Vietnamese-installed trio: Xam, Xim and Xen (AP Photo/Heng Sinith)Cambodia marks 30th anniversary of Khmer Rouge ouster
January 7, 2009
AFP
PHNOM PENH - Tens of thousands of Cambodians cheered the 30th anniversary of the ouster of the brutal Khmer Rouge regime at an elaborate stadium ceremony mounted by the country's powerful ruling party Wednesday.
About 40,000 people attended the celebration three decades to the day in 1979 when Vietnamese-led forces toppled the Khmer Rouge, which is blamed for the deaths of up to two million people.
Prime Minister Hun Sen and members of the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) applauded at the capital's Olympic Stadium while hundreds of traditional Khmer dancers, a marching band and parade floats streamed past.
"The victory of January 7 saved the fatherland and people of Cambodia in a timely manner," party president Chea Sim told the crowd in a speech.
He said the anniversary marked the end of "the dark chapter of Cambodian history" and thanked Vietnam for "saving the country from genocide" and reviving the nation.
The Khmer Rouge came to power in 1975 and is accused of killing millions through overwork, execution or starvation before it was ousted by a Hanoi-backed military force in January 1979.
The CPP has ruled Cambodia since it was installed by Hanoi at the time, and Chea Sim went on to outline government successes in bringing development to the impoverished country while thanking citizens for supporting the ruling party.
But Chea Sim made no mention in his speech of the UN-backed war crimes trial of surviving Khmer Rouge leaders, expected to begin within the next few months.
Khmer Rouge "Brother Number One" Pol Pot died in 1998, but five surviving regime leaders are due to be tried for war crimes and crimes against humanity, after delays over the last decade amid concerns over political interference.
Rights groups and some opposition politicians have accused the government of trying to derail the trials for fear of exposing atrocities committed by former regime cadres currently serving in Hun Sen's administration.
Human Rights Watch this week accused Hun Sen and the CPP of trying to obstruct more prosecutions.
It made the claim after a disagreement emerged between the court's international and Cambodian co-prosecutors about whether additional cases against other senior Khmer Rouge leaders would threaten Cambodia's stability.
Some Cambodians also criticise the January 7 anniversary, saying it represents the takeover of a repressive Vietnamese regime which held the country for a dozen years, rather than a day of liberation.
Hun Sen on Tuesday lashed out at those who did not celebrate the 30th anniversary, calling them "animals."
About 40,000 people attended the celebration three decades to the day in 1979 when Vietnamese-led forces toppled the Khmer Rouge, which is blamed for the deaths of up to two million people.
Prime Minister Hun Sen and members of the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) applauded at the capital's Olympic Stadium while hundreds of traditional Khmer dancers, a marching band and parade floats streamed past.
"The victory of January 7 saved the fatherland and people of Cambodia in a timely manner," party president Chea Sim told the crowd in a speech.
He said the anniversary marked the end of "the dark chapter of Cambodian history" and thanked Vietnam for "saving the country from genocide" and reviving the nation.
The Khmer Rouge came to power in 1975 and is accused of killing millions through overwork, execution or starvation before it was ousted by a Hanoi-backed military force in January 1979.
The CPP has ruled Cambodia since it was installed by Hanoi at the time, and Chea Sim went on to outline government successes in bringing development to the impoverished country while thanking citizens for supporting the ruling party.
But Chea Sim made no mention in his speech of the UN-backed war crimes trial of surviving Khmer Rouge leaders, expected to begin within the next few months.
Khmer Rouge "Brother Number One" Pol Pot died in 1998, but five surviving regime leaders are due to be tried for war crimes and crimes against humanity, after delays over the last decade amid concerns over political interference.
Rights groups and some opposition politicians have accused the government of trying to derail the trials for fear of exposing atrocities committed by former regime cadres currently serving in Hun Sen's administration.
Human Rights Watch this week accused Hun Sen and the CPP of trying to obstruct more prosecutions.
It made the claim after a disagreement emerged between the court's international and Cambodian co-prosecutors about whether additional cases against other senior Khmer Rouge leaders would threaten Cambodia's stability.
Some Cambodians also criticise the January 7 anniversary, saying it represents the takeover of a repressive Vietnamese regime which held the country for a dozen years, rather than a day of liberation.
Hun Sen on Tuesday lashed out at those who did not celebrate the 30th anniversary, calling them "animals."
15 comments:
1970-1973-1979
LE DUC THO came with SIHANOUK,IENG SARY,MAO,POL POT,NUON CHEA,HOU NIM,KIEV SAMPHAN,DUCH...ETC
JANUARY 7 LE DUC THO came with PEN SAVAN,HUN SEN ,CHEA SIM,HENG SAM RIN AND 5 266 345 IMIGRANT VIETS.
http://fr.youtube.com/watch?v=P0tkI2dO8_A&feature=related
http://fr.youtube.com/watch?v=8yEhkzAWgHs&feature=related
L`IGNORANCE EST LA SOURCE DE LA SOUFFRANCE.
http://fr.youtube.com/watch?v=KHb_K_tOS6k&feature=related
Lê Đức Thọ
Un article de Wikipédia, l'encyclopédie libre.
(Redirigé depuis Phan Dinh Khai)
Aller à : Navigation, Rechercher
Pour les articles homonymes, voir Leduc. Page d'aide sur l'homonymie
Phan Dinh Khai ou Lê Đức Thọ (1911 - 1990) était un homme politique, diplomate et militaire vietnamien.
Biographie [modifier]
Né le 14 octobre 1911 dans la province de Nam Ha Ninh, au Centre du Viêt Nam, d’une famille de lettrés, Phan Dinh Khai, animé du patriotisme vietnamien, se lance dès 1928 dans la lutte clandestine anticoloniale, sous le nom de Le Duc Tho, au sein des jeunesses révolutionnaires, comme Võ Nguyên Giáp, et devient l’un des fondateurs, avec Hô Chi Minh, du PCI (Parti communiste indochinois) en 1930 à Hong Kong. Comme Phạm Văn Đồng et beaucoup d’autres, il est emprisonné par les Français pour ses activités politiques dites subversives. Tho détient un poste élevé dans le Việt Minh (Ligue pour l'indépendance du Viêt Nam) et, de 1955 à 1986, il est membre du « Politburo » (Bureau politique) du parti communiste vietnamien.
Arrêté pour ses activités révolutionnaires, il est interné pendant six ans au Bagne de Poulo Condor. Libéré en 1936 par le gouvernement du Front populaire, il est à nouveau emprisonné en 1939 au bagne de Son La où il côtoie la plupart des futurs dirigeants du Viêt Nam.
Après sa libération, il entre en 1945 au Comité central du Parti communiste, puis, en 1951, au Bureau politique. Pendant la Première Guerre d’Indochine, il est, avec Lê Duẩn, le principal responsable de la résistance dans le Sud du Viêt Nam.
À partir de 1968, Le Duc Tho joue un rôle essentiel dans la conduite des négociations avec Washington, et demeure pour le monde entier l’homme qui, cinq ans plus tard, a signé avec Henry Kissinger, les accords américano-vietnamiens.
Le Duc Tho participe à la préparation et à l’organisation de l’offensive généralisée aboutissant le 30 avril 1975 à l’entrée victorieuse à Saïgon des combattants du Front national pour la libération du Viêt Nam. À l’occasion du VIe Congrès du Parti communiste vietnamien, à automne 1986, il démissionne du Bureau politique et est nommé conseiller spécial du Comité central avec Truong Chinh et Phạm Văn Đồng.
Pendant la Deuxième Guerre d’Indochine dite « Guerre du Viêt Nam » (1956-1975), Le Duc Tho est actif dans le Sud du pays, où il dirige des attaques du Front national pour la libération du Viêt Nam pour l’unité du Viêt Nam.
De 1968 à 1973, Le Duc Tho dirige la délégation de la République démocratique du Viêt Nam aux pourparlers de paix à Paris. Il reçoit le Prix Nobel de la paix, avec le secrétaire d'État américain Henry Kissinger, pour l'ensemble des négociations qu'il a dirigées pour le camp vietnamien ; du cessez-le-feu au retrait des troupes américaines. Le Duc Tho, cependant, rejette le prix, car selon lui : « […] la paix n'a pas réellement été établie ». En 1975, Le Duc Tho organise l’offensive militaire contre les restes de l'armée de la République du Viêt Nam de Saigon.
Le Duc Tho, conseiller du Comité central du Parti communiste vietnamien, meurt le 13 octobre 1990, à Hanoï. Le vainqueur de la bataille diplomatique à la Conférence de Paris de 1973 était âgé de 79 ans. Souffrant d’un cancer, il avait été hospitalisé durant plusieurs semaines, à l’hôpital du Val-de-Grâce où Gaston Plissonnier, secrétaire du Comité central du PCF, lui avait rendu de fréquentes visites.
Happy Freedom Day (Jan 7) to everyone!
Thanks to Vietnam!
Thanks to PM Hun Sen!
Khmer Rouge dictatorial and murderous regime is in Hun Sen now.
Who will replace Hun Sen if he's dropped dead today?
Hun Neng?????
Sok An?
Sar Kheng?
Meas Sophea or Pol Saroeurn?
CPP hardcore is making plan already after what happened to Nguyen Van Son aka Lon Di Hoc sudden death.
A swar Chea Sim, Heng Samrin and Hun Sen are the pupet of youn. Your future is nearly end like A Hok Lundy. You can do and you can say whatever you want because you are in power. Your power will end soon and you will go to the hell.
Pi A Kwin
Anonymous said...
Happy Freedom Day (Jan 7) to everyone!
Thanks to Vietnam!
Thanks to PM Hun Sen!
5:46 PM
You are happy because Vietnamese soldiers fucked your mother, your sister and your relatives. Happy with you and your family for knowing VN penises.
Do ma ah Swar chis lann!!!
បក្សប្រជាជន (បទកាកគតិ)
សាហាវព្រៃផ្សៃ មេកើយសព្វថ្ងៃ គំរាមប្រជា
អ្នកហ៊ានប៉ះពាល់ អំណាចឬស្យា សម្លាប់ប្រហារ
គ្មានញញើតដៃ ។
ប្រើកលគ្រប់ល្បិច ចាក់ដោតមួលក្តិច ពន្លិចបំភ្លៃ
លួងលោមទិញសូក អស់លោកមន្តី អំណាចដល់ដៃ
ប្រល័យតបគុណ ។
ខ្មែរអើយចូលចាំ តាំងចិត្តឲ្យមាំ ខំប្រឹងរកធន
កុំទុកចិត្តពាល កុំអាលបោះទុន ក្រែងពេលស៊យស៊ុន
ទុនរលាយបាត់ ។
ធ្វើស្រែចំការ ចិញ្ចឹមអាត្មា ប្រមូលញាតិមិត្ត
ក្រោកផ្តួលរំលំ បនពាលទុច្ចរិត ក្បត់ជាតិខ្លួនពិត
បំរើជាតិគេ ។
បំរើប្រយោជន៍ ស្រុកទេសហិនហោច គ្មានសល់អ្វីទេ
លក់ដីលក់ជាតិ លក់ក្បាលឲ្យគេ ខ្មែរណាដៀលជេរ
កំទេចគ្មានសល់ ។
ពួកប្រជាជន ក្បត់ជាតិផងខ្លួន ផ្គាប់យួនដោយផ្ទាល់
ខ្មែរស្លាប់រាប់លាន គេគ្មានខ្វាយខ្វល់ គេប្រើពួកពល
គ្រងយួនចូលស្រុក ។
ថាបក្សជំទាស់ ប្រកាន់ពូជសាសន៍ មិនសន្សំសុខ
ជាតិសាសន៍បងប្អូន ចូលមកសុំជ្រក ម្តេចមិនលៃលក
ឲ្យបានសុខសាន្ត ។
នេះឬមិត្តយួន ថាខ្មែររុកគួន យួនចូលទាំងលាន
បំផ្លាញពូជត្រី ព្រៃឈើបរិស្ឋាន ចូលមករុករាន
ពេញផែនដីខ្មែរ ។
១៦ កក្កដា ១៩៩៨
ស.យ.មករា
5:46,
Thank to Vietnam that ate his mother and his sister pussy...and fuck his mother and his sister, so he enjoyed it very much! Ah Pleur undersea never stop begging for help...fucking begger!!
The picure of the three monkey(DUMMY) looks nice. You can find others in this globe.
"ថ្ងៃ ៧ មករា ១៩៧៩ ជាថ្ងៃបរាជ័យ នៃរបបប៉ុល ពល និងជាថ្ងៃដែលកូនខ្មែរចេញពី របបកុំមុយនិស្ត ផ្តាច់ការមួយ (ប៉ុល ពត) ចូលទៅ របបកុំមុយនិស្តផ្តាច់ការ (យួនកាន់កាប់) មួយទៀត។ កូនខ្មែររស់ទ្រាំទ្រវេទនា ជាពិសេសក្រោមការកាន់កាប់ របស់យួនរហូតដល់ ថ្ងៃ ២៣ តុលា ១៩៩១ (សន្ធិសញ្ញាក្រុងប៉ារីស) ទើបបានស្គាល់ពន្លឺសេរីភាពខ្លះៗ។
ប៉ុន្តែ ថ្ងៃដែលកូនខ្មែរពិតជាបានស្គាល់សេរីភាពដំបូង គឺ ថ្ងៃ ២៣ ដល់ ២៨ ឧសភា ១៩៩៣ (ថ្ងៃបោះឆ្នោត រើសតំណាងរាស្រ្តលើកដំបូង ទូទាំងប្រទេសខ្មែរ រៀបចំឡើងដោយអង្គការ UNTAC តំណាងអង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិ) ហើយរាជាណាចក្រទី ២ ក៏បានចាប់បដិសន្ធិឡើង នៅឆ្នាំ ១៩៩៣ ដែរ"
នោះជាឃ្លាដែល កូនខ្មែរគ្រប់ជំនាន់ ត្រូវតែចងចាំជានិច្ច គ្មានភ្លេចមួយវិនាទី ព្រោះថ្ងៃ ៧ មករា ១៩៧៩ ជានិមិត្តរូប នៃលំហូរពួកយួន ចូលតាំងទី នៅប្រទេសខ្មែរ ក្នុងគោលដៅលេប យកប្រទេសខ្មែរ ដោយសន្តិវិធី ក្នុងអនាគតមិនយូរ, ក៏ជាថ្ងៃរំលឹកឡើងវិញ អំពើក្បត់ជាតិ របស់អាសំដាចម៍ក្បត់ជាតិ អគ្គមហាសេវាដៃចោរហ៊ុន សែនខូចសរសៃប្រសាទ (បើតាមសំដីរបស់ប៉ែន សុវណ្ណ, អតីតចៅហ្វាយរបស់ហ៊ុន សែន) កាត់ដីអោយយួន នៅឆ្នាំ ១៩៨០, ១៩៨៥, ១៩៩០, ២០០៥។
ឆ្នាំថ្មី ២០០៩, ជូនពរអាសំដាចម៍ហ៊ុន សែនងាប់តៃហោង ដោយរន្ទះបាញ់ដូចអាយួនហុក ឡងឌី ទៅហោង!!!
The Untold Truth of Jan 07, 1979.
The event of Jan 07, 1979 continues to generate protracted debates in our country at different levels and classes of society. Whether at political or academic institutions, professional or business communities, or casual web blogs, these debates have polarized the nation into two camps – the increasing majority who view Jan 07, 1979 as a full scale invasion with the intent-to-occupy; and the few who, for a matter of convenience, chooses to portray it as a genuine humanitarian intervention from Hanoi to save Khmer people from the KR killing machine.
At the center of these debates, the very same question has been raised repeatedly. What was the real motive(s) leading to the Jan 07, 1979 event? To these days, the answers to that question not only remain unsettled, but also continue to predominantly influence the nation affairs because of its far-reaching historical, socio-political and economical dimensions.
In this editorial, the author will endeavour to present an impartial view of the Jan 07 event based on personal experience, available historical and researched data, and genuine and verifiable information from credible sources; and hope to set the record straight.
In order to correctly understand the real motive(s) behind the Jan 07 event, it is important to revisit a series of key events starting from the Indochina anti-colonial war era.
During the struggle against the French colonialism (1946 -1954), a small number of Khmer nationals joint the Indochina Communist Party (ICP) which was created and controlled by the Vietnamese communists. However, many Khmer nationalists and intellectuals who also sought the independence from France at that time refused to joint the ICP movement because it was evident to them that the military defeat or rapid withdrawal of French colonialism would open the door for Vietnam to annex Cambodia.
In 1951, the Khmer section of the ICP was given the name of Khmer People’s Revolutionary Party (KPRP) under the leadership of Son Ngoc Minh, Sieu Heng and Tou Samut. Although they had their own party name, the KPRP leaders were nothing more than obedient executors of all plans drafted by the Vietnamese communists.
The Vietnamese communists betrayed their KPRP comrades when they signed the 1954 Geneva Agreements and withdrew their combat units from Cambodia. That betrayal allowed the Sihanouk armed forces to reclaim the zones occupied by the ICP and consequently liquidate many KPRP members. On the verge of collapsing, the KPRP went underground and largely disappeared from Hanoi vision for many years.
As the Vietnamese communists started the unification war in the South, they made an alliance with Sihanouk in order to use Khmer territory to create rear bases and deliver ammunitions and weapons to the South. In exchange, the Vietnamese communists would again betray their Khmer communist comrades by scrapping all plans for the Khmer communists to fight the Sihanouk regime.
With no outsider help and little hope to win, Sieu Heng, the second-in-command leader of KPRP, betrayed his comrades and secretly informed Sihanouk regime of Khmer communist activities in the country. In 1962, Sihanouk secret police found and killed Tou Samut at a hide-out in Phnom Penh.
In the middle of the KPRP chaos and absence of firm control from Hanoi, Pol Pot managed to get himself elected to the post of the General Secretary during the party congress in 1963. Completely caught Hanoi off-guard, Pol Pot quickly renamed the KPRP to the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK). Pol Pot later explained that the reason for changing the party name from KPRP to CPK was that the ICP and its by-product KPRP were created by Vietnam to occupy Cambodia and Laos lands.
By mid sixties, Hanoi realised that Sihanouk’s support for its armed struggle against American imperialism was weakening as Lon Nol and Sirik Matak increasingly opposed such support. Hanoi suddenly remembered its old allies – the KPRP, which had been renamed to CPK. However, Hanoi found out that due to its oversight or negligence, it had to confront many unexpected problems with the new CPK leadership.
People in Pol Pot’s clan who were nominated to occupy highest posts were largely unknown and suspicious to Hanoi because they were educated in France and were not checked for allegiance to the Vietnamese communists. Furthermore, unlike his elder comrades or predecessors from the 1950’s era, Pol Pot openly and vigorously promoted and defended a policy that Khmer communists should act in accordance with their own purposes and interests independent of all (i.e. independent of interests of Vietnamese brothers).
Recognizing the threat that Pol Pot’s clan was setting aside its interests, Hanoi considered two options – creating a new communist party in Cambodia with Khmers trained in Vietnam, or infiltrating agents inside Pol Pot’s structure. The Vietnamese communist leaders picked the second option which allowed Pol Pot to temporarily preserve the power, but hoped their infiltrating agents would be able to gradually remove him from the leadership position.
A few days after the Sihanouk regime was disposed by the military coup d’etat of Mar 18, 1970, the Vietnamese communists entered Cambodia arguably in response to Nuon Chea’s request. The Vietnamese occupied almost a quarter of Cambodia territory and transferred the control of the “liberated” regions to CPK. During that time, the Vietnamese leadership aroused obvious hostility and mistrust among Khmer communist leadership when it openly declared that the Cambodian communist party was given a subordinate role and obliged to follow all directions set by the Vietnamese Workers Party (VWP).
Under the 1973 Peace Agreement signed in Paris, Hanoi agreed to fully withdraw its forces from Cambodia. That agreement represented a unique opportunity for Pol Pot’s clan to break the Vietnamese influence and control within the Khmer communist structure. In the same year, Vietnamese communist leadership publicly admitted that the initiatives taken by the Khmer communists were out of its hands. In 1974, Pol Pot made it known to Le Duan that the relationship between the two communist parties was based on mutual respect and non-interference.
With the communist victories in Phnom Penh and Saigon in 1975, Hanoi had successfully accomplished one of the two Ho Chi Minh’s sacred dreams – unify North and South Vietnams, but failed the other dream – creation of Indochina Socialist Federation under the Vietnamese domination. Pol Pot continued to defy Hanoi by declaring that the KR had won a definitive and clean victory without foreign assistance, meaning the KR did not owe anything to Vietnam.
But that was not how Hanoi saw it. Hanoi was hoping that their infiltrating agents were working to gradually strengthening its influence in Cambodia. By September 1976, under the pressure from various factions, Pol Pot temporarily resigned his post of Prime Minister and made statements to fool his enemies that he was willing to soften his stance toward Vietnam.
The news of Pol Pot’s resignation was seen by Hanoi that its infiltrating agents were gaining the upper hand. In that same year, Le Duan indirectly told the Soviet Ambassador that Cambodia would become sooner or later part of Vietnam.
It turned out the news about Pol Pot’s resignation was totally misunderstood or misinterpreted by Hanoi. Hundreds if not thousands of KR pro-Vietnamese cadres trained and “introduced” by Hanoi into Pol Pot ‘s structure were arrested and tortured while Le Duan was telling his Soviet allies that Pol Pot’s clan was weakening.
For all these years, Hanoi incorrectly thought that people like So Phim, Ta Mok and Nuon Chea were loyal and sympathetic to the Indochina federation idea. Soa Phim may have opposed the Pol Pot’s killing regime, but by no way he was a pro-Vietnamese as Hanoi had sought. In fact, Soa Phim was a bitterly anti-Vietnamese.
Hanoi finally recognized its obvious and repeated failures to remove Pol Pot from power through internal uprising, and lost patient with the endless border fighting started by the KR since Spring 1977. It also realized that the Beijing was training, arming KR soldiers, building roads and military bases, including the Air Force base in Kampong Chhnang, which made it possible for a fighter jet to take off and reach Saigon with less than half an hour. Such possibility posed an unacceptable threat to Vietnam national security, and Hanoi was compelled to plot a new strategy to get rid of Pol Pot by staging a coup d’etat through the mutiny of the Eastern zone military forces. Since that option ended with a complete disaster and suicide of Soa Phim, Hanoi finally decided to overthrow Pol Pot regime by a massive military invasion, which were secretly and meticulously prepared since Summer 1977.
All of these preceding events undeniably suggest that the real motive of January 07, 1979 event was for Vietnam to re-conquer Cambodia and reassert its control and domination in a preparation for the eventual creation of Indochina Federation state. The presence of millions of Vietnamese illegal settlers on Cambodian soil today strongly supports that argument.
If many Khmer people lives were saved from the KR systematic executions by the January 07 event, it was simply an unexpected or accidental coincidence. For that reason, Khmer people celebrates the January 07, 1979 event only as the end of the KR killing regime, but never as a recognition of the Vietnamese intervention.
As it happened with other events in history, Vietnam through its agents and sympathizers can present the event of Jan 07, 1979 in the way that fits its expansionist agenda, but it can never fool the understanding and gain the trust of the Khmer nation.
Khmer Academy
everyone, please be nice to them. remember the saying that no one on the planet can live forever, well, time will prevail eventually, then, the strong wind of change will settle in cambodia for the better and benefit for all of cambodia. just let nature do all the work, we all just have to be patient, that's all. god bless cambodia.
January 7th, 2009: The 30th anniversary.
30= Three(3) of them, Hun Sen, Heng Samrin and Chher Sim will die (0) in this year.
Look at the Three Stooges.
5:46,
Thank YOUN, that fuck your mother in the ass, thank YOUN that fuck your sister ass, thank YOUN that fuck you 5:46 in the ass also...now your felt pain or good?
Ah Lop, you'll be pain the rest of your......viet-slave life!
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