11-year-old friends.
In
a highly publicised murder a month later, police in Phnom Penh found
the body of 19-year-old Lim Srey Pich, who had recently won a
competition to model for Spy Wine Cooler. Srey Pich was found strangled
to death, and authorities later arrested a woman who police say
confessed to inviting the teenager to her house via Facebook.
Nothing
can compare with the loss of life, but the loss of appearance through
painful disfigurement is close. Described by a human rights group as
“one of the worst crimes that a person can commit”, acid attacks became
so common in 2011 that the National Assembly passed a law upping
penalties for attackers and limiting access.
Ziad
Samman, project manager with the Cambodian Acid Survivors Charity, said
that the law’s passage might account for the decrease in reported
incidents in 2012 compared with the previous year.
Seven attacks occurred this year, according to the charity, compared to 17 in 2011.
“One
could speculate that the development of the acid law has thus far acted
as a deterrent for would be perpetrators,” he said in an email.
“However, until the first legal cases that fall under the acid law go to
trial, we will be unable to see just how serious the government is
about the implementation of this important legislation.”
The lower number, however, is one of the few bright spots in a year crowded with disturbing violence.
No
review of crime in 2012 would be complete without a passing nod to some
of the year’s stranger-than-fiction vice. There was plenty to choose
from, but the top slot goes to a man in his late 40s from Kampong Thom.
Tong
Houn had developed quite the infamous reputation for himself in what
locals and police say was a 10-year spree of suspected kidnappings,
robberies and killings that spanned six Cambodian provinces.
He
was said to have the strength of a giant and no fear of death, and he
lived up to at least part of the myth when he was arrested after a brief
shootout in late October.
“He
threatened the police forces, saying: ‘Now you’ve arrested me, why
don’t kill me?’” Brigadier General Phan Sopheng, the police chief
Kampong Thom, told the Post after the arrest. He added that it took five
to six police officers to restrain him.
The
authorities sent him to the provincial prison in Kampong Thom, but they
worried that, given his ability to evade police for so long, he might
also find a way to slip out of the low-security facility.
Maybe
the walls will hold him, or maybe they won’t. The man with superhuman
strength may be in luck, though. As 2012 has shown, the big guy usually
wins.
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