Showing posts with label Lawlessness. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Lawlessness. Show all posts

Tuesday, June 05, 2012

Sam Rainsy Party MPs Seek US Intervention for Release of 15 Human Rights Defenders of Boeung Kak Lake

04 June 2012
By Mu Sochua

Sam Rainsy Party MPs Seek US Intervention for Release of 15 Human Rights Defenders of Boeung Kak Lake

MP, Mu Sochua will meet with State Department officials and members of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Committee of the US Congress on 6June, 2012 to raise concern for the deteriorating human rights conditions inside Cambodia particularly regarding recent human rights abuses against women and girls.

FEBRURARY 19, 2012 – Bavet Town governor, Chhouk Bandith, opened fire on 6000 protestors at a garment worker demonstration in his town in Northern Cambodia. Three young women were shot and injured. Witnesses claim that Bandith was assisted in his escape from the scene by police vehicles. The governor later confessed to his crime, but was never arrested. On May 14, 2012, Bandith was charged with “unintentional injuries” and was demoted to a lower position.

MAY 16, 2012 – 1000 military police and a military helicopter violently stormed a village in the northern province of Kratie during a forced eviction. Forces opened fire on residents and killed an innocent 14-year-old girl. Villagers were brutally attacked by the military forces, and a group of women were handcuffed, stripped naked, and made to stand for hours under the sun.

MAY 22, 2012 – During a peaceful demonstration in Phnom Penh’s Boeung Kak Lake community, thirteen women human rights defenders were violently arrested and detained at the municipal police headquarters for two nights. On May 24, 2012, the women were taken to an illegal summary trial without their defense lawyers. The lawyer’s requests to delay for preparation, for case files and evidence, and to bring witnesses to the stand were also denied. In less than 3 hours all thirteen women were convicted and sentenced to 2 and a half years in prison. Since then, one woman received a 1 and a half year suspended sentence, and another five have received 6 months suspended sentences out of the initial 2.5 years.

As a result of violence against women, including armed and military force by private companies against citizens, women's human rights are continually violated in a nation that claims to be democratic and free.

Sam Rainsy Party MPs, are seeking for:
  1. Ensure the immediate release of all thirteen women imprisoned and two witnesses for defending their land rights;
  2. Temporarily suspension of US military aid to Cambodia;
  3. Call for an end to the harassment of human rights defenders in Cambodia and ensure that peaceful protests can take place without fear of arrest, intimidation or violence.
  4. Bring an end to forced and violent evictions of Cambodian citizens from their homes and land.

Thursday, April 26, 2012

Forest activist Chut Wutty slained and 2 reporters from the Cambodia Daily kidnapped

Chut Wutty director of the Natural Resource Protection Group who were one of the organizers of the training event (Photo: CCHR)

26 April 2012
By Iet Daravuth
Voice of Democracy
Translated from Khmer by Soch
KI-Media Note: Chut Wutty received a threat from the deputy governor of Kampong Thom in March. Read the Phnom Penh Post article here.
A report has indicated that Chut Wutty, the director of the Natural Resource Protection Group, was shot and killed by an assailant in Thmor Bang district, Koh Kong province at noon time this Thursday. Chut Wutty and 2 reporters from the Cambodia Daily were investigating illegal logging in the Thmor Bang district.

Am Sam Ath, an official for the Licadho human rights organization, indicated that he aslo received the news about the murder of Chut Wutty and that he is currently looking for more information about this case.

A anonymous employee of the Cambodia Daily indicated that 2 reporters from the Cambodia Daily traveled to Thmor Bang with Chut Wutty: a foreign woman and a Cambodian reporter by the name of Bopha. The anonymous employee of the Cambodia Daily indicated that, currently, the two reporters are being kidnapped.

Nevertheless, Kevin Dole, the editor-in-chief of the Cambodia Daily told VOD that he also traveled to Thmor Bang district with Chut Wutty also, but he did not know about this murder case. At about 3PM, Kevin Dole claimed that he is in Thmor Bang district, but he is not with Chut Wutty.

Top Cambodian activist dead after police shoot-out

By Prak Chan Thul

PHNOM PENH, April 26 (Reuters) - A prominent Cambodian anti-logging activist who helped expose a secretive state sell-off of national parks was fatally shot on Wednesday in a remote southwestern province, said police.

Chut Wutty, director of the Phnom Penh-based environmental watchdog Natural Resource Protection Group, died after military police opened fire near a Chinese-built hydroelectric dam in Koh Kong, said Colonel Kheng Tito, a spokesman for the National Military Police.

A military police officer was also killed, he said, adding that Chut Wutty was armed.(sic!)

"We are investigating the incident so we don't have much detailed information," he said. "All we know is that our military policeman was doing his duty and encountered this person and there was a gunfire."

"Both sides were injured and later died in hospital," he said.

Military police detained two journalists from the Cambodian Daily who had been travelling with Chut Wutty, according to Kevin Doyle, the newspaper's editor in chief, who called for the safe return of Cambodian reporter Phorn Bopha and Ukrainian Olesia Plokhii.

Director of the Natural Resource Protection Group slain in Koh Kong

26 April 2012
By Kher Sonorng
Radio Free Asia
Translated from Khmer by Soch

Chut Wutty, the director of the Natural Resource Protection Group, and a military police officer were murdered on 26 April 2012 near an area slated for the construction of Chinese dam in Thmor Bang district, Koh Kong province.

Government officials have not provide the motive of the murder yet. However, unofficial source indicated that the murder was due illegal logging in Thmor Bang district.

Thong Narong, the commander of the Koh Kong province military police unit, said that his working group is investigating this case and he added that two people were slain. One of them is forest protection activist and the other a military police officer. He said that his working group is looking for identification of the two victims.

Unofficial source from Koh Kong confirmed that Chut Wutty and the military police office were shot and killed and two reporters from the Cambodia Daily disappeared from the incident location.

ប្រធាន​អង្គការ​ការពារ​​ធនធាន​ធម្មជាតិ​​ត្រូវ​គេ​បាញ់​ស្លាប់​នៅ​កោះកុង

លោក ឈុត វុទ្ធី ប្រធាន​អង្គការ​ការពារ​ធនធាន​ធម្មជាតិ ចូល​រួម​កម្មវិធី​វេទិកា​អ្នក​ស្ដាប់​វិទ្យុ​អាស៊ីសេរី កាល​ពី​យប់​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៩ ខែ​ធ្នូ ឆ្នាំ​២០១១។

2012-04-26
ដោយ ខែ សុណង
Radio Free Asia

លោក ឈុត វុទ្ធី ប្រធាន​អង្គការ​ការពារ​ធនធាន​ធម្មជាតិ និង​កងរាជអាវុធហត្ថ​ម្នាក់​ទៀត ត្រូវ​បាន​គេ​បាញ់​ស្លាប់ នៅ​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​២៦ មេសា នៅ​ក្នុង​តំបន់​សាងសង់​ទំនប់​វារីអគ្គិសនី​ដោយ​ក្រុមហ៊ុន​ចិន នៅ​ក្នុង​ស្រុក​ថ្មបាំង ខេត្ត​កោះកុង។

មិន​ទាន់​មាន​មន្ត្រី​ណា​អះអាង​ថា មូលហេតុ​នៃ​ការ​ស្លាប់​នេះ​មក​ពី​បញ្ហា​អ្វី​ទេ។ ប៉ុន្តែ​ព័ត៌មាន​ក្រៅ​ផ្លូវ​ការ​ថា ដោយសារ​ការ​កាប់​បំផ្លាញ​ព្រៃឈើ​នៅ​ស្រុក​ថ្ម​បាំង។

មេ​បញ្ជាការ​កង​រាជ​អាវុធហត្ថ​ខេត្ត​កោះកុង លោក ថុង ណារ៉ុង បាន​ឲ្យ​ដឹង​ថា ក្រុម​ការងារ​របស់​លោក​កំពុង​ចុះ​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​ករណី​នេះ​ថា មាន​មនុស្ស​ពីរ​នាក់​ស្លាប់។ ក្នុង​នោះ​មាន​សកម្មជន​អង្គការ​ការពារ​ព្រៃឈើ​ម្នាក់ និង​មន្ត្រី​កងរាជអាវុធហត្ថ​ម្នាក់។ ប៉ុន្តែ​ក្រុម​ការងារ​នេះ​កំពុង​ស្រាវជ្រាវ​រក​ឯកសារ​សម្គាល់​នៃ​អ្នក​ស្លាប់​ទាំង​ពីរ​រូប​នោះ។

ប៉ុន្តែ​ក្រៅ​ផ្លូវ​ការ​ជា​ច្រើន​ពី​ខេត្ត​កោះកុង បញ្ជាក់​ថា លោក ឈុត វុទ្ធី និង​មន្ត្រី​ប៉េអិម​ម្នាក់ ត្រូវ​បាន​គេ​បាញ់​ស្លាប់ រួម​ទាំង​អ្នក​កាសែត ឌឹ ឃេមបូឌា ដេលី (The Cambodia Daily) ២​រូប​ទៀត​បាត់​ខ្លួន នៅ​កន្លែង​កើត​ហេតុ​នោះ។

Wednesday, January 26, 2011

Investigation Concluded in Release of Police Chief [-Another case of corruption? Where's Ong Yentieng?]

Heng Reaksmey, VOA Khmer
Phnom Penh Tuesday, 25 January 2011
"No one else has been apprehended for the crash, but Yoeung Baloung is now back in prison."
The prison department of the Ministry of Interior has finished an investigation into the mysterious release of a former provincial police chief in Ratanakkiri province but has declined to release the findings, which are under review.

The investigation stems from a drunk driving accident that injured three people on a motorcycle.

Local rights group Adhoc says the driver in the accident was Yoeung Baloung, a former police chief who was supposed to be in jail serving 13 years for corruption crimes surrounding illegal logging. Police say a relative of the former chief was driving the car.

No one else has been apprehended for the crash, but Yoeung Baloung is now back in prison, officials said.

The prison department is trying to learn the circumstances of his release by the provincial prison, whose director has said Yoeung Baloung was temporarily let out for medical reasons.

Tuesday, June 01, 2010

NGO says Cambodia's donors must demand reform for cash

Tue, 01 Jun 2010
DPA

Phnom Penh - The British non-governmental organization Global Witness said Tuesday that foreign donors must pressure the Cambodian government to deliver meaningful reform in the face of "gross mismanagement" of the country's natural resources.

"The Cambodian government has been promising to reform for years, but nothing had changed," said Gavin Hayman, the group's campaigns director.

Donor nations were scheduled to meet in Phnom Penh Wednesday and Thursday to discuss pledges. Last year, they provided almost 1 billion dollars in assistance, around half Cambodia's annual budget.

Finance Minister Keat Chhon said in April that he expected donor pledges to match or exceed last year's sum.

In a statement released to coincide with this week's meeting, Global Witness, which monitors natural resource exploitation, claimed evidence of widespread corruption and mismanagement of public funds.

Donor nations' "money props up the basic functions of the state, leaving an elite free to exploit the state's assets for personal profit and gain further power," Hayman said.

"Taxpayers rightly expect development aid to be spent on genuine poverty reduction rather than underwriting corruption and state failure," he said.

Cambodia is ranked as one of the most corrupt countries by the anti-graft monitor Transparency International, which last year placed the country near the bottom of its annual Corruption Perceptions Index.

Government spokesman Prak Sokhonn declined to comment on the statement by Global Witness, but last week, Prime Minister Hun Sen lashed out at the group, a regular critic of his government, describing the organization as "a group of thieves."

The opposition Sam Rainsy Party acknowledged some progress had been made in health, education and child protection since the last donor meeting in December 2008 but highlighted problems with land disputes and evictions.

"Titling of land must be increased, and a moratorium on evictions and arrests should be implemented until all land is formally adjudicated according to the law," the party said.

Monday, April 05, 2010

A 2-star general arrested for shooting and wounding a foreign tourist

Monday, 5 April 2010
By Khmerization
Source: Koh Santepheap

Police in Phnom Penh have on Sunday, 4th April, arrested a major general serving in the Cambodian armed forces for shooting and wounding a female tourist in a drunken shooting spree, reports Koh Santepheap.

Fifty-five year-old Maj-Gen. Tep Phirum, working in the Logistic Section of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF), has been arrested at his house in Chamkar Morn district in Phnom Penh City after he terrorised his neighbours in a drunken rage and wounding a foreign tourist in a shooting spree.

He was arrested in a joint operation between the Boeung Keng Korng II Police and the National Military Police. He was transported in a Military Police vehicle and is currently detained at the Phnom Penh Military Police Headquarter.

In recent months, powerful generals have taken laws into their own hands by committing violence against unarmed civilians. On 28th March, a brigadier general was arrested when he shot a motorcycle driver in the face after a minor traffic incident. On 11th March, a one-star general who is Deputy Commander of the Ream Naval base in Sihanoukville was arrested and sentenced to a one year suspended jail term for beating two female teachers and a 10 year-old boy who teased his 14 year-old daughter with a snake.

Sunday, January 03, 2010

Human rights abuses in Cambodia on the rise in 2009: Civil Society

Cops surrounding opposition MP Mu Sochua in an attempt to prevent her and her supporters to march in protest

01 Jan 2010
By Keo Nimol
Radio Free Asia

Translated from Khmer by Komping Puoy

Click her e to read the article in Khmer


Human rights organization officials and workers estimate that, in 2009, the number of human rights abuses in Cambodia increased when compared to the same period in 2008.


Am Sam Ath, an observer for the Licadho human rights group, said that in the past year, there was an increase in the number of abuse perpetrated on numerous important human rights cases, such as land dispute, forced evictions, injuries inflicted, impunity – i.e. violations of the law – children and women trafficking.

Am Sam Ath said: “In general, there is no decline in human rights abuse. If we look at rape cases, the number of cases is increasing.”

Am Sam Ath indicated also that the reason there was an increase in human rights violation was because legal resolutions were not possible: the rich use their money to hide their misdeeds, and a number of government officials do not fulfill their duties properly as prescribed by the law, they only think about their personal interest.

Ou Virak, President of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR), said on 01 January 2010 that there are difficulties in clearly evaluating human rights violations, however, based on the number of court cases, it is observed that they are on the rise, and also the ruling (CPP) party had openly violated the rights of the opposition party, etc…

Ou Virak said: “If we look at the court cases, we believe that their number increased in 2009. Lawsuits brought against human rights activists and the opposition party are on the rise in cases involving political rights and citizen rights.”

Ou Virak recognized that the ruling party attempted to strengthen the respect of human rights in a number of cases, but that it still fell short to the needs of the general public: “In truth, I see that there are some positive points also.”

Phay Siphan, the secretary of state and mouthpiece of the Council of Ministers, said that a number of issues raised by human rights organizations can be welcomed, however, a number of other issues cannot be accepted.

Phay Siphan said: “What they talked about is report tendencies, but they lack truthful democratic basis and human rights respect. As I said, the Cambodian government is continuing to strengthen both its policy and the institution for the protection of the people’s human rights.”

In 2009, the government issued its human rights report to the Geneva-based UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (UN OHCHR). Member countries that attended the Geneva meeting paid close attention to the forced eviction cases in Cambodia and they also questioned the Cambodian representatives on this very hot topic.

Friday, October 09, 2009

'No Thanks, I'm Not a Sex Tourist'

A sex worker in Phnom Penh. Credit: UNAIDS/S. Noorani

And yet, how I ended up doing a bit of business with a Cambodian prostitute.

9 Oct 2009
By Luke T. Johnson
TheTyee.ca


It was not my intention to pay for the services of a prostitute in Cambodia. But it was the least I could do.

My dalliance with that young woman at dawn was spontaneous, infinitely relieving and wholly chaste. It capped, for me, a vicarious romp through the Southeast Asian nation's booming sex industry, a first-hand look at the desperation born out of decades of corruption and suffering.

Hardship and human trafficking

Cambodia can be a very grim place. It was carpet bombed by the United States during the Vietnam War, followed by genocide led by Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge from 1975-1979. The latter atrocity killed nearly 2 million Cambodians -- nearly a quarter of the population. Today about half of the population of 14 million is under 20 years old.


The last three decades have seen Cambodia claw its way back to some sort of normalcy. Transparency International still ranks it as one of the world's most corrupt nations, but that hasn't kept the tourists out. With the magnificent Angkor Wat complex of temples in the north and miles of pristine beaches in the south, Cambodia has seen an increasing number of visitors in the past 10 years as tourism has become a pillar of the country's meager economy.

But economic development and the growth in tourism have brought along with them a marked increase in human trafficking. The UN Inter-Agency Project on Human Trafficking (UNIAP) cites the rise in tourism and an imbalance in urban-rural development in the past decade as contributing factors to human trafficking. With few jobs in the countryside and a young population earning barely US$1.50 a day, desperate families may sell their children to traffickers, who promise employment opportunities in well-travelled urban areas such as Phnom Penh, Siem Reap and Sihanoukville.

Many of those trafficked are women and children who end up selling sex in brothels, beer gardens and karaoke bars in these cities. But just because someone is a prostitute does not mean she is a victim of trafficking. The exact numbers are difficult to pin down, but a U.N. official told me that of the 20,000-30,000 prostitutes working in Cambodia, probably about 10 per cent consider themselves trafficked. That number likely does not include women who were tricked or fell into prostitution through other circumstances, however.

Sex tourist magnet

Nevertheless, the industry thrives. Patrick Stayton, the Cambodia field office director of International Justice Mission (IJM), a faith-based human-rights agency, says the quick-cash nature of prostitution has made it a generally accepted part of the culture in Cambodia. As a result, the country has become an attractive destination for so-called "sex tourists" -- those who travel abroad to fulfill their carnal needs.

And with such low overhead to start selling sex, Stayton says, supply can easily keep up with demand: "For a brothel, you just need someplace with a roof over it and a ratty old mattress. I mean, the guys that come in to support this kind of thing, they're not looking for five-star hotels. They'll do it basically anywhere."

Though it's the Caucasian sex tourists who stand out, the majority of johns in Cambodia are Asian. Unlike Westerners, who usually travel alone and find what they're looking for on the streets, beaches and in expat bars, Stayton says, tourists from China, Japan or Korea tend to travel in groups, visiting entertainment establishments like karaoke bars and massage parlors on pre-arranged tours, "because that's more their style."

'Boom-boom' for sale

The southwestern city of Sihanoukville -- with large chunks of land and even several islands owned by foreigners -- is a top destination for tourists of all kinds, but especially sex tourists. I was unaware of its notoriety when I boarded the bus in Phnom Penh with a friend to spend a few days there.

Sihanoukville, a sister city to Seattle, is home to Cambodia's lone international port and sits on a peninsula jutting into the Gulf of Thailand. In 2005, the New York Times called it the "next Phuket".

We had been in town less than ten minutes before an enterprising young man driving us to our hotel in his tuk-tuk (a motorised rickshaw) asked if we were interested in some "boom-boom," the not-so-secret code word for paid-for sex. It would be the first of countless offers we would decline.

Lawless law enforcement

Prostitution is technically illegal in Cambodia. It was criminalised last year with the passage of the Law on the Suppression of Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation, a move widely seen as an attempt by the Cambodian government to win favour with the U.S. State Department, which duly removed Cambodia from its annual human-trafficking watch list shortly after the law's passage.

The law itself is ambiguous at best and may even do more harm than good. The prostitutes and victims of trafficking -- those whom the law is supposedly intended to help -- reportedly are, in practice, the targets of widespread and often violent crackdowns, as police have no means or real motivation to distinguish between trafficked and non-trafficked sex workers. A recent article in The Economist cited reports of women and children who were beaten and raped while in detention following a crackdown, and suggested the crackdowns were negatively impacting progress made in fighting HIV/AIDS in Cambodia.

The State Department's 2009 report, which placed Cambodia back onto the trafficking watch-list, says that despite numerous raids on brothels, police failed "to arrest, investigate or charge any large number of persons for human-trafficking offenses."

The report continues: "Corruption is pervasive in Cambodia and it is widely believed that many individuals, including police and judicial officials, are both directly and indirectly involved in trafficking. Some local police and government officials are known to extort money or accept bribes from brothel owners, sometimes on a daily basis, in order to allow the brothels to continue operating."

Exploited children

The price of boom-boom for a Caucasian in Sihanoukville starts at about US$5, but $25 can usually get you a partner for an entire night. Oral sex, or "yum-yum," costs between $3 and $5. Generous customers might give tips of 100 to 200 per cent.


It's not hard to spot the sex tourists in Sihanoukville. Often sitting at tables surrounded by scantily clad ladies, they'll try to make awkward conversation until their solicitor's vocabulary has been exhausted and then surreptitiously saunter off, either to a room in the back or somewhere otherwise unseen. Or you'll see them walking down the street usually towering over the petite woman or women at their side, maybe holding hands to give themselves the impression that this relationship is more pure than it actually is.

These are the johns that few of the NGOs or human-rights groups are concerned about. Though maybe a little sad, these sex tourists are merely taking advantage of a quasi-legitimate service being offered, and no one really complains about the money they bring in.

What groups like IJM and Action Pour Les Enfants are really concerned about is child-sex tourism. The poverty and lawlessness of Cambodia has created an environment relatively friendly to pedophiles, who can find victims as young as 6 if they look in the right places. Sihanoukville indeed has some of those places, though indications are that they are not as prevalent as they once were.

It's impossible to know exactly how many child prostitutes -- defined as under 15 by the 2008 Sexual Exploitation Law -- are currently working in Cambodia. And opinions differ as to how much the situation has improved. IJM's Stayton says "pedophiles have to be more careful these days, because they know they can’t walk around as freely as they have in the past," though he says opportunities for pedophiles have not necessarily decreased.

Education campaigns have helped. The Childsafe program of Friends International, a child-advocacy NGO, trains and certifies Cambodian tuk-tuk drivers to be more aware of the dangers children face. Other countries, including Canada, have laws banning their citizens from travelling abroad to have sex with minors. Canada has caught two such offenders since the law was strengthened in 2002 -- Vancouver man Donald Bakker, who pleaded guilty in 2005, and Kenneth Robert Klassen, who is facing 35 sex-tourism-related charges. Canada, however, has also been criticised for not enforcing its law strongly enough.

Taking the tour


My time in Sihanoukville did not bring me into contact with any pedophiles, as far as I know. But my friend and I were given a tour of the town by a couple of local expatriates who are well familiar with some of the seedy hot spots.

The port, the point of entry for horny sailors, is Sihanoukville's cheapest and dirtiest red-light district and is located a few kilometres outside downtown. It's a dirt strip about 200 metres long, lined with shacks and huts with fluorescent red and blue lights dangling from the eaves and rows of catcalling women.

We rode our rented motorbikes from one end to the other, and the second we stopped to turn around we were swarmed by ladies desperate for work. One jumped on the back of my bike and said, "Let's go!" It was the beginning of the rainy season and most of the clientele had dried up, so two white guys in the middle of the night looked like hot commodities. They surely felt more than disappointment when we sped away.



Back in town, at a brothel in the Blue Mountain area, we sipped cans of Anchor Beer ("An-chore", not to be confused with Angkor, Sihanoukville's local brew) as a pleasant young lady kept us company, all but begging us to take her into one of the rooms in back, as cockroaches the size of my thumb scuttled across the dirt floor underfoot. She said she was Vietnamese, as were most of the girls at this place. Cambodia scores an unholy human-trafficking trifecta as a country of transit, origin and destination for victims. As many as 80 percent of the prostitutes trafficked to Cambodia are from Vietnam.

We gave our hostess a couple dollars for her time. She smiled, gave us each a hug and waved as we rode away.

Help in an emergency

On my last night in town we went down to Serendipity Beach (Ochheuteal Beach) to watch the sun rise. The beach is known for its ladyboys, but was mostly empty by the time we got there. I had a bus to catch at 7:45 AM and it was getting to be time to go. We gathered our things and mounted our motorbikes, but I was missing something... my keys! How they fell out of my pocket, I have no idea, but a full-scale search ensued, retracing steps and sifting through sand.


I was growing more and more anxious; the bike rental place had our passports, and without the keys I had no way to return the bike. A couple of prostitutes and some unseemly men had appeared. My friend said, "You know, if you leave the bike here, it'll be gone in 10 minutes." I knew.



Sensing the emergency, the prostitutes kindly joined our search. Just as hopelessness was setting in and I prepared to give up, one of the girls exclaimed and held up a sandy set of keys... my keys! Sweet relief. I took the keys and pulled a crisp $5 bill out of my wallet and handed it to my savior. She blushed and declined at first, asking if I wouldn't rather go over there so she could earn it. She promptly changed her mind and took the money, and I was off.



And that's how I came to pay a prostitute -- money well spent. For the price of a blowjob, I was able to leave Sihanoukville and Cambodia with my passport, some knowledge, and my dignity.

Luke Johnson is a former Vancouverite now reporting from Asia.

Tuesday, May 05, 2009

Armed robbery in broad daylight at the Deli Café in the middle of Phnom Penh


Monday, May 04, 2009

DAP-news
Translated from Khmer by Heng Soy

At 11:10 AM on 04 May 2009, a group of 3 armed men robbed customers drinking coffee at the Deli Café located at No. 202-204 Preah Sihanouk Blvd, east of Kirirom cinema, Boeung Keng Kang II commune, Chamcar Mon district, Phnom Penh. It is not yet know how much money or jewelry was taken by the robbers. 4-5 customers were robbed of their wallets/purses, necklaces, diamond rings. One of the female customers lost her purse and another woman lost more than $3,000.

Thursday, January 01, 2009

Gang Rape Pervasive Across Cambodia

December 31, 2008
By Rachel Snyder
NPR.org (USA)

The tiny Southeast Asian country of Cambodia has seen explosive economic growth in the past five years.

Skyscrapers will soon dominate the country's skyline and predictions of oil wealth offer hope that the country is finally beginning to outgrow its grisly past.

But a chilling form of recreation — gang rape — reminds everyone that for Cambodia, the past may yet still loom.

One Woman's Story

Mao, 18, is from Pursat, a small village with a few hundred families. Through a translator at the Cambodian Women's Crisis Center in the capital of Phnom Phen, she says she is too ashamed to say her last name.

"There was a wedding in Pursat, and I went to participate," she says. "At the wedding this man asked me to dance and I went to dance with him."

The man then said he had a friend with a question for her, and he led her from the wedding to a field nearby.

"When he dragged me out, there was his two friends with him and three more were waiting in the fields," Mao says.

Two of the men raped her before others were alerted by her screams. Eight days later, she told her story from a safe house.

What happened to Mao has a name in Cambodia: bauk. Its literal translation means "plus," but it also means gang rape, a chilling social phenomenon among young men in the city.

A few years ago, a local nongovernmental organization put together a video of victims and perpetrators. In the video, one voice is distorted to hide the victim's identity. This girl says she was raped and sodomized by four men in a guest house. The next morning, she says, she called the police, but they told her she had no evidence.

'Socially Acceptable'

David Wilkinson, a consultant living in Cambodia, and his colleagues were studying condom usage among college boys in 2002 when they found that bauk was a socially accepted form of recreation for young middle-class Khmer men.

"They described it as a situation where one or two young men would procure the services of, generally, a street-based sex worker, then they would take her to a guest house to have sex, and when they got there they would have arranged for between four and 10 of their friends to be waiting," Wilkinson says. "And they would coerce or try and induce the woman to have sex with all of them. Very often she was verbally or physically abused and would then be subsequently gang raped."

Generally, bauk happens to sex workers, but it can also happen to what the men in Wilkinson's studies call "normal" girls — girls like Mao.

"There is growing indication that the groups of victims extend now beyond those involved in sex work, and we've got stories of school girls, garment factory workers, middle-class young women being gang raped," Wilkinson says.

Napsarin Sreynoth, the secretary general of the Cambodian Women's Crisis Center, says prostitutes don't seek help in their shelters because they think bauk is part of their job. But other bauk victims, like Mao, do come.

"Some victim, they are under 15 years old," says Tong Sophrach, who worked with Wilkinson on the initial research. "Every month that we receive the gang rape or rape bauk and the victim — they are from Pursat, Kompang, Chnnam. It everywhere happen in Cambodia."

Tong says they interviewed taxi drivers in rural areas and found evidence of bauk in at least 21 of Cambodia's 24 provinces. Tong adds that the young men who commit the rapes think it's funny.

Possible Explanations For 'Bauk' Proliferation

Wilkinson says there are many possible reasons why bauk has proliferated. Many believe it's a male-bonding experience: It costs about $15 to hire a prostitute for the night and paying for just one prostitute saves money. There are also few recreational opportunities for young people.

Wilkinson says the bauk phenomenon may be linked to the genocide in 1975-1979, when up to 1.5 million people died from starvation, disease or execution.

"It's difficult to say whether this phenomenon is a result of the deprivations imposed by the Khmer Rouge regime, but what you've got is a generation of young people now whose parents didn't really experience adolescence and so have no real models or norms on which to base how to be good parents," he says. "And it's possible this has had an effect on how they relate to their sons."

In addition, Wilkinson says, bauk may be triggered by the kind of pornography available in Phnom Penh, which he says is the worst that researchers have seen.

'An Aberration Of Khmer Society'

The government, however, blames outside influences.

"Rape itself is very often happening in Cambodia due to the influence of the Western culture with the illegal entry or import of pornography film," says You Ay, from the Ministry of Women's Affairs.

But many fault the government for not denouncing bauk more publicly. Tong says that while there have been arrests, he knows of no prosecutions specifically for bauk. Wilkinson, who has lived in Cambodia for a decade, says he believes a high-level government condemnation of bauk could begin to solve the problem.

"It's really just an aberration of Khmer society, and so as such, it wouldn't be difficult for the political leaders to put a stop to it," he says. "With the backing of senior levels of government this would happen."

In Wilkinson's follow-up research, he asked young people what most concerned them. The girls' responses were all about avoiding rape.

"The interview with the boys was more intriguing," he says. "They wanted to know how they could either coerce or bribe the girl afterward not to take action against them."

A famous adage in Cambodia says that men are gold and women are cloth. The former is easily cleaned; the latter easily stained. Mao says she feels this stain. She is angry and ashamed.

"Everybody, you know, none of us are perfect and I also feel it's my fault because I wanted to go to the wedding," Mao says.

For now at least, Mao says she can't go home. "I do not dare to think about the future," she says.

Thursday, November 13, 2008

Police Chief Inherits Slew of Grievous Cases

Murdered union leader Chea Vichea
Funeral for opposition journalist Khim Sambo
The slaying of Chuor Chetharith in Phnom Penh
Relatives of opposition journalist Duong Daravuth grieve before his portrait during his funeral in Phnom Penh, following a deadly 1997 grenade attack that has never been solved.

By Heng Reaksmey, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
12 November 2008


As he begins his work as national police chief, Gen. Neth Savoeun will face a pile of open cases that his predecessor was accused of ignoring, impeding or perpetrating. Rights workers Wednesday wondered whether the new chief would make progress on any of them.

The former police chief, Hok Lundy, who died in a helicopter crash Sunday, failed to solve a number of high-profile cases that pained the nation: extrajudicial killings in the July 1997 coup, a grenade attack on opposition demonstrators that killed 16 in March 1997, and the murders of actress Piseth Pilika, Funcinpec lawmaker Om Rasady and opposition journalist Khim Sambor.

Hok Lundy, a powerful Cambodian People’s Party official close to Prime Minster Hun Sen, was routinely accused of collaboration in most of the cases. His death also left two men in prison widely considered innocent in the 2004 murder of labor leader Chea Vichea.

Rights workers were split on whether a police force under Neth Savoeun, who was a deputy of Hok Lundy and is married to a niece of Hun Sen, would be able to solve any of the cases.

“I don’t believe the appointment of Neth Savoeun as new national police chief will solve the crimes that happened in recent years,” Ou Vireak, chairman of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, said.

Even if Neth Savoeun had a will to investigate them, Ou Vireak said, he could face incarceration like Heng Pov. The former Phnom Penh police chief fingered Hok Lundy for a litany of crimes after Heng Pov fled the country in 2006, only to be extradited and imprisoned.

“When Heng Pov knew of these crimes, the government arrested him and put him in jail,” Ou Vireak said.

Heng Pov is now serving more than 50 years in a Cambodian prison and faces yet more charges for his alleged involvement in crimes while he was city chief under Hok Lundy.

Brad Adams, Asia director for Human Rights Watch, doubted Neth Savoeun would make major changes to the police.

“He would almost certainly continue to politicize the work of the police and tighten Hun Sen’s personalized control over the national police,”Adams said.

Am Sam Art, an investigator for the rights group Licadho, said he believed the appointment could lead to breakthroughs in all the serious cases.

“I believe Neth Savoeun will reform the national police force to have a good reputation, not like Hok Lundy,” he said. “That’s why he should do everything in the interest of the people.”

Chea Mony, brother of slain union worker Chea Vichea and president of the Free Trade Union, said he hoped Neth Savoeun would find “justice” in that case. Two men believed innocent, Born Samnang and Sok Samoeun, are serving 20-year prison sentences for the murder.

“I think Neth Savoeun could find the real killers involved in the murder of my brother,” Chea Mony said. “We are ready to cooperate with him and give him the evidence if the police force needs the local NGOs to help.”

Vorn Phonn, 63, father of Sok Samoeun, appealed to Neth Savoeun to reexamine the case.

“I request to the replacement of Hok Lundy to urge the Supreme Court to judge the cases of my son and nephew Born Samnang,” he said. “I filed a complaint in May 2007, and until now it has been more than a year, so I hope Neth Savoeun can be able to push the judicial process.”

Gen. Neth Savoeun could not be reached for comment Wednesday.

Lt. Gen. Khieu Sopheak, spokesman for the Interior Ministry, said, “Those cases have not been closed by the Ministry of Interior.”

“We will be investigating those crimes to find justice for the people, for the victims,” he said.

Friday, October 17, 2008

Impunity at Work in Cambodia: Soldiers and Police Escape Prosecution

Nget Nith's bandaged shoulder after being shot by a RCAF soldier

October 15, 2008
Source: Licadho

For Cambodia's police and armed forces, impunity is the rule of law. In recent months Phnom Penh has been witness to a spate of shootings perpetrated by police or Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF) personnel. These individuals at the time of the shooting incidents were either off-duty or working second jobs as security guards, during which they were illegally carrying firearms. Following the shootings all these perpetrators escaped prosecution because they were protected by their high-level connections, paid out-of-court compensation to the victim to ensure a criminal complaint was not made, or were allowed to go into hiding.

RCAF Brigade 70 soldier shoots factory worker

On July 31, 2008, Dy Sothearith, a soldier in Brigade 70, an elite RCAF unit which includes the Prime Minister's bodyguard unit, shot Nget Nith, a worker at the Toyo Food Product Co. factory Dangkao district, Phnom Penh. Dy Sothearith was working at the factory as a private security guard provided by the Cambodia Special Security Agency (CSSA), owned by Leng Ho, a senior official in the Ministry of Interior. The shooting occurred after Nget Nith, a technician at the factory, had attempted to enter the factory 15 minutes prior to the start of the night shift. After Sothearith refused him entry, a small argument erupted and the security guard shot Nith in the shoulder (he initially aimed his gun at Nith's chest but Nith turned his body sideways and the bullet hit his shoulder). Sothearith fled the scene after the shooting.

The Toyo Food factory reportedly loaned money to Nith to pay for his medical costs and the CSSA paid Nith $1000 in compensation, in exchange for him not pursuing a criminal complaint against Dy Sothearith in court. At the same time, Dy Sothearith is believed to have gone into hiding within the Brigade 70 headquarters. Although many people witnessed the shooting of Nith and the district police conducted an investigation into this criminal act, the Phnom Penh Municipal Court has not taken any action to prosecute Sothearith.

Under Cambodian law, it is unlawful for the police not to send a file on a criminal case to court, or for a court not to file criminal charges, simply because the alleged perpetrator has paid compensation to the victim.

RCAF Brigade 70 soldier shoots man after traffic accident

On July 11, 2008, Meur Bora, also a RCAF Brigade 70 soldier, was driving his Lexus sports utility vehicle in Daun Penh district, Phnom Penh, when a Camry car driven by So Vinas and Pav Mengleang scratched his vehicle. Vinas and Mengleang continued to drive on as they were afraid of retribution should they stop their car. Bora pursued the Camry and managed to block its path with his own car. Bora then proceeded to shoot at the car, injuring Mengleang in the leg, and then beat Vinas on the head with his gun.

Bora was arrested and detained overnight by Daun Penh district police. The next day Bora was released and paid compensation to his victims. No further action has been taken by the police nor the court to prosecute Bora.

Police officer shoots and kills tuk tuk driver in bar

On May 5, 2008, Chhoun Mony, a Daun Penh police officer who was working off-duty as a security guard outside the Walkabout Bar, shot dead tuk-tuk driver Ieng Nhim. The killing took place at 12:30am when Nhim was waiting outside the bar for guests. Nhim and some of the other tuk-tuk drivers had apparently insulted Mony and he retaliated by shooting Nhim twice. Nhim was taken to hospital but later died of his wounds.

Police initially questioned witnesses to the shooting and also Nhim's relatives, however Mony managed to escape arrest. A police file on the murder was sent to court officials who have said that they will issue an arrest warrant for Mony; however, it is highly unlikely that the policeman will ever be arrested by his fellow police officers who are responsible for implementing arrest warrants.

Prime Minister Hun Sen's Bodyguard shoots and kills waitress

On September 4, 2008, Mean Sokchea, a RCAF Major working in Prime Minister Hun Sen's bodyguard unit, shot dead 21-year-old waitress Put Samphors at the Floating Beer Garden and Restaurant in Kien Svay district, Kandal province. On the night of the shooting Samphors had apparently refused Sokchea's romantic advances, however Sokchea continued to try and convince her to date him. It was raining at the time and Sokchea took his gun out apparently to fire into the air in an attempt to stop the rain. In his drunken stupor Sokchear discharged his gun, hitting Samphors in the stomach. Samphors was taken to hospital but later died of her wounds.

Sokchea was detained by the police overnight but was then released, allegedly after intervention by Hing Bun Heang, the commander of the Prime Minister's bodyguard unit. Samphor's family received $2700 from Sokchea and were told by police that their daughter was shot while authorities were chasing robbers.

No further action has been made on this case.

These four cases above highlight the pattern of impunity applied to off-duty police officers and RCAF soldiers and the continued failure of the judiciary to bring these perpetrators to justice. LICADHO urges the authorities and the courts to prosecute all perpetrators of violence (in particular the cases outlined above), regardless of what position they may hold, connections they may have, or if compensation has been paid to the victims.

Saturday, October 11, 2008

In Cold blood

Hok Lundy prior to his departure for a visit to the US (Photo: AFP)

A woman prays in front of a portrait of journalist Khim Sambo, who was murdered along with his son in a Phnom Penh street on July 11. Police, who are being aided by the FBI, say they have no suspects in the case. Photo: AFP

FRIDAY, OCTOBER 3, 2008
SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST (Hong Kong)

The circumstances surrounding journalist Khim Sambo’s murder point to official involvement, writes Vincent MacIsaac
"They had no fear of being arrested. They weren’t wearing helmets and made no attempt to disguise their identity" - Chan Soveth, of the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association
Two weeks before he and his 21-year-old son were shot dead, Cambodian journalist Khim Sambo reported on a not uncommon topic in opposition-affiliated newspapers. When gamblers from the upper echelons of the ruling Cambodia People’s Party (CPP), accompanied by armed bodyguards or police, have prolonged losing streaks, it sometimes erupts in anger and even violence.

“When they lose, and cannot borrow more from the casino, they arrest the casino owners,” he wrote under one of his numerous pseudonyms, Srey Ka, in the June 28-29 weekend edition of the daily Khmer Conscience, which is affiliated with the opposition Sam Rainsy Party (SRP).

However, Khim Sambo – whose own anger needed to be “toned down”, according to a former colleague – went further than most, mocking the behaviour of a senior police officer described by many as “one of the most dangerous men in Cambodia”.

He reported on an incident that allegedly occurred – SRP newspapers are often accused of fabrication or exaggeration – on June 25 at a casino complex at a border crossing with Vietnam in the town of Bavet in Svay Rieng province.

After losing his shirt at Le Macau Casino and Hotel, the officer borrowed from the casino, lost that, borrowed more – and lost again. When the casino manager refused to lend any more, he had him arrested by the junior officers accompanying him, Khim Sambo reported.

He went further, describing how the officer stacked the deck: “When he loses US$100,000, the casino returns US$50,000. But he plays until losing the returned money, and demands to borrow more. If any casino owner dares to say ‘no’, he threatens to arrest him.”

Khim Sambo did not identify the officer by name but dropped enough hints so that when he concluded his report by stating “there is no need to name [the CPP gamblers] because everyone in Cambodia knows who they are”, he assumed readers would be able to identify the officer, a source said.

“He did not think he had put himself in danger because he did not identify the officer by name,” the source said on condition of anonymity. Several others – all of whom requested anonymity, citing concern for personal security – said that Khim Sambo was writing about Cambodian National Police Commissioner Hok Lundy.

The former governor of Svay Rieng province has been at the top of Cambodia’s police force since 1994. “There is hardly anyone in Cambodia who has shown more contempt for the rule of law than Hok Lundy,” Human Rights Watch has said. He “represents the absolute worst Cambodia has to offer”, it said.

“We believe the killing is related to that article,” Son Chhay, the whip of the opposition Sam Rainsy Party claimed, though he declined to identify the subject of the article.

The editor of Khmer Conscience, Dam Sith, who had been jailed on defamation charges in June, said he knew nothing about the article when interviewed by phone last Thursday.

That day, he was interviewed by one of the two agents from America’s FBI, said to be “supporting” their Cambodian counterparts in the investigation.

“I told them I don’t know anything about who is behind the killing, and that I hope they find who it is,” he said.

Chan Soveth, a programme officer at the Cambodian Human Rights and Development Association, warned that “if the FBI cannot work independently [their assistance] is just a political game”.

He arrived at the scene of the double homicide about 30 minutes after it occurred at about 6.30pm on July 11 and has been investigating ever since. He fears the police are protecting the perpetrators rather than trying to solve the crime.

Khim Sambo, 47, bled to death on the side of a busy street in central Phnom Penh, minutes after being shot twice in the back while riding a motorcycle driven by his son Khat Sarinpheata. The young man died the next day in a Phnom Penh hospital, after being shot twice while cradling his dying father, said Chan Soveth.

The killers, two men on a motorbike who approached Khim Sambo and his son from behind, were probably hired assassins, he said, pointing out that they used a K-49 pistol with a silencer.

“They had no fear of being arrested. They weren’t wearing helmets and made no attempt to disguise their identity. They acted like they were under protection,” Chan Soveth said.

When he arrived at the scene, he was able to gather information from bystanders but, when he returned the following morning, no one would speak to him, he said. Silence permeates human rights groups in Cambodia. When asked who he thought was behind the killing, Chan Soveth declined to answer. “I want to continue living in Cambodia,” he said.

He believes the murders were intended to create an atmosphere of fear ahead of the July general election, which the CPP won by a landslide. This view was widely promoted by Cambodian and international human rights groups who expressed outrage following the killing.

But SRP whip Son Chhay disputes that there was any link between the killings and the election. “It was not a political killing,” he said. “There was no order from the top of the CPP,” he said. “[Prime Minister] Hun Sen does not know who is behind the killings. If Hun Sen knew who was behind the killings, the FBI would not have been allowed to join the investigation.”

He added: “The FBI has been allowed in because the CPP believes they will be unable to find evidence of government involvement,” though he in no way suggests that the CPP has turned benevolent.

“Their behaviour, their totalitarian thinking is very much like the Khmer Rouge. Either you support the CPP or you are an enemy of the state. Killing opposition members is acceptable,” he said.

Son Chhay and Chan Soveth said they feared that the FBI was likely to be used by the Cambodian police to provide a veneer of legitimacy to what the latter described as a “sham investigation”.

Son Chhay noted: “They have this great ability to manipulate the international community and they will manipulate the FBI to make sure nothing happens [with the investigation].”

This is already happening, he said, pointing to a police statement published in the Cambodia Daily this month quoting Phnom Penh’s police commissioner as saying that an “FBI official had agreed that the killings were motivated by someoneseeking revenge against the journalist’s son”.

Senior police officers have suggested that the target of the killers was not Khim Sambo but his son.

In his initial report into the crime, Chan Soveth found no evidence thateither the father or the son were involved in a personal dispute that could have led to their murders.

US embassy spokesman John Johnson said he was aware that some human rights investigators had accused the local police of a cover-up. Because the investigation was ongoing, he said, he could not comment on the details of the case.

The FBI agents were playing a “purely supportive” role in the investigation at the invitation of the interior ministry, he said. Besides two investigators, who arrived on September 14, a forensic artist had arrived last week to assist localpolice with a sketch of the assailants, he added.

One day after meeting the FBI agents, Phnom Penh deputy police chief Hy Prou, who is in charge of the investigation, said there were no leads on a suspect and that the complexities of the case made investigating it difficult.

However, the fact that editor Dam Sith was interviewed for the first time after the FBI agents arrived could signal that the bureau is nudging the Cambodian police in a new direction – towards the articles Khim Sambo wrote before he was killed.

In an interview at his home last Saturday, Dam Sith said that one of the questions asked by the FBI agent, who was accompanied by a translator from the US embassy and two Cambodian officers, concerned the kind of articles Khim Sambo had written for him. He said he replied: “A lot of articles about different things.”

Dam Sith is a father with three young children. Since Khim Sambo’s killing he does not leave his home unless he has to. He looked like he had not slept in weeks and was in a highly nervous state.

In 2006, Hok Lundy was denied a US visa due to allegations that he was involved in drug and human trafficking. The following month, however, the FBI awarded him a medal for his efforts in fighting terrorism. In April last year, he was finally granted a US visa, to attend a counter-terrorism workshop.

Wednesday, October 08, 2008

Attacks & Threats Against Human Rights Defenders in Cambodia 2007


Source: Licadho


Cambodia is a dangerous place for human rights defenders. During 2007, the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO) recorded more cases than ever before of threats and attacks against activists attempting to peacefully defend the rights of others.

Throughout 2007, the patterns of threats and attacks against human rights defenders observed in previous years have continued and intensified. Representatives of communities engaged in disputes over land and housing were targeted with threats, unwarranted criminal charges, and in some cases imprisonment. Trade union leaders were assaulted, arrested and prosecuted for their legitimate union activity; one such leader was murdered. Human rights NGO workers continued to be threatened and obstructed in carrying out their work, whilst private citizens legitimately assisting asylum seekers were harassed and imprisoned.

Released in September 2008

Tuesday, September 30, 2008

Dispatches: Anlong Veng

• The main courtroom at the Khmer Rouge tribunal, in Phnom Penh, known as the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia. Photograph by Elena Lesley. •

September 29, 2008

By Elena Lesley
Granta Magazine, UK


Chit Leang does not know his real name or his age or who his parents were. He was a small child in 1975 when the Khmer Rouge seized control of Cambodia, he tells me, and his memories from that time come back as disjointed images. We talk outside his modest restaurant, our faces damp from the mid-day sun, and Chit describes, in vivid detail, the gunshots that called him to lunch each day and the flat plates on which his Khmer Rouge comrades spooned out watery rice porridge. What happened to his entire family, Chit does not know. Like so many other Cambodians, they disappeared.

Today Chit’s open-air restaurant sits along a new, paved road in Anlong Veng, a border town in Cambodia’s north that remained a Khmer Rouge stronghold into the late 1990s. Chit moved here two years ago, for purely business reasons. Friends had told him that a planned border checkpoint in the area would see an influx of tourists from Thailand, en route to the Angkor Wat temple complex, and Chit set up shop, selling noodle soup and Angkor beer to the growing packs of travellers. Along Veng, which just a few years ago was a jungle strewn with landmines, is undergoing a building boom.

Pol Pot’s grave is a short walk from Chit’s restaurant. The site is unmarked from the main road and it was Chit who showed me where to find the narrow path that leads to the grave, a mound of dirt covered by a rusty corrugated metal roof. Flowers and sun-faded glass bottles frame the place where Pol Pot was supposedly cremated in 1998, on a heap of rubbish and old tyres. An old man in poor health, he died in his sleep.

It was a quiet end for a man responsible for the destruction of his country. Between 1975 and 1979, the Khmer Rouge killed a quarter of Cambodia’s population – roughly two million people – through overwork, starvation and execution. Chit’s family were among the victims. Yet Chit remains friendly with his next-door neighbour, the grandson of an infamous Khmer Rouge military leader nicknamed ‘the Butcher’. And he politely serves customers who come to pay their respects at Pol Pot’s grave, those faithful Khmer Rouge holdouts who light incense and carry offerings of fruit and chicken. ‘They have their understanding and I have mine,’ Chit says.

After suffering through the nightmare of Khmer Rouge rule and a decade of civil conflict, most Cambodians have adopted a similar survival strategy – try to feed your family and refrain from becoming actively involved in politics. Although none of those responsible for Khmer Rouge atrocities had been punished for their crimes, the people of Cambodia understood they had to move on. Their momentum pushed the country forward, but crookedly, like a broken bone that heals without a cast. They opened shops and restaurants amid rubble and landmines. They struggled to raise children – roughly sixty percent of Cambodians were born after 1979 – who don’t learn about the Khmer Rouge in school and have trouble believing their parents’ and grandparents’ stories. Much of the population just tried to forget, to ‘dig a hole and bury the past and look to the future,’ as Prime Minister Hun Sen told them to do in 1998, after a series of senior leaders defected from what was left of the Khmer Rouge movement.

In this climate of pragmatism, some Cambodians believe that spending millions of dollars to put on trial a handful of elderly former leaders is absurd. It has been nearly thirty years since the Vietnamese ousted the Khmers Rouge from power. But domestic and international political interests have prevented the trials from happening until now.

• Pol Pot’s grave in Anlong Veng, near the Thai border. The site is maintained by the Cambodian Ministry of Tourism. Photograph by Elena Lesley. •

Throughout the 1980s Cold War era, China and much of the free world continued to support a re-packaged Khmer Rouge coalition force as a means of weakening Vietnam and its ally, the Soviet Union. It wasn’t until 1997 that Hun Sen requested UN assistance in creating a Khmer Rouge tribunal, some say to delegitimize the country’s ongoing Khmer Rouge insurgency. When the guerilla movement essentially died the following year, along with Pol Pot, Hun Sen began to insist that putting former Khmer Rouge leaders on trial would jeopardize the country’s fragile peace. The international community continued to push for a court and, after years of negotiations, the tribunal began its work in earnest around two years ago. Since then, five former leaders have been taken into custody and the first trials are expected to start in late September. Still, given that most of the defendants are in their seventies and eighties, any justice meted out by the court will be largely symbolic.

That doesn’t bother the tribunal’s supporters, who believe a verdict on the Khmer Rouge period must be rendered before Cambodia can truly advance. For years, former Khmers Rouge have lived freely in the country, often side by side with those they persecuted. The country’s lack of historical accountability has created a lawless society, where rampant land grabbing forces the poor off of their newly valuable property and justice always has a price tag.

When I first came to Cambodia as a journalist in 2004, I saw the Khmer Rouge’s insidious legacy everywhere. In the twisted faces of beggars who had been permanently disfigured through contract acid attacks. Amid the ‘broken girls’ who turned tricks on Phnom Penh’s crumbling boulevards and the street children who huffed glue from dirty plastic bags. When a bright young student I knew was killed over a romantic dispute, I tried to find a way to write about it for my newspaper. The twenty-two-year-old had been gunned down in front of a popular nightclub, surrounded by witnesses, but because the triggerman was the son of a powerful official no one was ever arrested. After struggling with several potential angles for a story, I finally had to accept the fact that in Cambodia, the student’s death was not newsworthy. He was just another casualty of what scholars have come to call the country’s ‘culture of impunity’.

I returned to Cambodia this spring to write about the Khmer Rouge tribunal. While the society’s dark undercurrents continued to haunt me, even after I left the country, the warmth and resilience of its people had an equally profound impact. Through improving coverage of the tribunal, I hoped to play a small role in the country’s recovery, to help Cambodians confront and exorcise the demons of their recent history.

After a three-year hiatus, I found the country greatly changed, at least superficially. Cambodia’s first suburban developments (cookie-cutter mansions with reflective glass and neocolonial flourishes) are under construction outside of Phnom Penh. Several skyscrapers, including a gleaming gold-coloured tower, are planned for the downtown area. Yet the country’s feeble infrastructure can’t accommodate this scale of development, and the huge strain of such vanity projects frequently plunges much of the city into blackouts.

As Cambodia’s growth accelerates, so too does the disparity between the tiny elite and the impoverished masses. Impunity is endemic. Weeks before July’s national elections, an opposition-aligned newspaper journalist and his adult son were shot to death in the middle of a busy Phnom Penh street. Witnesses said the gunmen, who rode on a motorbike, made no effort to conceal their identities and even circled back to make sure they had hit their target. It was a brazen act. Yet there are no suspects in custody and little hope among Phnom Penh’s beleaguered journalists that the killers will ever be punished.

• A statue of Khmer guardian spirit Lokta Dambang Dek (Lord of the Iron Staff) stands outside the Khmer Rouge tribunal. In legends, the spirit is an all-seeing and all-knowing witness, an administrator of justice. Photograph by Elena Lesley. •

Change is not on the horizon. Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party won a landslide victory in the national elections, amid accusations of voter fraud and observer assessments that the polls ‘failed to meet international standards’. Most Cambodians have never experienced a truly democratic society and cannot imagine government institutions free of rampant corruption. Khmer Rouge survivors like Youk Chhang, who has devoted much of his life to cataloguing the regime’s crimes as head of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, believe the tribunal can be a turning point for the entire country, setting a new precedent for the notoriously corrupt judiciary and ultimately creating a more accountable society.

‘I want justice for the future, not for us,’ says Chhang. In his Phnom Penh office, surrounded by boxes of books, newspapers and archived documents, he describes how the Khmer Rouge cut open his sister’s stomach after she was accused of eating stolen rice and, thus, trying to sabotage the revolution. The survivors ‘are too broken and divided,’ Chhang says, ‘no one can compensate what the victims lost. But we need to leave a legacy for the country’.

That can only be achieved if those in custody actually face trial. And given their frail health and the glacial pace of the law, many Cambodians worry the defendants may yet elude justice.

‘The court moves too slowly. It needs to move fast, before the defendants die,’ Chit Leang tells me, lowering his voice and glancing nervously toward his neighbour’s house. ‘There are no words to say how angry I am. I want to know why they killed their own people. I want answers.’ Chit wishes he could travel to see the court himself, but the daylong trip to Phnom Penh isn’t practical. He has a restaurant to run.

If he could go, I am not sure how worthwhile he would find the experience. Although a tribunal lacking outreach and education will be meaningless, sometimes I think that the process underway is too abstract, too disconnected from everyday life in today’s Cambodia. A sleek, new complex on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, populated by international lawyers and judges who seem plucked from their homelands – robes, wigs and all – and deposited on this strange judicial island, the tribunal could not be more foreign to people like Chit. It was not designed to be accessible, physically or conceptually, to average Cambodians.

And yet, they come.

From the tribunal’s dusty parking lot, I watch survivors arrive for the pre-trial hearing of Ieng Sary, whose Foreign Ministry underwent a series of radical purges during the Khmer Rouge period. Organized and transported by various NGOs, the old men and women stream out of their buses. Most are peasants, with rough hands and wide feet, and they’ve dressed as if they were going to the pagoda – probably the only opportunity for formal wear in their home villages. The men seem a little uncomfortable in their button-down shirts, slacks and flip-flops; women are wrapped in long traditional skirts paired with sparkly, handmade tops.

Once they pass through parking lot security, they shuffle along a covered walkway that leads to the central court building. To the left, across a small field and past the wall looped with razor wire, they can see the yellow villa where the five defendants are kept. The court itself is impressive, but sterile.

The survivors settle into their seats. They watch as a man enters the courtroom from a side door, bowed over a cane, his free hand gripping a security guard for support. Thick spectacles, a hairline receded to the back of his head, Ieng Sary is the very picture of infirmity. He stares straight ahead, expressionless.

The scene unfolds in what looks like a giant fishbowl. A long, curved glass panel separates actual courtroom actors – Sary, the lawyers and judges – from those observing the process. In the front rows of the audience section are court staff and students. With their stylish haircuts and smart professional attire, they remind me of the young men and women I often see after work at the new Lucky Seven fast food restaurant, members of the country’s burgeoning middle class sharing gossip and study tips over gelato.

Just a few rows behind them, the Khmer Rouge survivors seem to occupy a different space and time. Men and women with deeply grooved faces, their eyes betray an expression I have seen too often in Cambodia. It’s a look I saw in Chit Leang, a glassy and disconnected gaze so unsettling it makes me want to turn away.

When the court breaks for lunch, observers discuss their plans for the afternoon. Having found the morning’s proceedings hard to follow, many confess they won’t be returning for a similarly tedious afternoon session; I worry that their time at the court had little impact. Until an overheard exchange gives me hope.

‘Are you going to come back for the rest of Sary’s hearing?’ an aid worker asks one of the departing men.

He pauses to think. ‘I’ve seen his face,’ he answers triumphantly. ‘That’s enough.’

Friday, May 09, 2008

Tat Marina's story turned into a graphic novel by Stanford students

Tat Marina before her acid attack
Click here to read Shake Girl online
Sample from Shake Girl
Sample from Shake Girl

Stanford students try writing a graphic novel

Thursday, May 8, 2008
Justin Berton
San Francisco Chronicle Staff Writer (California, USA)


Tom Kealey has taught a lot of writing classes at Stanford University, but never one that asked students to consider the dramatic pause provided by the "page flip."

Or how wide to draw "the gutter."

Kealey and co-instructor Adam Johnson taught a winter course titled The Graphic Novel, and assigned their students to write, edit and illustrate a collaborative final project. The result is a 224-page graphic novel titled "Shake Girl," based on the true story of a Cambodian karaoke performer named Tat Marina who was the target of an "acid attack" after she had an affair with a married man.

"In a normal writing class, you'd write a poem or finish a chapter and you'd own it," Kealey said. "In this class, we had to collaborate every step of the way, every idea, and make compromises. It was the most difficult and rewarding class I ever taught."

While the study of comics and graphic novels has steadily become an acceptable part of college curricula - "Maus" creator Art Spiegelman taught a course at Columbia University last year - the project-based graphic novel class offered at Stanford appears to be the first of its kind.

Karen Green, a librarian at Columbia who has been acquiring graphic novels for three years, said Yale and Cornell have growing graphic novel collections, and Michigan State, Ohio State and Duke all have archived comic strips and books that span decades.

Yet for the graphic novel, the leap from archived material to in-class study and production at a major university marks an upgrade in status.

"It's a different way to tell a story that has specific rules," Green said. "And to have somebody teaching those rules, that's impressive."

Kealey and Johnson accepted 40 applications from undergrads and graduates in the English and art departments, and accepted 14.

Kealey said most of the students were already familiar with the works of Spiegelman and Marjane Satrapi's "Persepolis," set in post-revolution Iran, and were aiming to tell a complex, serious narrative.

Eric Pape, a journalist studying at Stanford on a Knight Fellowship, offered the class his nonfiction piece published in 2006 by Open City magazine about the phenomenon of acid attacks against women in Cambodia.

"It was clear from the outset while we were discussing ideas that the class wanted to do some sort of good with this project," Pape said, "not make it just a vanity project."

Pape said even though the basis of "Shake Girl" is rooted in actual events, the graphic novel genre gave the story more dramatic energy, while maintaining the theme of love gone horribly wrong. He said he wanted to see out the adaptation in part to attract readers who prefer visual to text-only stories.

"Young people read graphic novels," Pape said. "The newspaper industry is struggling, and it's looking for new models to tell stories. Journalistically speaking, this is a domain worth exploring."

One reason graphic novels are being read in university classrooms is that the term sounds more academic than comic books, said Ivan Brunetti, a lecturer at Columbia College in Chicago and the University of Chicago, who has taught the course Writing the Graphic Novel on both campuses for the past three years.

Brunetti says the phrase "comic book" still rings childish to administrators; "graphic novel" is more acceptable when pitching a class.

"Graphic novels are really comic books wrapped in book covers with spines," Brunetti said. "But for some reason, 'graphic novel' sounds more lofty and people have bought into it. The term has helped to create a distinction in people's minds that there's an important art movement occurring that is more concerned about long and serious work; and that's partially true."

The U.S. retail market for graphic novels has grown precipitously over the past decade, reaching $375 million in 2007, up 12 percent from 2006, according to a report last month from ICv2, a trade company that tracks pop culture industry trends. Much of the growth is due to the mainstreaming of the genre by specialty publishing houses, such as Drawn and Quarterly in Montreal and Fantagraphics Books in Seattle, and more recently to traditional houses like Pantheon, which has a graphic novel imprint that publishes Spiegelman, Satrapi and Daniel Clowes, among others.

Thomas LeBien, publisher of Hill and Wang, an imprint of Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, who oversees the company's 2-year-old graphic novels division, attributes rising sales to the medium's growing storytelling capabilities. He refers to Hill and Wang's "The 9/11 Report: a Graphic Adaptation" by Sid Jacobson and Ernie Colon, a controversial work he said forced mainstream book reviewers to ditch the "graphic novel" term for "graphic nonfiction" and "sequential art narration."

"There's an audience out there that doesn't view this as 'comic books,' but as sophisticated storytelling," said LeBien. "The reason professors and universities are so interested in teaching it is the form is so versatile. It does very particular things just like movies do, and just like books of prose do."

At Stanford, Kealey and Johnson knew asking 14 students to collaborate to produce one book was an ambitious task. And their class had six weeks to do it.

"Co-writing with one person is difficult," student Pape said. "Co-writing with 14 was extremely difficult."

After the writing, students cut the story into five acts, and the art students created storyboards from a rough draft. The illustrators mulled over the "page flips" - the kapow-y action sequences often found on the right-hand panels. When the flips are done to maximum effect, the time it takes the reader to turn the page can serve as a dramatic pause.

Kealey said, "That's not something a novelist normally has a chance to do."

"Shake Girl" can be viewed at shakegirl.stanford.edu.
E-mail Justin Berton at jberton@sfchronicle.com.