NATTAYA CHETCHOTIROS
Bangkok Post
For Sondhi Limthongkul, the ultimate goal of the People's Alliance for Democracy movement is to usher in a new order of national administration.
With the political standoff between the PAD and the government beginning to turn ugly, he appears open to a concession, floating demands that could resolve the stalemate.
In this interview with the Bangkok Post, Mr Sondhi insists that it is imperative that Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej first exit the corridors of power. Mr Sondhi says the new prime minister could be anyone.
He insists the demands are strictly his own position and would need to be presented for consultation with fellow PAD leaders.
Question: What are the demands to be thrashed out post-Samak?
Sondhi: They (the government) must back away from the self-serving attempt to amend the Constitution.
Two, in the Preah Vihear issue, the joint communique pledging cooperation to Cambodia on the World Heritage listing of the border temple must be brought before parliament for approval after the Administrative Court ruled on its status as a treaty.
Three, the multi-billion-baht mega-projects which were given cabinet green light must be suspended, because they look to be fraught with irregularities. And four, a new political order must be set.
We don't mind what the proportion will be between elected and appointed representatives (in parliament) as long as the people are allowed a direct role in running the country. Even if it's 20% direct participation by the people, it is a victory for us (the PAD).
The proportion is a secondary matter, something tentative. Direct participation will lessen the extra-parliamentary pressure on those running the country. If people are kept out of the equation of power, the pressure bearing down on the administration will be fierce.
The MPs work for the vested interests of political parties and for personal benefits. In other countries, there are lobbyists who speak for people's groups to push their MPs and senators to pass laws, but we have no such system to speak of here.
Thai politics do not represent the diverse needs of the various segments of society. The MPs are no help to their constituents because they answer to the policies handed down by financiers who helped vote them in. The civic sector is also an interest group.
We've never had MPs who are truly representative of the labourers or farmers who make up the majority population. There has been no channel through which these groups could win seats in parliament.
Who in their right mind would spend some 30 million baht buying votes if they weren't intent on recouping that investment once elected?
Q: If the government chooses to dissolve the House, will it be acceptable to the PAD?
A: The dissolution would not be a solution. But let's suppose the House disintegrated and an election was called, the question then has to be: how many MPs the People Power party would be left with? What new name would the party, which is likely to be dissolved, contest under? Its executives could face suspension of election rights and the party will be in tatters.
Q: Word has gone around that Democrat party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva could replace Mr Samak.
A: Mr Abhisit would still be a far better choice than the PPP if the House remained intact and the coalition partners switched their support to Mr Abhisit. However, Mr Abhisit must abide by our demands and he must be committed to political reform.
Q: But Mr Abhisit would command a very slim majority in parliament.
A: Yes, true. But at least, he is easier to talk to and he will enjoy a smoother administration.
Where the new political order will take root is not our primary focus right now. Educating people about politics as we do now is a way of reforming politics. Empowering people is reform.
A 50:50 proposal has come forth. If 480 MPs is just too many, perhaps we could have two MPs for each province or 152 MPs overall. Another 152 MPs could be appointed. To achieve this, we would have to alter the charter.
Q: So you're contradicting yourself. On the one hand, you maintain the government must not touch the Constitution, but you also call for political reform which needs charter amendment.
A: Yes, it is contradictory but we have a way around that.
Q: What's your take on Army chief Anupong Paojinda's role?
A: Gen Anupong is in a dilemma. He has shown himself to stand by Mr Samak all along, but today Mr Samak has asked him to suppress the people. Gen Anupong knows only too well that these people are loyal to the monarchy and so he cannot do much.
When he blamed both ASTV and NBT (television stations) for inciting unrest, that could be looked at in a positive light because he effectively denounced the state media.
It goes to prove that state-controlled media was the real problem. It means we're pacifist.
But my fear is Mr Samak will not give in and will heap pressure on Gen Anupong. Mr Samak is a hypocrite with the heart of a dictator. He knew that declaring a state of emergency was a mistake. Mr Samak is also apprehensive that the emergency decree could give Gen Anupong a blank cheque to stage a coup.
Q: What do you think Mr Samak will do next?
A: He will very likely step down in the next few days. If not, the rally will persist while Gen Anupong refrains from suppressing the people and ASTV will remain on the air. Mr Samak will not have his way, as more people continue to join our rally. How can he survive?
The aim of the emergency decree was to prevent the rally from swelling. The reality is that politics has ground to a dead end and if we look closely, Gen Anupong should have followed Mr Samak's order and driven us out and shut ASTV down. But he refused to use force. Mr Samak is swamped with all sorts of problems, with his party's dissolution looming large. At most, Mr Samak will go before the month is out.
Q: What's left for Mr Samak to do?
A: What is certain is that Gen Anupong will never crack down on demonstrators and ASTV will not be busted. The impression is that Gen Anupong has rejected Mr Samak's orders in a most discreet manner.
Q: But won't the PAD lose its supporters by implementing pressure measures such as airport closures?
A: The unions promised they would try to limit public inconvenience from the measures. Even the airport closure is temporary, done only as a symbolic gesture of resistance. It is an act of civil disobedience which Thailand has never seen before.
Q: Why are so many people rallying behind the PAD?
A: Everyone loves our King and despises Mr Samak. No one in the upper strata of society accepts Mr Samak because he is abrasive and rude. Intelligent and well-to-do people, people in the ruling class, doctors, nurses and businessmen and leaders, do not accept Mr Samak. Everyone here at the rally speaks the same language.
Q: If the PAD fails in the end, how do you plan to heal the emotional pain for demonstrators?
A: If we fall due to circumstances beyond our control, then everyone shares in the defeat. It would mean the people's movement has failed.
Q: Over these past seven days, do you consider the situation still positive for the PAD?
A: Definitely. When they declared the emergency decree, it marked the defeat of the government. Even if I could turn back the clock, I would not have it any other way. I cannot stand injustice and we have faith in whatever we do.
With the political standoff between the PAD and the government beginning to turn ugly, he appears open to a concession, floating demands that could resolve the stalemate.
In this interview with the Bangkok Post, Mr Sondhi insists that it is imperative that Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej first exit the corridors of power. Mr Sondhi says the new prime minister could be anyone.
He insists the demands are strictly his own position and would need to be presented for consultation with fellow PAD leaders.
Question: What are the demands to be thrashed out post-Samak?
Sondhi: They (the government) must back away from the self-serving attempt to amend the Constitution.
Two, in the Preah Vihear issue, the joint communique pledging cooperation to Cambodia on the World Heritage listing of the border temple must be brought before parliament for approval after the Administrative Court ruled on its status as a treaty.
Three, the multi-billion-baht mega-projects which were given cabinet green light must be suspended, because they look to be fraught with irregularities. And four, a new political order must be set.
We don't mind what the proportion will be between elected and appointed representatives (in parliament) as long as the people are allowed a direct role in running the country. Even if it's 20% direct participation by the people, it is a victory for us (the PAD).
The proportion is a secondary matter, something tentative. Direct participation will lessen the extra-parliamentary pressure on those running the country. If people are kept out of the equation of power, the pressure bearing down on the administration will be fierce.
The MPs work for the vested interests of political parties and for personal benefits. In other countries, there are lobbyists who speak for people's groups to push their MPs and senators to pass laws, but we have no such system to speak of here.
Thai politics do not represent the diverse needs of the various segments of society. The MPs are no help to their constituents because they answer to the policies handed down by financiers who helped vote them in. The civic sector is also an interest group.
We've never had MPs who are truly representative of the labourers or farmers who make up the majority population. There has been no channel through which these groups could win seats in parliament.
Who in their right mind would spend some 30 million baht buying votes if they weren't intent on recouping that investment once elected?
Q: If the government chooses to dissolve the House, will it be acceptable to the PAD?
A: The dissolution would not be a solution. But let's suppose the House disintegrated and an election was called, the question then has to be: how many MPs the People Power party would be left with? What new name would the party, which is likely to be dissolved, contest under? Its executives could face suspension of election rights and the party will be in tatters.
Q: Word has gone around that Democrat party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva could replace Mr Samak.
A: Mr Abhisit would still be a far better choice than the PPP if the House remained intact and the coalition partners switched their support to Mr Abhisit. However, Mr Abhisit must abide by our demands and he must be committed to political reform.
Q: But Mr Abhisit would command a very slim majority in parliament.
A: Yes, true. But at least, he is easier to talk to and he will enjoy a smoother administration.
Where the new political order will take root is not our primary focus right now. Educating people about politics as we do now is a way of reforming politics. Empowering people is reform.
A 50:50 proposal has come forth. If 480 MPs is just too many, perhaps we could have two MPs for each province or 152 MPs overall. Another 152 MPs could be appointed. To achieve this, we would have to alter the charter.
Q: So you're contradicting yourself. On the one hand, you maintain the government must not touch the Constitution, but you also call for political reform which needs charter amendment.
A: Yes, it is contradictory but we have a way around that.
Q: What's your take on Army chief Anupong Paojinda's role?
A: Gen Anupong is in a dilemma. He has shown himself to stand by Mr Samak all along, but today Mr Samak has asked him to suppress the people. Gen Anupong knows only too well that these people are loyal to the monarchy and so he cannot do much.
When he blamed both ASTV and NBT (television stations) for inciting unrest, that could be looked at in a positive light because he effectively denounced the state media.
It goes to prove that state-controlled media was the real problem. It means we're pacifist.
But my fear is Mr Samak will not give in and will heap pressure on Gen Anupong. Mr Samak is a hypocrite with the heart of a dictator. He knew that declaring a state of emergency was a mistake. Mr Samak is also apprehensive that the emergency decree could give Gen Anupong a blank cheque to stage a coup.
Q: What do you think Mr Samak will do next?
A: He will very likely step down in the next few days. If not, the rally will persist while Gen Anupong refrains from suppressing the people and ASTV will remain on the air. Mr Samak will not have his way, as more people continue to join our rally. How can he survive?
The aim of the emergency decree was to prevent the rally from swelling. The reality is that politics has ground to a dead end and if we look closely, Gen Anupong should have followed Mr Samak's order and driven us out and shut ASTV down. But he refused to use force. Mr Samak is swamped with all sorts of problems, with his party's dissolution looming large. At most, Mr Samak will go before the month is out.
Q: What's left for Mr Samak to do?
A: What is certain is that Gen Anupong will never crack down on demonstrators and ASTV will not be busted. The impression is that Gen Anupong has rejected Mr Samak's orders in a most discreet manner.
Q: But won't the PAD lose its supporters by implementing pressure measures such as airport closures?
A: The unions promised they would try to limit public inconvenience from the measures. Even the airport closure is temporary, done only as a symbolic gesture of resistance. It is an act of civil disobedience which Thailand has never seen before.
Q: Why are so many people rallying behind the PAD?
A: Everyone loves our King and despises Mr Samak. No one in the upper strata of society accepts Mr Samak because he is abrasive and rude. Intelligent and well-to-do people, people in the ruling class, doctors, nurses and businessmen and leaders, do not accept Mr Samak. Everyone here at the rally speaks the same language.
Q: If the PAD fails in the end, how do you plan to heal the emotional pain for demonstrators?
A: If we fall due to circumstances beyond our control, then everyone shares in the defeat. It would mean the people's movement has failed.
Q: Over these past seven days, do you consider the situation still positive for the PAD?
A: Definitely. When they declared the emergency decree, it marked the defeat of the government. Even if I could turn back the clock, I would not have it any other way. I cannot stand injustice and we have faith in whatever we do.
7 comments:
What does King Bhumibol think? He knew dawn well that Preah Vihear wasn't his. PM Samak did an honest act by recognizing it as it was fully Khmer's Temple.What is wrong with this F*cking Thai PAD? and why can PM Samak replace Anupong? Get rid of him!
This is one-man system giving power to only one man hun sen. You heard memorandums only from the mouth of Hunsen and Ah Mey Ah Thoung has never done anything prior without the orders from the top.
Politics my ass!!!!!!
Oh My poor Koun Chau khmers...Another foreign minister resigned. So how about the previous negotiations??? oh my poor koun chau Siam swallows land Os huey ...........What a pity!!!!
Koun Chau Father tells you that father is a stray dog living in communist countries cannot do anything to help you koun chau. Now koun chau can follow suit like Father self-exile living in China or Norht Korea......
From Father
Mr. Sondhi and PAD leaders are quarelsome people who wants to bring instability and wreak havoc in the Southeast asian region. They ignore democracy and disregard the will of the majority, the rural people. This is the respect our Khmer surin and other rural Thais get from the growing predominant of sino centric politic in Thailand. We see this polisic in Cambodia where these rich chinese businessmen buys and runs the land of Cambodia and cheat on votes and destroy the people's democracy.
The PAD demand on Preah Vihear, they know is unacceptable by Cambodia, but they will use force to make Cambodia sign and deal and including taking the Ta Moan temple for good. They have a threat of war cry against Cambodia.
PAD are dangerous, neo-nazis and hitler style, facist and spoiled rich elite who are corrupted by wants and power. This is the characteristics of the Thai people which our majesty has cried out laugh in his last funny story of Thai soap opera.
In the end, they will all go crazy. It is their karma for their actions. Their consequences will come back to condem them. The world will see a new Thailand, a facist Thailand, not free land of smile but one that is violent, racist, greedy, and frank liar and place that breeds new dictators.
The so revered king will undone all his work and credits, and will be spit upon and stepped on with his portraits and around the world they will called him a a tyrant who won't let his grip off the country.
This is the fate of Thailand, the rule of Karma will turn on them. We wait next, for Vietnam.
The new era will be the Laos Khmer era. It is coming.
Sonthi lost Thai election last year. Yet he wants to be the next Thai prime minister by street protest and by amending the constitution himself. Do you call this fair and a democracy? Samak was elected by the people and by parliament. May be Sam Rangsy should use the same tactic to become a future prime minister of Cambodia.
Sonthi, in his and PAD's 4 demands, wants the Thai court to convict all the members of the Thai government for signing Preah Vihear as a UNECSO heritage. Down with the PAD and Sonthi!
"Even if it's 20% direct participation by the people, it is a victory for us (the PAD)".
This guys must be Sam Rainsy twin.
"Q: So you're contradicting yourself. On the one hand, you maintain the government must not touch the Constitution, but you also call for political reform which needs charter amendment.
A: Yes, it is contradictory but we have a way around that".
Exactly like Sam Rainsy if else fail there is way around it "The King"
ABHISHIT IS ENEMY NO.1 OF CAMBODIA!
Khmer people must understand who caused the Thai occupation of 4.6 km2 near Prasat Preah Vihear, Prasat Ta Moan, Prasat Ta Krabei, etc.
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