The 3H Killers

https://www.box.com/s/729695729311ff4a32be

Who's who in Hun Xen's regime?

Nguyen Van Son aka Hok Lundy?

Hoa Van Anh alias Sok An (right)?

Lucky Man aka Keat Chhon

THE GREAT CAMBODIA DEBATE

By Mark A. Smith, DSC,
Major, USA, Retired
Posted 01 May 2005 at: http://www.rossie.com/camboddebate.htm

Before John Arnone and Kurt Heck take the "Great Book Readers" advice on Who Is Who in Cambodia, they may wish to look at the true facts not in the bookstore.

----Many years ago, I chased the current Police Chief of Cambodia around Tay Ninh Province of the then Republic of Vietnam. Though now known as Hok Lundy, he was then named Nguyen Van Son. The actual leader who asked the Vietnamese to intervene was Pen Sovan. He, of course, fell from power and was jailed in Vietnam when the relative of his wife, Pham Van Dong, lost out to the the relative of the wife of Hun Sen; Do Moi. Before this event, Hun Sen was only number 8 in the leadership sponsored by Vietnam.The reason the U.S. Government did not recognize the Government installed by Vietnam was not because it supported the Khmer Rouge, but because true Cambodians had little or no say in that Government and little now.

----Much is made of the U.S. and Thai support for the resistance to Vietnamese occupation. Many have made this to mean support for the Khmer Rouge.The only group not needing U.S. support was the Khmer Rouge. China more than adequately supplied them at the request of then Prince Sihanouk. Many nations assisted the non-communist resistance to Vietnamese occupation.

The 3H criminals

https://www.box.com/s/a7e3a7023a2e5239e205

Sacrava's Political Cartoon - The Local Death Club

Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com)

The 4H - A Poem in Khmer by Srey Sra'em

Two Years After Police Chief Death, Security Concerns

The late Hok Lundy led the national police since 1994 until 2008, he died in a plane crash on November 9, 2008. (Photo: AP)

Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer
Washington, DC Wednesday, 10 November 2010

“Court officials dared not to oppose Hok Lundy, whether it was right or wrong.”

Cambodia's security environment is still dealing with the legacy of Hok Lundy, the national chief of police widely accused of gross human rights abuses who died in an accident two years ago, rights workers said this week.

Activists say a lack of safety for citizens and a general atmosphere of impunity still prevail, while police continue to seek bribes or commit abuses.

When Hok Lundy perished in a helicopter crash over his native Svay Rieng province, analysts and observers waited to see how the police force might adjust. Hok Lundy continually faced charges of rights abuses and misconduct and a corrupt security force.

Police have been unable to shake some of that past, rights workers say.

“We still see see some [police] officials take opportunities to compromise criminal cases out of court,” said Am Sam Ath, lead investigator for the rights group Adhoc. “Which is against the principle of law: that those who commit crimes must be sent to the court for legal proceedings.”

Chan Saveth, head of rights monitoring for Licadho, said police and court officials continue to work together for personal benefit, taking bribes in some cases, or digging up old cases for more extortion, undermining the judiciary.

Licadho recorded at least 21 compromised court cases in 2010, including two where suspected killers were released without trial or charges after a money exchange was brokered. In one case, family members told Licadho a man had been arrested and found dead in police custody in Battambang province. In another case, in Kampong Cham province, a soldier allegedly shot one villager dead and was never brought to trial.

A source with close ties to both the police and the courts told VOA Khmer that police have become dispirited in their work, following investigations and arrests that don't see trial or are dismissed by superiors.

Meanwhile, public perception is that crime has increased. The Khmer-language daily Koh Santepheap reported earlier this month at least 20 crimes, including deadly armed robberies. The paper said this type of insecurity had not happened in the previous five years.

National police spokesman Keat Chantharith said the authorities have actually stepped up investigations into major crimes across the country. “We are busy investigating,” he said.

But criminal activity has continued despite an August crackdown order by Interior Minister Sar Kheng. Under the order, police are to step up efforts to stop crimes such as robbery, use of illegal weapons, gang activity, and the trafficking of women and drugs.

Still, rights activists say they are happy with some policies of Neth Savoeun, who took over as police chief after Hok Lundy's death.

Am Sam Ath said Neth Savoeun has not exhibited the kind of “opportunity of power” shown by Hok Lundy in the past, but has proven an accomplished administrator who has cooperated with rights work.

Chan Saveth applauded a police hotline and complaint box meant to make it easier for people to anonymously report crime or corruption to the police. However, people still need more confidence in the police, he said.

A court official who spoke on condition of anonymity said Hok Lundy was prone to stepping into big cases, such as disputes over land or money. “Court officials dared not to oppose Hok Lundy, whether it was right or wrong,” for fear of personal safety, the official said. Such open intervention in court cases has lessened, the official said.

Even if the atmosphere has improved, high-profile murders that took place under Hok Lundy's watch—of union leader Chea Vichea, journalist Khim Sambor, film star Piseth Pilika, and others—have gone unsolved.

Keat Chantharith said the investigations are not closed. He declined to compare the leadership of Hok Lundy and his successor.

CPP revision 2: A work in progress

Hun Manet talks to children (All Photos: Kampuchea Thmei)
Hun Manet (2nd from right) sitting next to his brother-in-law Dy Vichea, Hok Lundy's son
The Hun clan distributing the fruit of their corruption

Hun Sen preparing a political dynasty?

Monday, 20 September 2010
By Khmerization
Source: Kampuchea Thmey

This latest publicity show is another example of the Hun Clan trying to polish its public image due to Prime Minister's iron fist rule, but importantly due to the misdeeds of his many relatives in the past that have drawn Mr. Hun Sen to warn of a revenge attack when he is no longer in power

Prime Minister Hun Sen seems to be positioning for a political succession in recent years when his children, especially his oldest son Hun Manet, were seen coming out in drove to carry out humanitarian works in less fortunate areas, particularly in rural Cambodia.

The latest publicity stunt happened on Saturday 18th September in Phnom Penh's Russey Keo district when Hun Manet, Hun Many and his wife, Dy Vichea, Hun Sen's son-in-law and son of the late Police Commissioner Hok Lundy, brought abundance of gifts to the 133 orphaned children living in an orphanage in the area.

They donated 5o bikes, 2 tons of rice, 50 kilograms of smoked fish, 100 kilograms of dried and pickled white carrot, 10 boxes of canned fish, 50 boxes of instant noodle, 100 kilograms of salt, 80 kilograms of MSG powder, 200 kilograms of white sugar, 20 containers of fish sauce and 20 containers of liquid bean seasoning sauce.

On top of this, they donated 10 foot balls, 10 volley balls, 10 shuttle cocks etc. They also donated 660 notebooks, 160 T-shirts, pens, pencils, clothes and other things to the 133 children of the orphanage. They donated 6 pairs of clothes, 6 kramas (thin towel), 6 sarongs and 6 pairs of thongs to older disabled people in the area.

On top of this, each of 11 staff of the orphanage gets 200,000 riels ($50) each, each of the 133 orphan gets 20,000 riels ($5), each of the 6 disabled people gets $100,000 ($25) and the orphanage gets an 8 ($2,000) million riels donation from the Hun Sen family. On top of this, the orphanage gets 3 computers, one photocopier and one printer.

Prime Minister Hun Sen has been seen trying to groom his oldest son, Hun Manet who graduated from the prestigious West Point Military Academy in the U.S, holds a Masters Degree from Georgetown University in the U.S and holds a Ph.D from Britain's Bristol University, for the last 3 years or so by attempting to find him a parliamentary seat within the ruling Cambodian People's Party, but was opposed by the party's old guards. He later was appointed a brigadier general in the Cambodian Military.

This latest publicity show is another example of the Hun Clan trying to polish its public image due to Prime Minister's iron fist rule, but importantly due to the misdeeds of his many relatives in the past that have drawn Mr. Hun Sen to warn of a revenge attack when he is no longer in power.

Mystery over Hok Lundy’s chopper crash

Hok Lundy (in blue uniform) standing next to his boss and in-law Hun Xen (Photo: The Phnom Penh Post)

Hok Lundy crashed helicopter (Photo: The Phnom Penh Post)

19 August 2010
By Tim Ravy
Free Press Magazine Online
Translated from Khmer by Soch and Soy
Click here to read the article in Khmer

The person who was imbued with extreme power, a ruthless man whom everybody are scared of, a drug dealer whose name appeared on the US government blacklist, a leader of a successful coup d’état, a man who knew the in and out of the assassinations of countless politicians, journalists and actresses, that person was no other than the defunct General Hok Lundy. His death was a tragedy for his family and for those who use to reap profit from him, however, for the victims who suffered under his hands, Hok Lundy’s death is a wish that they have prayed for.

Following the 54th anniversary of Cambodia’s independence on 09 November 2008, 4-golden-star general Hok Lundy climbed on his personal helicopter with General Sok Sa’em, the deputy army chief of staff heading to Svay Rieng province, but a few hours later, it was reported that Hok Lundy’s helicopter crashed after lightning struck it. Nobody in the helicopter survived, two pilots also counted among the dead. The helicopter broke into pieces, and the body remains were no longer complete, i.e. all that were left were bits and pieces of flesh and bones that were spread and mixed up all over.

Investigating cops from the ministry of Interior (MoI) were dispatched to the spot in the middle of the night to check on this accident. The MoI cops indicated that the helicopter crashed from lightning strike, and not from sabotage. The announcement of this hypothesis calmed down the emotion reigning among many people.

Villagers living near the crash scene claimed that during that evening, they heard a loud explosion noise in the air that was very unusual, then they saw the helicopter flying above the trees falling down and exploded one more time. The villagers all went to look at the helicopter which exploded into pieces all over the place and smoke was bellowing out. Some of villagers tried to find money and jewelry among the debris because they didn’t know it was Hok Lundy’s body. It was not until the cops and the local authority arrived to look at the situation for the anarchy on the scene to stop.

General Sok Sa’em was a Svay Rieng native, he used to be the army commander for Kratie province for more than 10 years. During the 1997 coup d’état, he took his soldiers from Kratie and set them up in a beltway located between Phnom Penh Thmei and Tuol Kok, i.e. from the Traloak Bek area to the national TV antenna. The goal of the beltway was to prevent Nhek Bun Chhay’s Funcinpec army from entering Phnom Penh, and it was also a beltway to protect the houses of top government officials in Tuol Kok as well. It was after the success of the coup that he was promoted to deputy army chief of staff.

General Hok Lundy who was of Viet descent, was the former Phnom Penh city governor whose hands were covered with blood for ordering the crackdown of students in 1992. He was transferred to Svay Rieng to occupy the position of provincial governor before Hun Xen promoted him to the national police commissioner in 1994. Hun Xen and Hok Lundy met in Vietnam prior to 1979 and later the pair became in-laws. In 1997, Hok Lundy became the coup leader by ordering the killing of several dozens of high-ranking Funcinpec army officers, including General Ho Sok, the secretary of state at the minister of Interior who was arrested [and later shot and killed]. General Heng Pov, the former Phnom Penh police commissioner who was also a blood enemy of Hok Lundy, unmasked him, saying that Hok Lundy was involved with numerous crimes. Brad Adams, the director of Human Rights Watch for Asia, claimed that after Hun Xen, Hok Lundy was the most fearful man in Cambodia.

There was no surprise in Brad Adams’ assertion because even local human rights organizations, opposition officials, labor union officials, as well as those around Hok Lundy clearly knew about this fact. Furthermore, the US government even blacklisted him for his involvement in human and drug trafficking in 2004, and the US even canceled his visa for a visit to the US.

A reliable source indicated that Hok Lundy was the one who openly allowed Thai fishing boats to illegally come into Cambodian waters. The large casinos in Phnom Penh and along the border were all under Hok Lundy’s protection because the casino owners paid him each month several tens of thousands of dollars. Casino workers confirmed that Hok Lundy would show up in the casinos very often at night time. He was gambling with rich Chinese tycoons and in one evening he could lose up to $1 million, he also owed the casinos and sometime he would pay them back, but sometime, he wouldn’t. Hok Lundy’s action displeased the top CPP leaders, but when he died, several people were overjoyed, including Sar Kheng, the minister of Interior. For that occasion, Sar Kheng even had his gray hair dyed all black.

Immediately after the helicopter explosion, a group of US students and professors from a polytechnic institute in California conducted a scientific experiment. They used a small helicopter loaded with passengers, then they subjected it to artificial lightning, but the helicopter engine did not have a short circuit, nor did it explode from lightning and thunder. Based on the experiment above, it can be concluded that the helicopter carrying Hok Lundy could not explode from lightning, unlike what the Cambodian police claimed, but it was most likely subjected to a bomb explosion.

The hypothesis advanced by the US researchers seemed to be reliable because when one travel by plane at night time, planes have to cross rains, thunders and lightning, but the plane never met any danger. Furthermore, if the helicopter engine had a short circuit and fell down, then it wouldn’t fall into bits and pieces like this, and the passenger bodies would not be broken into pieces like this either because the helicopter was flying at a low altitude.

There are two possible suspicions: (1) there were an explosion from the grenades the two generals took with them, and (2) there was a planned sabotage. Analysts claimed that the explosion from grenade that they took with them could be plausible because nearby villagers heard the explosion in mid-air and the plane fell immediately afterward, that was why the bodies were torn apart into small unrecognizable pieces. Nevertheless, the planned sabotage hypothesis is also credible because Hok Lundy was not the only person in Cambodia who can plan a sabotage attack [like the 1997 coup], there are others who also have this ability and they are his enemies or the enemies of his boss, and they have the ability to end the life of this “ferocious tiger” as well. Hok Lundy’s own boss could also be the one who decided to end his life because this tiger is getting more ferocious, he no longer listened to his bosses and his ill reputation was spreading both inside and outside the country, in particular from his drug and human trafficking activities, etc… Therefore, a secret plan was concocted to save the face of the government and the ruling CPP party.

The two hypotheses above are more plausible than the claim made by the Cambodian police which blamed the accident on the weather condition. It is suspected that the on-scene investigators have found bomb pieces, but this truth was hidden from the public. Nevertheless, a ferocious terrorist leader whose hands are sullied with blood of several dozens of victims had left this world already, this is a wakeup call for all the current leaders who are involved in misdeeds, telling them to return to the right path in order to avoid Hok Lundy’s fate.

Cambodia in yet another bribe scandal: No surprise there with Hun Xen in power!!!

Hun Xen and the late Hy Lundok

Cambodia in bribe scandal: Australian MP

Thursday, 27 May 2010
David Boyle
The Phnom Penh Post

CAMBODIA has been potentially implicated in an international corruption scandal involving an Australian company accused of procuring prostitutes for foreign officials and offering them bribes in order to secure contracts to print bank-notes, an Australian senator said Tuesday.

Securency – a subsidiary of the Reserve Bank of Australia, which has a 50 percent stake in the company – manufactures polymer bank notes that are used in nearly 30 countries.

The Australian Federal Police (AFP) is already investigating whether the company’s commissioning agents offered huge bribes to officials in Malaysia, Vietnam, Nigeria and Indonesia.

At a federal senate committee hearing on Tuesday, Senator Bob Brown, leader of the Australian Greens party, indicated that Cambodia could be another country where agents employed by Securency have engaged in bribery.

“In the matter of Securency, government officials have been flagged as being involved in Vietnam, in Indonesia, in Nigeria, potentially in Nepal and South Africa and Cambodia, and a number of other countries,” he said.

At a meeting of the Australian federal senate’s economic reference committee last October, Brown identified Melbourne lawyer Daryl Dealehr as Securency’s commissioning agent in Cambodia.

“Dealehr has ties to the families of Cambodia’s late and notorious national police chief Hok Lundy and Cambodia’s controversial Prime Minister, Hun Sen,” he said.

Dealehr, who could not be reached Wednesday, is the treasurer of the Cambodia Association of Mining and Exploration Companies (CAMEC), and the owner of the mining company Cambodian Resources Ltd.

Neav Chantana, vice governor of the National Bank of Cambodia, said Wednesday she was unaware of any corruption allegations against Securency, and that the bank had no dealings with the company.

AFP said in an emailed statement Tuesday that it would not be appropriate to comment on any potential expansion of its investigation to incorporate Cambodia, explaining it could “jeopardise the integrity of the investigation”.

ADDITIONAL REPORTING BY NGUON SOVAN

Heng Pov pens book lauding PM

Former municipal police chief Heng Pov’s new book is displayed for sale Tuesday along Street 51 near Sihanouk Boulevard. (Photo by: Pha Lina)

Wednesday, 21 April 2010
Cheang Sokha and James O'toole
The Phnom Penh Post

He also alleged that actress Piseth Pilika, who was shot and killed in 1999, was gunned down on orders from first lady Bun Rany, who he said had learned of an affair between the starlet and her husband, and accused local tycoon Mong Reththy of involvement in drug trafficking.

FORMER Phnom Penh municipal police chief Heng Pov has written a book from prison that offers effusive praise for Prime Minister Hun Sen, in what observers say is a marked turn from previous public comments and may be an attempt to secure a pardon.

The book was first distributed to stores in central Phnom Penh on Tuesday, with Heng Pov’s preface dated January 2010. In the 227-page volume, titled Strategy to Extinguish War in Cambodia, Heng Pov offers an analysis of recent Cambodian history and politics that describes Hun Sen as the Kingdom’s most skillful leader and refers to him by his full honorific.

“The special condition of the diplomatic strategy of Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen is not to consider any philosophy, country or religion as an enemy of Cambodia with whom we cannot compromise or reconcile,” Heng Pov writes, offering similar praise for the premier’s role in domestic politics.

“Samdech Techo never considered other Cambodian politicians as life-or-death enemies with whom he cannot compromise or reconcile,” he says.

Kao Soupha, Heng Pov’s lawyer, said he had proofread the book prior to publication. He said Heng Pov’s aim in writing it had been to demonstrate his patriotism and to describe Hun Sen’s political career.

“This book is not written simply to praise Hun Sen, but to show the facts of his leadership of the country,” Kao Soupha said.

Heng Pov, a widely feared leader during his time as police chief, was arrested in 2006 and sentenced last year to over 90 years in prison on a raft of charges including extortion, kidnapping and murder. He is scheduled to appear at the Appeal Court on April 30 to contest three of the cases against him, though Kao Soupha said that at this point, Heng Pov’s only hope is for the prime minister to come to his aid.

“For Heng Pov’s case, the court will never find justice for him, and only Hun Sen can save him,” Kao Soupha said.

Heng Pov’s praise for Hun Sen stands in stark contrast to previous public statements, including a 2006 interview with the French weekly L’Express in which he accused Hun Sen and former national police chief Hok Lundy of being behind the 1997 grenade attack on a Sam Rainsy Party rally and numerous other assassinations of opposition or political figures.

He also alleged that actress Piseth Pilika, who was shot and killed in 1999, was gunned down on orders from first lady Bun Rany, who he said had learned of an affair between the starlet and her husband, and accused local tycoon Mong Reththy of involvement in drug trafficking. These allegations have been denied.

Heng Pov has claimed innocence of the charges against him, alleging that they were engineered by Hok Lundy, his former rival.

Hok Lundy was killed in a helicopter crash in 2008, a fact that Cambodian Defenders Project director Sok Sam Oeun said may have played into Heng Pov’s decision to write the book.

“The enemy of Heng Pov, Hok Lundy, is dead, so maybe Heng Pov thinks he has a chance to be pardoned by the prime minister,” Sok Sam Oeun said. He added that for a case involving a high-profile political figure – Heng Pov is also a former adviser to Hun Sen – a pardon could indeed be possible.

Hang Chhaya, executive director of the Khmer Institute for Democracy, said the book might have been conceived as an attempt to “appease” Hun Sen. Though he said a pardon could be possible, he argued that given the severity of Heng Pov’s past statements, the premier may be unlikely to offer leniency.

“The fallout was so deep,” he said. “I know that sometimes the prime minister does have a change of heart over political-related court cases, but this one is a difficult one.”

Minister of Information Khieu Kanharith said that Heng Pov may indeed be angling for clemency, but declined to offer a response without first reviewing the book.

“He has the free time to write – that might be the intention – but because I didn’t see the book, it would be difficult for me to make any comment,” Khieu Kanharith said, adding that government staffers could “make excerpts” for Hun Sen if they were deemed of interest.

Nearly US$1 million in Heng Pov’s personal bank accounts has frozen following his arrest, and he wrote to Hun Sen last year in a bid to secure funding for family and legal expenses, asking the prime minister to “intervene to allow me to withdraw some money from the bank, with forgiveness”. This request, however, went unheeded.

Prey Sar prison director Mong Kim Heng said Tuesday that despite his former stature, Heng Pov has received no special treatment in jail.

“He has nothing to do each day besides exercise,” Mong Kim Heng said, “and I have observed that he likes reading and writing in his free time.”

Who Will Be Struck by Lightning?

Hun and Hok

September 13, 2009
Op-Ed by Sokheoun Pang
On the web at http://sokheounpang.wordpress.com

Cambodian people were shot, wounded and burned alive by Siam brutal soldiers after they entered Thailand for logging for their survival because of poverty. The news really shocks my heart.

If we remember this month about the curse of the gangster leader Hun Sen who warned his critics that they would be struck by lightning if they dared to suggest his leadership was plunging the country into poverty.

“ [They] say Cambodia is getting poorer and poorer, but aren’t they afraid of being struck by lightning?” he said and adding that, “ If you dare to say it and be struck by lightning, go ahead.”

The news of Siam soldiers shot our poor people is posted in the Dap-news. So can we believe the news posted in Dap-news, which belongs to Soy Sopheap who is Hun Sen´s crony, be true that the people who live there along the border are poor? If the news is not true, then Soy Sopheap will be struck by lightning, and yet if the news is true then who will be struck by lighting? Of course, Hun Sen himself. Another Hok Longdy?
However, I do believe Soy Sopheap about this news of the poverty of our people which forces them to risk their life by entering Thailand illegally for logging because they just can´t die by waiting for help from the ganster leader like Hun Sen who has no competence, morality, and responsibility. And we all have already heard such a news many times published and yet it is still happening because we have such an incompetent and irresponsible leader like Hun Sen.

Notice: Hun Sen dares to compare Cambodian development only with the Pol Pot regime but not with other countries or the current of the world.

Sacrava's Political Cartoon: Pchum Ben's Ghosts

Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com)

Rumours milling around that Gen. Dul Koeun had died

Gen. Dul Koeun (R) and Gen. Hok Lundy (L).

Deum Ampil newspaper
6th March, 2009
Reported in English by Khmerization

There are rumours that Gen. Dul Koeun, Chief of Logistics and Finance at the Ministry of Interior, had died.

Gen. Dul Koeun was an arch-rival of the late Gen. Hok Lundy, the Police Commissioner who died of helicopter crash on 9th of November, 2008.

After the arrest of his bodyguard, Col. Pheng Phay, on charges of attempted murder of Mr. Thong Uy Pang, rumours are milling around that Gen. Dul Koeun had been arrested by Military Police and detained at Ministry of Interior along with Gen. Ke Kim Yan. Afterward, there are rumours that Gen. Dul Koeun was seriously sick and was sent to Calmette Hospital. Rumours were milling around that he had died at Calmette hospital and his body was sent to his home for funeral.

Since the sacking of Gen. Ke Kim Yan, the Cambodian People's Party had suffered unfortunate and malicious rumours of internal divisions. There were rumours that Gen. Ke Kim Yan was arrested and detained by the Military Police. Later, rumours are circulating that Mr. Khieu Kanharith, Minister of Information, had died. And now rumours about the death of Gen. Dul Koeun had surfaced.

The rumours about Gen. Dul Koeun's death had been milling around for sometimes, but on the morning of the 4th of March, the rumours had spread like a wild fire.

Unexpectedly, on the morning of the 5th, Gen. Dul Koeun had telephoned Deum Ampil News to say that he is still alive, strong and healthy. And he appeals to the authority to find out the source of the rumours so they can be punished.

Film-maker Bradley Cox tackles the mystery surrounding the murder of Cambodian unionist Chea Vichea

Phnom Penh (Cambodia). 25/01/2004: Chea Vichea's funeral. (Photo: John Vink/ Magnum)

19-01-2009
By Stéphanie Gée Ka-set in English Click here to read the article in French Click here to read the article in Khmer

January 22nd will mark the 5th anniversary of the assassination of charismatic trade unionist Chea Vichea. Born Samnang and Sok Sam Oeun, for their part, only just dodged their fate of yet spending another day behind bars. Both men were convicted of murder and condemned to spend 20 years in jail, but the highly unpopular verdict of their guilt left many unsatisfied. Lack of credible evidence... Trial marred with irregularities... On December 31st 2008, the Supreme Court ruled, much to the amazement of the audience and many, their release on bail. The American film-maker Bradley Cox took a deep interest in the case at its beginnings and set out to lead his own parallel investigation. For four years, he tracked down witnesses and clues and eventually put together a dossier in the form of the thriller-like documentary film “Who Killed Chea Vichea”, due for release this year and for which the film-maker still seeks financing. Bradley Cox gave an interview for Ka-set in Phnom Penh and goes back over the long and tiring making of the documentary.

Ka-set : What made you come to Cambodia?
Bradley Cox : Like a lot of people, I ended up here by accident. I was teaching a film course in Bhutan and when I finished it, I stayed a while around the Thai border, when someone asked me to come to Cambodia and make a documentary film, which I accepted, even though it turned out to be complete nonsense. This was just before the 2003 legislative elections and I thought the whole election process here was really interesting, much more than the ones in my country! So, I decided to do a documentary on that and managed to obtain funds from USAID [the United States Agency for International Development]. I happened to arrive one week before the January 29th Thai riots...

K7 : Why did you take such an interest in Chea Vichea's death and choose to make a documentary on that story?
BC : I met Chea Vichea because of my prior documentary on the 2003 elections. He had received a death threat a week before the elections. Vichea was the one guy who could gather huge demonstrations and he had threatened to do so if the opposition felt that the election did not play fair. I think that was the last taped interview he did. He was a really nice guy. It was hard not to respect this man in a country where you can pay a steep price for your actions.

Six months after that interview, he was killed. I was right there when it happened as I lived nearby. I arrived at the scene ten minutes after the shots, but back then, I didn't know that it would be the subject of my next documentary. It is only in August 2005, when they convicted the two men whom everybody knew were innocent, that it became clear to me. I wanted to make a documentary out of that story to show how these things happen.

K7 : How did you proceed to collect information on such a delicate question?
BC : The idea was to lead my own investigation into what happened, whether these men [Born Samnang and Sok Sam Oeun] were guilty or not. I tracked down their alibis and went to the places they were at [on the day of the assassination], talked to the people, some of whom were very scared to speak... Many did not want to talk in front of the camera, for obvious reasons. I tried to figure out what had really happened and got hold of documents I was not supposed to have.

I talked to the police unofficially, went to Finland to interview the wife of Chea Vichea [the country gave her political asylum shortly after her husband's death] who told me a lot about him and how their family had had to deal with living on constant threat. When she watched him leave home in the morning, she used to wonder whether he would be coming back at all. She told me how he was always very nervous, always looking left and right and could never really relax... I also went to France and spoke to a former [Cambodian] policeman who had very interesting things to say on how the police work - that will be in the film.

In addition, I talked to many judges, none of whom I ever managed to get to speak in front of a camera! But I wanted to show how the Court really works in Cambodia. There are many things that people like diplomats pretend not to know... With this film, it is going to be harder for them, hopefully, to dismiss certain things!

It is probably the most sensitive murder case since Piseth Pilika [a famous actress assassinated in July 1999]. This is why I spent a lot of time trying to get people to talk to me. I could see they wanted to speak , that they wanted people to know about it, but they did not want to be the ones who would get the blow back. That is understandable.

K7 : What does the documentary aim at showing?
BC : The basis is Chea Vichea's case but also a microcosm of some of the problems that continue to exist in Cambodia and make the people suffer. I think they have been let down by their leaders and deserve better. And you think the international community will be more helpful. But its representatives always talk about democracy, the rule of law... I don't think their actions follow their word: they are somehow passive accomplices to the impunity and corruption going on here. Maybe there is a bigger message here...

It was important for me to show that Born Samnang and Sok Sam Oeun were innocent and build some kind of national pressure on the Cambodian government to have them released, which is now done. And who knows why the Supreme Court decided that? It had nothing to do with the evidence, since it existed all along and they ignored it... There is a part of mystery here, although I wonder whether it might be linked with the death of Hok Lundy. It has to be acknowledged that a lot of pressure was put on that case. And an organisation such as LICADHO did not allow this case to die... I was very surprised about the ruling rendered on that day, like everyone else. On December 31st, I did not meet a single person at the Supreme Court who thought they would be released - and on that very day!

K7 : Do you now have to edit the end of your documentary?
BC : Yes, my film is going to be something different since now I don't have to prove that these men must be freed. When I go back to New York, I will have to rethink how to change my film. It is not going to have the same emergency it had when Born Samnang and Sok Sam Oeun were still in jail. The story is finished but there is still in the film a bigger picture of what is ongoing in Cambodia. And this is why I still reckon the film will be relevant!

K7 : You have already directed “The Plastic Killers”, on the same topic. What is the difference between the two documentaries?
BC : “The Plastic Killers” is a shorter version of “Who Killed Chea Vichea” but has less references in it as it was more geared towards Cambodians who already knew who Chea Vichea was and what he represented. I wanted the people to know about this case. I tried to release the film before Born Samnang and Sok Sam Oeun's appeal but the day after, it was banned [by the authorities]! The police went into the markets, took all the copies before the could even be spread far enough. That was really disappointing to me, and despite its availability on the Internet (in English and Khmer), Cambodians do not really have access to it. This is why making VCD copies made sense, I was not going to put this on the television! [laughs] Cambodians never had the chance to see it. I don't think we can still find copies of it in Cambodia, now.
K7 : Did the Cambodian authorities put pressure on you at any point?
BC : No, but they knew what I was doing. I called Hok Lundy [former National Police chief who died in an accident in November 2008] to interview him about the Chea Vichea case. I think he laughed at my question... My investigation was no secret but I don't think they took it very seriously. Hok Lundy gave me permission to interview other high-ranking police officials but they wouldn't do it either!

However, I had two attempted break-ins at my house and as I had many video tapes with me, I figured I should move out of Cambodia: if they had been stolen, it would have meant the end of my whole film! […] I took the longest way possible to leave the country. I was very nervous, I had 500 tapes and if the Customs had had any idea of what was on them, they could have taken them! I decided to leave via Koh Kong, Cambodia's most porous exit. I could not take the chance to go to an airport.

K7 : Do you not fear the people you interviewed in your film might be in trouble once it is released?
BC : That was a major concern indeed, so I decided to hide their identities in some way, by obscuring their faces, disguising their voices or only showing their shadow or hands so that they are not recognisable. The other people who had interesting things to say, including the eye-witness [in Chea Vichea's murder, who went to take refuge in the United States, are not in Cambodia any more.

K7 : Are you expecting your film to be prohibited in Cambodia?
BC : I have the feeling that the Cambodian authorities will not be happy about it and that it will probably be prohibited. But I would like to give it away as much as possible. However, the last time we tried to do that in Cambodian markets, it did not work well!

K7 : Have you already presented the premiere of "Who killed Chea Vichea?"
BC : Yes, I did show a pre-screening last November at the 21st International Documentary Film Festival of Amsterdam . I was surprised to see that people seemed interested in the film when there was no Asian person in the audience. They were very receptive to the Human rights aspect and the level of impunity.

K7 : Do you think this type of case sees people targeted as scapegoats or ideal culprits?
BC : One thing about this case is its similarity with the Ros Sovannarith case. He was a member of the FTUWKC (Free Trade Union of Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia, led by Chea Vichea) Steering Committee and was assassinated in 2004. They convicted a man for the murder and that case has many parallels to Chea Vichea's case. First, he was arrested by the same policemen from Tuol Kork who arrested Born Samnang and Sok Sam Oeun and there was obviously quite substantial evidence that the man was in Siem Reap on the day of the murder. Unfortunately, he did not receive any press and has been languishing in prison ever since... I think there was an appeal, but nobody even talked about it!

Once, I asked a policeman: 'When you set up these killings, where do you get the people from? He said that they basically needed two sets of people, either those who actually did the killing, and this is the easy part since they know they never get caught, or they try to find people who perhaps are not educated, poor, and maybe most importantly, who have a problem. In Chea Vichea's case, the one accused of killing had a problem: he had been fired from work for having stolen a lot of money. I think the one arrested for the murder of Ros Sovannarith was a drug user. These people, who already have difficulties with their families, fit the profile!

The first world screening of “Who Killed Chea Vichea?” will be broadcast by the American public television channel PBS (Public Broadcasting Service) during the course of the second semester of 2009.

Cambodia needs a neutral police force

November 19, 2008
By Lao Mong Hay
UPI Asia Online

Column: Rule by Fear

Hong Kong, China — Cambodia’s national police commissioner, Gen. Hok Lundy, was killed in a helicopter crash on Nov. 9, Cambodia’s National Day. Hok was a member of both the Central Committee and Standing Committee of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party and a close ally and senior advisor to Prime Minister Hun Sen, whose son is married to Hok’s daughter.

Commenting on Hok’s death, Cheam Yeap, a senior party official and parliamentarian, said, “The CPP and all Cambodians have suffered a huge loss.”

However, Hok’s death has brought relief to many, considering his record on human rights. Under his 14-year tenure, Hok was accused of failing to resolve many serious human rights violations implicating the rich and powerful. This failure has since developed into a culture of impunity in Cambodia.

Hok was also accused of violent acts such as the March 1997 grenade attacks on a peaceful anti-government demonstration, which killed 20 people and injured hundreds, as well as the extrajudicial killing of some 40 members of a rival party in a July 1997 coup.

Under Hok’s leadership, the Cambodian police showed little respect for human rights. They banned peaceful public demonstrations and protests, took part in forced evictions and used brutal force against demonstrators, recalcitrant evictees, suspects and ordinary people.

The ruling party has selected Neth Savoeun, Hok’s deputy, to replace him. However, Hun Sen had the final say in the selection of the three-star general, who is married to his niece, according to parliamentarian Cheam Yeap.

Neth’s appointment has been received with mixed feelings. Some welcome it and see better prospects for human rights in Cambodia. Others do not share this optimism, saying he will not be able to resolve cases of human rights violations inherited from his predecessor and that the police force will continue to be politicized, with the prime minister exercising personal control over it.

The Cambodian police are already politicized, as loyal members of the ruling party staff all positions of responsibility. Officers are slow in investigating crimes of a political nature that affect the opposition or government critics, but they act fast and more effectively if they affect senior party members or their families.

The appointment of the new national police commissioner can, however, create a break from the department’s poor record. It has opened up a good opportunity to move forward in policing. The new police commissioner, the Ministry of the Interior and the government should work to reform the police to improve performance, curb human rights violations, win public trust and meet the country’s international human rights obligations.

In order to attain these goals, the Cambodian police should not pledge loyalty to any political party or group. They should become a truly national police force, not a police force for the ruling party, as they currently are. They should strictly adhere to the U.N. Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials, which is incorporated into Cambodia’s criminal law, but has so far been overlooked. And, most of all, they should “respect and protect human dignity and maintain and uphold the human rights of all persons,” as stipulated in the code.

By law, the Cambodian police should treat all persons equally. Citizens are entitled to protection without discrimination, as called for in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, to which Cambodia has explicitly agreed. The police need to be impartial and respect the rights of all individuals, regardless of their origin, social status or political, religious or philosophical convictions.

This will require the Cambodian police to be politically independent and neutral, without affiliation to any political party. The national police commissioner should be placed directly under the authority of the minister of the interior, as he is supposed to be, and not under the prime minister. The police should be answerable to Parliament, through the minister of the interior and the prime minister.

Good conduct, political independence and neutrality of the police, as well as accountability to the Ministry of the Interior, should be explicitly incorporated into the police law that is currently being drafted. The same law should have penalties for any misconduct or breach of political independence and neutrality, and also create an independent institution to deal with complaints from the public against the police.
--
(Lao Mong Hay is a senior researcher at the Asian Human Rights Commission in Hong Kong. He was previously director of the Khmer Institute of Democracy in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, and a visiting professor at the University of Toronto in 2003. In 1997, he received an award from Human Rights Watch and the Nansen Medal in 2000 from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.)

Bondasa Hor 3 - "The 3H curse": A Poem in Khmer by Srey Sra'em

Click on the poem in Khmer to zoom in

Poem in Khmer by Srey Sra'em

Neth Savoeun: It doesn’t matter if he is a nephew-in-law of the prime minister, what matters is he is simply…. the best

Reaksmei Kampuchea Newspaper
14th November, 2008
Translated from Khmer by Khmerization

Lt-Gen. Neth Savoeun (pictured), Deputy Police Commissioner, has been appointed Police Commissioner in a decree signed by King Sihamoni to replace Gen. Hok Lundy, who was killed in a helicopter crash (on the 9th of November). The news of his appointment thrilled many police officers, despite there are concerns from civil societies of the independence of the police force.

Gen. Mok Chito, Chief of the Directorate of Penal Police of the Ministry of Interior, said that the appointment of Gen. Neth Savoeun as the National Police Commissioner is simply the best because Gen. Neth Savoeun have been a police officer for a long time and he knew the police force very well. He cares about the welfare of his police officers and he has helped to modernise the police force. And so, all the police officers are happy to see him appointed as Police Commissioner.

Gen. Mok Chito said that Gen. Neth Savoeun have been a police officer since 1979 when he was appointed as the director of the office of penal police of Phnom Penh City. Other than supports from police officers, the appointment of Gen. Neth Savoeun has received supports from many public servants as well.

One public servant, who wish to remain anonymous, said that Gen. Neth Savoeun’s new position is not his first position. Before this, he was already a Deputy Commissioner of the National Police. What the public has never heard about Gen. Neth Savoeun was that he never had any scandals nor has he done anything wrong against the people in his capacity as a police officer. This public servant added that he hopes Gen. Neth Savoeun will continue to lead the police force toward a better force that can provide security and safety for the people.

Dr. Pung Chiv Kek, president of the human right organisation Licadho, said that she wish to see the Police Force and Military Police Force perform their duties independent from political interferences. Mrs. Pung Chiv Kek said that, it doesn’t matter whether Gen. Neth Savoeun is the nephew-in-law of Prime Minister Hun Sen, what is important is for him to respect human rights, find justice for the people, make Cambodia a law-abiding and a democratic society. If all of these can be achieved, it will lead to more foreign investments which will make the country more prosperous.

However, Mrs Pung Chiv Kek said that, to avoid criticism, the person appointed to the position of the National Police Commissioner should be a neutral person. She added that the best person for the job is a person who is not related to the prime minister of the country and not affiliated with any political parties.

Mrs. Pung Chiv Kek added that she wish to see the standard of the police force improved so that the force is fully competent to perform its own duties independently in order to avoid criticism of corruption that plagued the current police force.
Gen. Neth Savoeun was married to Mrs. Hun Kimleng, who is the daughter of Governor Hun Neng and a niece of Prime Minister Hun Sen, in 1990 when he was Commissioner of Phnom Penh Police. Gen. Neth Savoeun has three daughters. He rose through the ranks of police force until he reached his current top job. He has been a director of the office of penal police of Phnom Penh City, a deputy commissioner and commissioner of Phnom Penh Police, director of penal police and head of economic police of Ministry of Interior, re-appointed a Commissioner of Phnom Penh Police before becoming chief of Central Directorate of Justice Police in 2000. Gen. Neth Savoeun was appointed as Deputy Commissioner of National Police in charge of Justice Affairs until 2008.//

Who are Bun Rany Hun Sen, Sok An, Hok Lundy and Neth Savoeun?

Excerpt from “Chinese Presence in Cambodia – Contribution to a violent, possessive and unequal economic policy”
By Françoise Mengin
International Study and Research Center (CERI)
Political Science, France
No. 133, Feb 2007
Translated from French by Tola Ek
Click here to access the study report in French (PDF)

L'extrait en Français se trouve à la fin du texte en anglais

Hun Sen’s wife is of Chinese origin, and one of their daughters, Hun Mali, married Sok Puthyvuth, the son of vice-prime minister Sok An who is also of Chinese origin; another one of their sons, Hun Manith married Hok Chendavy, the daughter of national police commissioner Hok Lundy who is of Sino-Vietnamese origin, and one of their nieces, Hun Kimleng, married Neth Savoeun, the deputy national police commissioner who is of Sino-Vietnamese origin. If the Chinese presence is chronic at the top of the state, it is because the Chinese community is still identified by its business activities on one hand, and because the CPP-State leaders are personally involved in the commercialization of political life on the other hand. Therefore, even though vice-prime minister Sok An, who is of Chinese origin, represents the “know-how” – next to Hun Sen’s “strength”- he is nevertheless involved in the privatization of the economy to the benefit of Chinese interests. Sok An, known as the education baron, directly delivers business licenses allowing the creation and the management of private universities, a large number of which are under the control of the Chinese embassy, and they are specialized in the teaching of the Chinese language. Since becoming “Mr. Oil Business,” it is uncertain if Sok An will provide a more rigorous management of this state resources.

It would be wrong to identify the leading class with Sino-Khmers. Doing so would underestimate the Vietnamese factor which remains a determinant factor in the political trajectories – in particular, that of Hun Sen’s – as well as in the marriages by alliance. It should be noted that a large number of Sino-Khmers do not partake in this double process of enriching themselves and of participating in the power concentration. However, the important position occupied by the Sino-Khmer oknhas can only reinforce the role of the entrepreneurial ethos in the identification of Chinese-ethnic communities. This identity is represented by a participation in a strategy to accumulate material or symbolic capitals. The economic policy in which the overseas Chinese are involved in determines and defines their business activities, in particular those in the CPP state which is founded on domination and plundering.
----------
La femme de Hun Sen est d’origine chinoise et l’une de leurs filles, Hun Mali, a épousé Sok Puthyvuth, fils du vice-Premier ministre Sok An, lui-même d’origine chinoise; l’un de leurs fils, Hun Manith, a pris pour épouse Hok Chendavy, fille du directeur de la police nationale Hok Lundy d’origine sino-vietnamienne, et l’une de leurs nièces, Hun Kimleng, s’est mariée avec le vice-directeur de la police nationale, Neth Saoeun, lui aussi d’origine sino-vietnamienne. Or si la présence de « Chinois » au plus haut sommet de l’Etat est mise en avant de manière récurrente, c’est parce que l’identification d’une communauté chinoise continue de se faire autour de ses activités marchandes, d’une part, et que les dirigeants de l’Etat-PPC sont personnellement engagés dans la marchandisation de la vie politique, d’autre part. Ainsi, bien que le vice-Premier ministre Sok An, d’origine chinoise, incarne le « savoir » – aux côtés de Hun Sen « la force » – il n’en est pas moins personnellement impliqué dans le processus de privatisation de l’économie, au profit, notamment, d’intérêts chinois. Sok An, appelé le baron de l’éducation, délivre directement les licences autorisant la création et la gestion d’universités privées, dont un nombre croissant sont, sous le contrôle de l’ambassade de Chine, spécialisées dans l’enseignement de la langue chinoise. Devenu plus récemment « Monsieur pétrole », on ne sait s’il s’en tiendra dans ce domaine à une gestion plus rigoureuse des ressources de l’Etat.

Il serait cependant erroné d’assimiler la classe dirigeante aux Sino-khmers. Ce serait sous-évaluer le facteur vietnamien qui reste déterminant tant au niveau des trajectoires politiques – celle de Hun Sen en premier lieu – que des stratégies d’alliances matrimoniales. Ce serait également oublier que nombre de Sino-khmers ne participent pas à ce double processus d’enrichissement et de concentration du pouvoir. Mais la place importante qu’occupent des oknha sino-khmers ne fait que renforcer le rôle de l’ethos entrepreneurial dans le processus d’identification des communautés d’origine chinoise, l’identité étant cette variable qui participe d’une stratégie d’accumulation du capital, qu’il soit d’ordre matériel ou symbolique. C’est donc bien l’économie politique dans laquelle s’insèrent les Chinois d’outre-mer qui détermine et circonscrit leur activité marchande, en l’occurrence celle de l’Etat-PPC fondée sur la domination et la prédation, l’une et l’autre se nourrissant mutuellement.

FBI continues to investigate [on Khim Sambo's killers]

Friday, October 17, 2008
ABC Radio Australia

Two FBI agents who where helping Cambodian police investigate the murder of a Cambodian journalist have been sent home.

Human Rights organisations say their departure is a negative development in efforts to find his killers.

Presenter: Claudette Werden
Speakers: Vincent Brossel, Reporters without Borders; John Johnson, US Embassy Public Affairs Officer

Click here to listen to the Windows Media audio program

WERDEN: Khim Sambo was riding on the back of a motorcycle driven by his son when he was shot dead at close range. His son was also shot while cradling his dying father and later died in hospital. The killings occured just before Cambodia's general elections in July, then the theory was the journalist has been killed to create an atmosphere of fear ahead of the elections. At the time, the US government offered the services of the FBI. Then a second theory emerged saying the murders were linked to a personal dispute. But now a different story is emerging, just prior to his death Khim Sambo had written a critical article about Cambodia's police chief. Vincent Brossel from Reporters without Borders explains.

BROSSEL: Khim Sambo was working for an Opposition newspaper and he wrote a sensitive article about this police chief going to a casino and spending thousands and thousands of dollars and arresting the casino manager because the casino manager refused to give him more money so of course we have to be careful but that's something the investigation should clear . Vincent Brossel from Reporters without Borders .

WERDEN .Two weeks ago a story appeared in the South China Morning Post commenting on that article and providing a different theory for the journalist's murder. In that article Human Rights group speculate the killers, who were also riding a motorcycle had no fear of being arrested as they weren't wearing helmets and made no attempt to disguise their identity.

BROSSEL: The fact the FBI was involved in the investigation and now they're withdrawn after such a news article, so it means there is a big suspicion that there is a cover up of this case and once again we fear in Cambodia it will be impossible to know who are the killers and the masterminds of the killing.

WERDEN: Were they told to withdraw or they chose to withdraw?

BROSSEL: That's what we don't know, the US government is not very clear on this but I guess they feel that the investigation is not going on the right track.

WERDEN: The US government says its an ongoing investigation and it won't comment on the return of the FBI agents. But John Johnson the Public Affairs Officer at the US Embassy in Phnom Penh has been quoted as saying he's aware of human rights groups concern of a police cover-up.

JOHNSON: The FBI has provided a range of support to this investigation and we have somebody in country who continues to provide support when needed. Those two FBI agents were providing a different aspect of support, once their particular jobs were completed then they left the country, but that doesn't mean the FBI has completely withdrawn

WERDEN: Can you tell me what kind of support they were providing?

JOHNSON: No, actually this is again an open investigation and we don't comment on specifics.

In Cold blood

Hok Lundy prior to his departure for a visit to the US (Photo: AFP)

A woman prays in front of a portrait of journalist Khim Sambo, who was murdered along with his son in a Phnom Penh street on July 11. Police, who are being aided by the FBI, say they have no suspects in the case. Photo: AFP

FRIDAY, OCTOBER 3, 2008
SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST (Hong Kong)

The circumstances surrounding journalist Khim Sambo’s murder point to official involvement, writes Vincent MacIsaac

"They had no fear of being arrested. They weren’t wearing helmets and made no attempt to disguise their identity" - Chan Soveth, of the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association

Two weeks before he and his 21-year-old son were shot dead, Cambodian journalist Khim Sambo reported on a not uncommon topic in opposition-affiliated newspapers. When gamblers from the upper echelons of the ruling Cambodia People’s Party (CPP), accompanied by armed bodyguards or police, have prolonged losing streaks, it sometimes erupts in anger and even violence.

“When they lose, and cannot borrow more from the casino, they arrest the casino owners,” he wrote under one of his numerous pseudonyms, Srey Ka, in the June 28-29 weekend edition of the daily Khmer Conscience, which is affiliated with the opposition Sam Rainsy Party (SRP).

However, Khim Sambo – whose own anger needed to be “toned down”, according to a former colleague – went further than most, mocking the behaviour of a senior police officer described by many as “one of the most dangerous men in Cambodia”.

He reported on an incident that allegedly occurred – SRP newspapers are often accused of fabrication or exaggeration – on June 25 at a casino complex at a border crossing with Vietnam in the town of Bavet in Svay Rieng province.

After losing his shirt at Le Macau Casino and Hotel, the officer borrowed from the casino, lost that, borrowed more – and lost again. When the casino manager refused to lend any more, he had him arrested by the junior officers accompanying him, Khim Sambo reported.

He went further, describing how the officer stacked the deck: “When he loses US$100,000, the casino returns US$50,000. But he plays until losing the returned money, and demands to borrow more. If any casino owner dares to say ‘no’, he threatens to arrest him.”

Khim Sambo did not identify the officer by name but dropped enough hints so that when he concluded his report by stating “there is no need to name [the CPP gamblers] because everyone in Cambodia knows who they are”, he assumed readers would be able to identify the officer, a source said.

“He did not think he had put himself in danger because he did not identify the officer by name,” the source said on condition of anonymity. Several others – all of whom requested anonymity, citing concern for personal security – said that Khim Sambo was writing about Cambodian National Police Commissioner Hok Lundy.

The former governor of Svay Rieng province has been at the top of Cambodia’s police force since 1994. “There is hardly anyone in Cambodia who has shown more contempt for the rule of law than Hok Lundy,” Human Rights Watch has said. He “represents the absolute worst Cambodia has to offer”, it said.

“We believe the killing is related to that article,” Son Chhay, the whip of the opposition Sam Rainsy Party claimed, though he declined to identify the subject of the article.

The editor of Khmer Conscience, Dam Sith, who had been jailed on defamation charges in June, said he knew nothing about the article when interviewed by phone last Thursday.

That day, he was interviewed by one of the two agents from America’s FBI, said to be “supporting” their Cambodian counterparts in the investigation.

“I told them I don’t know anything about who is behind the killing, and that I hope they find who it is,” he said.

Chan Soveth, a programme officer at the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association, warned that “if the FBI cannot work independently [their assistance] is just a political game”.

He arrived at the scene of the double homicide about 30 minutes after it occurred at about 6.30pm on July 11 and has been investigating ever since. He fears the police are protecting the perpetrators rather than trying to solve the crime.

Khim Sambo, 47, bled to death on the side of a busy street in central Phnom Penh, minutes after being shot twice in the back while riding a motorcycle driven by his son Khat Sarinpheata. The young man died the next day in a Phnom Penh hospital, after being shot twice while cradling his dying father, said Chan Soveth.

The killers, two men on a motorbike who approached Khim Sambo and his son from behind, were probably hired assassins, he said, pointing out that they used a K-49 pistol with a silencer.

“They had no fear of being arrested. They weren’t wearing helmets and made no attempt to disguise their identity. They acted like they were under protection,” Chan Soveth said.

When he arrived at the scene, he was able to gather information from bystanders but, when he returned the following morning, no one would speak to him, he said. Silence permeates human rights groups in Cambodia. When asked who he thought was behind the killing, Chan Soveth declined to answer. “I want to continue living in Cambodia,” he said.

He believes the murders were intended to create an atmosphere of fear ahead of the July general election, which the CPP won by a landslide. This view was widely promoted by Cambodian and international human rights groups who expressed outrage following the killing.

But SRP whip Son Chhay disputes that there was any link between the killings and the election. “It was not a political killing,” he said. “There was no order from the top of the CPP,” he said. “[Prime Minister] Hun Sen does not know who is behind the killings. If Hun Sen knew who was behind the killings, the FBI would not have been allowed to join the investigation.”

He added: “The FBI has been allowed in because the CPP believes they will be unable to find evidence of government involvement,” though he in no way suggests that the CPP has turned benevolent.

“Their behaviour, their totalitarian thinking is very much like the Khmer Rouge. Either you support the CPP or you are an enemy of the state. Killing opposition members is acceptable,” he said.

Son Chhay and Chan Soveth said they feared that the FBI was likely to be used by the Cambodian police to provide a veneer of legitimacy to what the latter described as a “sham investigation”.

Son Chhay noted: “They have this great ability to manipulate the international community and they will manipulate the FBI to make sure nothing happens [with the investigation].”

This is already happening, he said, pointing to a police statement published in the Cambodia Daily this month quoting Phnom Penh’s police commissioner as saying that an “FBI official had agreed that the killings were motivated by someoneseeking revenge against the journalist’s son”.

Senior police officers have suggested that the target of the killers was not Khim Sambo but his son.

In his initial report into the crime, Chan Soveth found no evidence thateither the father or the son were involved in a personal dispute that could have led to their murders.

US embassy spokesman John Johnson said he was aware that some human rights investigators had accused the local police of a cover-up. Because the investigation was ongoing, he said, he could not comment on the details of the case.

The FBI agents were playing a “purely supportive” role in the investigation at the invitation of the interior ministry, he said. Besides two investigators, who arrived on September 14, a forensic artist had arrived last week to assist localpolice with a sketch of the assailants, he added.

One day after meeting the FBI agents, Phnom Penh deputy police chief Hy Prou, who is in charge of the investigation, said there were no leads on a suspect and that the complexities of the case made investigating it difficult.

However, the fact that editor Dam Sith was interviewed for the first time after the FBI agents arrived could signal that the bureau is nudging the Cambodian police in a new direction – towards the articles Khim Sambo wrote before he was killed.

In an interview at his home last Saturday, Dam Sith said that one of the questions asked by the FBI agent, who was accompanied by a translator from the US embassy and two Cambodian officers, concerned the kind of articles Khim Sambo had written for him. He said he replied: “A lot of articles about different things.”

Dam Sith is a father with three young children. Since Khim Sambo’s killing he does not leave his home unless he has to. He looked like he had not slept in weeks and was in a highly nervous state.

In 2006, Hok Lundy was denied a US visa due to allegations that he was involved in drug and human trafficking. The following month, however, the FBI awarded him a medal for his efforts in fighting terrorism. In April last year, he was finally granted a US visa, to attend a counter-terrorism workshop.