Opinion on the nomination of Jr. as the deputy-commander of Papa’s bodyguard unit

Papa Hun Xen and Jr.

06 October 2010
By Phorn Ryna
Radio Free Asia
Translated from Khmer by Soch
Click here to read the article in Khmer

Cambodia’s leader, also known as the Strongman, nominated Hun Manet, his son, to the position of deputy-commander of his bodyguard unit.

The young Hun Manet is Hun Xen’s eldest son. He received his master degree in the US and his PhD in England. He is now in charge of his papa’s safety.

Human rights officials and political analysts expressed their regret to see Hun Manet for accepting this position. These observers believe that, based on his education, Hun Manet could do a lot to improve Khmer society, and doing so would be better for him than serving in his father’s bodyguard unit whose renown is dubious.

Click here to listen to Phorn Ryna’s report in Khmer

Baby Doc Hun to protect Papa Hun for dynasty preservation

Papa Hun (L) is grooming Baby Doc Hun (R)

Hun Sen's eldest son appointed Deputy Commander of Mr. Hun Sen's Bodyguard Unit

Monday, 27 September 2010
By Khmerization
Source: DAP News

Deum Ampil online has just reported that Hun Manet, Prime Minister Hun Sen's eldest son, has just been appointed Deputy Commander of his father's Bodyguard Unit.

According to Deum Ampil, the announcement of the appointment was made by Gen. Hing Bunheang, Commander of Mr. Hun Sen's Bodyguard Unit, this afternoon.

Hun Manet, who is Prime Minister Hun Sen's favourite son, graduated from the prestigious West Point Military Academy in the U.S, holds a masters degree from Georgetown University in the U.S and holds a Ph.D from the UK's Bristol University.

Recently, Prime Minister Hun Sen seems to be positioning himself for a political succession as his two sons and son-in-law have been seen appearing in public frequently, including doing humanitarian works and visiting troops along the borders.

Cambodia's "Angkor Sentinel 2010" military exercise ends

July 30, 2010
Xinhua

A two-week multi-nations' military exercise that began in Cambodia in mid-July ended Friday.

In his speech in Kompong Speu province, about 50 kilometers west of Phnom Penh, Tea Banh, deputy prime minister and minister of national defense said the military exercise was successful and hoped that Cambodia, in the future, will again be a host and home for international military exercises in the form of the peacekeeping operations.

He, meanwhile, reiterated that the exercise was nothing related to threat or show of muscle to any country, but for a purpose of strengthening security and peace in the region.

The military exercise was conducted in two forms of "command post" and "field exercise".

Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen presided over the "field exercise" that began on July 17 in Kompong Speu province, while the "command post" was conducted in Phnom Penh was presided over by Gen. Moeng Samphan, vice minister of National Defense.

Delivering speech at the field exercise, Hun Sen said the exercise has "opened a new page to integrate Cambodia into the region and the world and will also strengthen and expand Cambodia' s capacity in supporting peace operation, enhancing multi -lateral cooperation as well as strengthening international relations and regional partnership for the cause of peace and humanity".

Both of the military exercises with official name of "Angkor Sentinel 2010"-- are part of the Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI) program, the United Nations Peacekeeping framework for strengthening peace and security.

A total of 26 countries and two international organizations, including the United States, France, Indonesia, the Philippines, Australia, India, Italy, Germany, Japan, Mongolia and Britain, have participated in the Angkor Sentinel that invovled about 1,000 troops.

The previous exercises in GPOI framework were conducted in 2007 in Khaan Quest in Mongolia, in Shanti Doot of Bangladesh in 2008 and Garuda Shield in Indonesia in 2009.

U.S. Chooses Abusive Cambodian Military Units to Host Joint Exercises

General Hun Sen at celebration honoring Brigade 70 (photo: DAP)

Saturday, July 10, 2010
Noel Brinkerhoff
AllGov.com

Despite its own reports documenting abusive behavior by Cambodian military units, the U.S. State Department agreed with the Department of Defense to allow Cambodia to host a military exercise for international peacekeepers.

The “Angkor Sentinel” exercise, part of the 2010 Global Peace Operations Initiative, will host 1,000 military personnel from 23 Asia-Pacific countries. It also will feature a two-week field training exercise hosted by Cambodia’s ACO Tank Command Headquarters in Kompong Speu province.

The problem with this, says Human Rights Watch (HRW), is that the ACO Tank Unit has been involved in illegal land seizures, which have been noted by the State Department and by Cambodian and international human rights organizations. In 2007, soldiers from the unit destroyed villagers’ fences and crops and confiscated land.

HRW officials point out that the Angkor Sentinel exercise is likely to include elite Cambodian military units, such as Prime Minister Hun Sen’s personal bodyguards and Brigade 70, “both of which have been linked to a deadly March 1997 grenade attack on the political opposition, and Airborne Brigade 911, which has been involved in arbitrary detentions, political violence, torture, and summary executions.”

“For the Pentagon and State Department to permit abusive Cambodian military units to host a high-profile regional peacekeeping exercise is outrageous,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The U.S. undermines its protests against the Cambodian government for rampant rights abuses like forced evictions when it showers international attention and funds on military units involved in grabbing land and other human rights violations.”

We [Australia] should take the lead on human rights in South-East Asia

Hun Xen's bodyguard unit B-70: Trained to kill and oppress with Australians' taxpayer money?

January 19, 2010
ELAINE PEARSON
The Age

In Cambodia, the police and military are littered with notorious rights abusers serving under Prime Minister Hun Sen, himself implicated in atrocities.
...
Although the Australian Government says it vets individuals, in Cambodia, Australian military instructors have provided training to Royal Cambodian Armed Forces units that have been implicated in gross human rights abuses. This includes live-fire weapons training to the counter-terrorism special forces, a unit refashioned out of Brigade 70 (the Prime Minister's Bodyguard Unit), which has a long and well-documented record of committing politically motivated violence and other serious rights violations with impunity.

Australia should speak up about human rights abuses on our doorstep, including in Indonesia.

"It's not our role to tell countries what to do. These are internal affairs of the state."

These sound like the words of a Chinese official, yet this is what an Australian diplomat told me on a recent visit to South-East Asia. Geographically on the fringes of Asia and with a different culture and history, Australia is sensitive to being perceived as a big-mouthed bully in the Asia-Pacific region.

This is not to say Australia is silent on human rights. Australia has a good track record of principled diplomacy and implementing targeted sanctions against abusive military governments in Burma and Fiji. Yet it's relatively easy for Australia to speak out about countries where it has few economic interests. It takes more courage and principle to turn up the heat on countries where it has significant economic and strategic interests.

Australia has particularly good leverage for raising human rights issues in countries where it has close military ties. The Rudd Government should use it. Australia should be taking the lead in protecting rights through strong public statements, private diplomacy, and intelligent aid.

As a major donor and significant provider of military and police training, Australia already strives to improve governance and human rights and professionalise security forces in countries such as Cambodia, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand. Australia hopes to help these and other nations to be – or become – stable and democratic, rather than authoritarian regimes.

The Rudd Government could start by being more proactive and vocal in addressing issues such as extrajudicial killings and impunity. For example, in Cambodia, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand, the security forces commit abuses such as extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, torture and arbitrary arrest and detention without fear of punishment. Abusive officials are rarely, if ever, prosecuted for such crimes, while those implicated in abuses remain in the security forces and often are even promoted.

For instance, in Indonesia, human rights violators continue to be promoted within the army and its special forces, Kopassus. A Kopassus soldier convicted of abuse leading to the November 2001 death of a Papuan activist now holds a senior commander position. Of 11 soldiers convicted of kidnapping student activists in the last days of the Suharto regime in 1997 and 1998, seven were known to be serving in the military as of 2007, and all had received promotions. And those who orchestrated the 1999 massacres in East Timor remain free.

The newly appointed Deputy Defence Minister, Lieutenant General Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, is a former military officer with a long history of working with Kopassus. Although he has never been charged with a crime, various witnesses and investigative journalists have implicated him in abuses, including the 1991 Santa Cruz massacre of civilians in East Timor, and widespread violence by Indonesian troops and pro-Indonesia militias at the time of the 1999 East Timor referendum on independence. In 1993, two years after the Santa Cruz massacre, he took a two-week military training course in Perth. As a close military partner, Australia should be concerned enough about this appointment to call for a credible investigation into the persistent allegations against Sjamsoeddin.

In Cambodia, the police and military are littered with notorious rights abusers serving under Prime Minister Hun Sen, himself implicated in atrocities. In Thailand, police officers known to have been involved in abuses during the 2003 "war on drugs" and counter-insurgency operations have been promoted rather than punished. In the Philippines, despite a government commission calling for the investigation of a senior military officer for command responsibility for extrajudicial killings, the retired general is now a congressman.

Australia often claims to be addressing these problems by offering military-to-military training, including training on human rights, international humanitarian law, and military rules of engagement. But training without a serious political commitment to end abuses is not enough. Australia should put a mechanism in place to guarantee that military units and personnel participating in Australian-funded programs are carefully vetted to ensure that they haven't been implicated in human rights violations.

Although the Australian Government says it vets individuals, in Cambodia, Australian military instructors have provided training to Royal Cambodian Armed Forces units that have been implicated in gross human rights abuses. This includes live-fire weapons training to the counter-terrorism special forces, a unit refashioned out of Brigade 70 (the Prime Minister's Bodyguard Unit), which has a long and well-documented record of committing politically motivated violence and other serious rights violations with impunity.

Australia should also consider conditioning military and police assistance on progress in prosecuting abuses and reforming security forces. Bilateral security co-operation agreements (such as the Lombok Treaty) should address human rights concerns by including explicit safeguards.

Australia could have real impact in pressing countries to bring the perpetrators of abuse to justice, but this means being prepared to raise human rights in meaningful rather than abstract ways, such as publicly raising specific cases with governments. A more cautious approach only bolsters the standing of abusive governments at the expense of their people.

Elaine Pearson is the deputy director of the Asia Division at Human Rights Watch.

Four-golden-star General Hun Xen oversees the 15th anniversary of Brigade B-70, his private army

(All Photos: DAP news)

Source: Cambodia's Family Trees, Global Witness

Brigade 70 and the Bodyguard Unit – a Private Army for the Prime Minister

Brigade 70 is a special unit of 2,000 soldiers headquartered in Cham Chao on the outskirts of Phnom Penh. Its commander is Major General Mao Sophan. It acts as a reserve force for Hun Sen’s 4,000 strong Bodyguard Unit and Mao Sophan takes his orders from Bodyguard Unit chief Lieutenant General Hing Bun Heang. Hing Bun Heang’s commanding officer is General Kun Kim,294 one of four deputy commanders-in-chief of the RCAF and Hun Sen’s chief of cabinet.258 In January 2007 Hun Sen promoted Kun Kim to four star General, the most senior rank in the Cambodian armed forces.

In the words of a former member of United Nations Office of the High Commission for Human Rights (UNOHCHR) staff, “The term bodyguard is a misnomer ... the Prime Minister’s bodyguard unit is a substantial military elite unit equipped with modern weaponry and many of its members have received special training abroad.” The Bodyguard Unit and Brigade 70 are central to Hun Sen’s strategy of cultivating special units to protect his interests from potential challengers inside and outside the CPP. The latent threat of violence is integral to the prime minister’s hold over the population as a whole, moreover. Hun Sen responds even to muted criticism by declaring that attempts to remove him will cause the country to fall back into conflict and instability. Cambodians take these threats extremely seriously. The fact that the prime minister has developed what is essentially a private army is surely one of the reasons why.

Hun Sen’s military capability is rarely commented on by the international community, despite the evident danger that it poses to democracy in Cambodia. It perpetuates a situation in which military units are controlled by individual politicians rather than the state; the same conditions that enabled Hun Sen to unseat his co-prime minister Norodom Ranariddh in a violent coup d’etat in July 1997. Human rights organisations accuse Hun Sen’s Bodyguard Unit of playing a leading role in mounting this coup.

Impunity at Work in Cambodia: Soldiers and Police Escape Prosecution

Nget Nith's bandaged shoulder after being shot by a RCAF soldier

October 15, 2008
Source: Licadho

For Cambodia's police and armed forces, impunity is the rule of law. In recent months Phnom Penh has been witness to a spate of shootings perpetrated by police or Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF) personnel. These individuals at the time of the shooting incidents were either off-duty or working second jobs as security guards, during which they were illegally carrying firearms. Following the shootings all these perpetrators escaped prosecution because they were protected by their high-level connections, paid out-of-court compensation to the victim to ensure a criminal complaint was not made, or were allowed to go into hiding.

RCAF Brigade 70 soldier shoots factory worker

On July 31, 2008, Dy Sothearith, a soldier in Brigade 70, an elite RCAF unit which includes the Prime Minister's bodyguard unit, shot Nget Nith, a worker at the Toyo Food Product Co. factory Dangkao district, Phnom Penh. Dy Sothearith was working at the factory as a private security guard provided by the Cambodia Special Security Agency (CSSA), owned by Leng Ho, a senior official in the Ministry of Interior. The shooting occurred after Nget Nith, a technician at the factory, had attempted to enter the factory 15 minutes prior to the start of the night shift. After Sothearith refused him entry, a small argument erupted and the security guard shot Nith in the shoulder (he initially aimed his gun at Nith's chest but Nith turned his body sideways and the bullet hit his shoulder). Sothearith fled the scene after the shooting.

The Toyo Food factory reportedly loaned money to Nith to pay for his medical costs and the CSSA paid Nith $1000 in compensation, in exchange for him not pursuing a criminal complaint against Dy Sothearith in court. At the same time, Dy Sothearith is believed to have gone into hiding within the Brigade 70 headquarters. Although many people witnessed the shooting of Nith and the district police conducted an investigation into this criminal act, the Phnom Penh Municipal Court has not taken any action to prosecute Sothearith.

Under Cambodian law, it is unlawful for the police not to send a file on a criminal case to court, or for a court not to file criminal charges, simply because the alleged perpetrator has paid compensation to the victim.

RCAF Brigade 70 soldier shoots man after traffic accident

On July 11, 2008, Meur Bora, also a RCAF Brigade 70 soldier, was driving his Lexus sports utility vehicle in Daun Penh district, Phnom Penh, when a Camry car driven by So Vinas and Pav Mengleang scratched his vehicle. Vinas and Mengleang continued to drive on as they were afraid of retribution should they stop their car. Bora pursued the Camry and managed to block its path with his own car. Bora then proceeded to shoot at the car, injuring Mengleang in the leg, and then beat Vinas on the head with his gun.

Bora was arrested and detained overnight by Daun Penh district police. The next day Bora was released and paid compensation to his victims. No further action has been taken by the police nor the court to prosecute Bora.

Police officer shoots and kills tuk tuk driver in bar

On May 5, 2008, Chhoun Mony, a Daun Penh police officer who was working off-duty as a security guard outside the Walkabout Bar, shot dead tuk-tuk driver Ieng Nhim. The killing took place at 12:30am when Nhim was waiting outside the bar for guests. Nhim and some of the other tuk-tuk drivers had apparently insulted Mony and he retaliated by shooting Nhim twice. Nhim was taken to hospital but later died of his wounds.

Police initially questioned witnesses to the shooting and also Nhim's relatives, however Mony managed to escape arrest. A police file on the murder was sent to court officials who have said that they will issue an arrest warrant for Mony; however, it is highly unlikely that the policeman will ever be arrested by his fellow police officers who are responsible for implementing arrest warrants.

Prime Minister Hun Sen's Bodyguard shoots and kills waitress

On September 4, 2008, Mean Sokchea, a RCAF Major working in Prime Minister Hun Sen's bodyguard unit, shot dead 21-year-old waitress Put Samphors at the Floating Beer Garden and Restaurant in Kien Svay district, Kandal province. On the night of the shooting Samphors had apparently refused Sokchea's romantic advances, however Sokchea continued to try and convince her to date him. It was raining at the time and Sokchea took his gun out apparently to fire into the air in an attempt to stop the rain. In his drunken stupor Sokchear discharged his gun, hitting Samphors in the stomach. Samphors was taken to hospital but later died of her wounds.

Sokchea was detained by the police overnight but was then released, allegedly after intervention by Hing Bun Heang, the commander of the Prime Minister's bodyguard unit. Samphor's family received $2700 from Sokchea and were told by police that their daughter was shot while authorities were chasing robbers.

No further action has been made on this case.

These four cases above highlight the pattern of impunity applied to off-duty police officers and RCAF soldiers and the continued failure of the judiciary to bring these perpetrators to justice. LICADHO urges the authorities and the courts to prosecute all perpetrators of violence (in particular the cases outlined above), regardless of what position they may hold, connections they may have, or if compensation has been paid to the victims.

Cambodia: Infamous Grenade Attack Still Unpunished

A wounded Chea Vichea (L) sitting next to Sam Rainsy following the attack
Scene of the carnage following the grenade attack on 30 March 1997
Sam Rainsy following the grenade attack

31 Mar 2008
Source: Human Rights Watch

(New York, March 30, 2008) - The US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) should reopen its long-stalled investigation into the grisly grenade attack on an opposition party rally in Phnom Penh 11 years ago that left at least 16 dead and more than 150 injured, Human Rights Watch said today. The FBI investigation, which made significant progress in 1997, has been effectively abandoned. On March 30, 1997, a crowd of approximately 200 supporters of the opposition Khmer Nation Party (KNP), led by former Finance Minister Sam Rainsy, gathered in a park across the street from the National Assembly to denounce the judiciary's corruption and lack of independence. In a well-planned attack, four grenades were thrown into the crowd, killing protesters and bystanders, including children, and tearing limbs off street vendors. The grenade attack made headlines and provoked outrage around the world. On June 29, 1997, the Washington Post wrote:

"In a classified report that could pose some awkward problems for U.S. policymakers, the FBI tentatively has pinned responsibility for the blasts, and the subsequent interference, on personal bodyguard forces employed by Hun Sen, one of Cambodia's two prime ministers, according to four U.S. government sources familiar with its contents. The preliminary report was based on a two-month investigation by FBI agents sent here under a federal law giving the bureau jurisdiction whenever a U.S. citizen is injured by terrorism. ... The bureau says its investigation is continuing, but the agents involved reportedly have complained that additional informants here are too frightened to come forward."

"The FBI was close to solving the case when its lead investigator was suddenly ordered out of the country by the US ambassador, Kenneth Quinn," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "The FBI has damning evidence in its files that suggests that Prime Minister Hun Sen ordered the attack, but it has refused to fully cooperate with congressional inquiries or follow through on its initial investigation. Instead of trying to protect US relations with Cambodia, it should now finish what it started."

The FBI investigated the attack because Ron Abney, a US citizen, was seriously injured in the blast, which the United States at the time deemed to be an "act of terrorism." Abney had to be evacuated to Singapore to treat shrapnel wounds in his hip.

Instead of launching a serious investigation, then co-Prime Minister Hun Sen announced that the demonstration's organizers should be arrested and instructed police not to allow them to leave the country. (To read an Agence France-Presse account published at the time, please visit: http://hrw.org/english/docs/2006/03/28/cambod13086.htm).

On the day of the attack, Hun Sen's personal bodyguard unit, Brigade-70 (B-70), was, for the first time, deployed at a demonstration. Photographs show them in full riot gear. The police, which had in the past maintained a high-profile presence at opposition demonstrations to discourage public participation, had an unusually low profile on that day. Officers were grouped around the corner from the park, having been ordered to stay away from the park itself. Also for the first time, the KNP had received official permission from both the Ministry of the Interior and the Phnom Penh municipality to hold a demonstration, fuelling speculation that the demonstration was authorized so it could be attacked.

Numerous eyewitnesses reported that the persons who had thrown the grenades were seen running toward Hun Sen's bodyguards, who were deployed in a line at the west end of the park near the guarded residential compound containing the homes of many senior Cambodia People's Party leaders. Witnesses told United Nations and FBI investigators that the bodyguard line opened to allow the grenade-throwers to escape into the compound. Meanwhile, people in the crowd pursuing the grenade-throwers were stopped by the bodyguards at gunpoint and told they would be shot if they did not retreat.

"This brazen attack, carried out in broad daylight, ingrained impunity more than any other single act in recent Cambodian history," said Adams. "But that appears to have been one of its purposes - to send the message that opposition supporters can be murdered without ever facing justice."

In a June 1997 interview with the Phnom Penh Post, Hing Bun Heang, deputy commander of Hun Sen's bodyguard unit and operationally in charge of the bodyguards at the park on March 30, 1997, threatened to kill journalists who alleged that Hun Sen's bodyguards were involved. Hing Bun Heang has since been promoted as deputy director of Hun Sen's cabinet and, in September 2006, appointed as supreme consultant to Cambodia's Senior Monk Assembly and assistant to Supreme Patriachs Tep Vong and Bou Kry.

The bodyguard unit B-70 remains notorious in Cambodia for violence, corruption, and the impunity it enjoys as the de facto private army of Hun Sen. According to a 2007 report by the nongovernmental organization Global Witness, "The elite Royal Cambodian Armed Forces Brigade 70 unit makes between US$2 million and US$2.5 million per year through transporting illegally logged timber and smuggled goods. A large slice of the profits generated through these activities goes to Lieutenant General Hing Bun Heang, commander of the prime minister's Bodyguard Unit."

In one notorious case in 2006, two soldiers from B-70 shot a Phnom Penh beer promotion girl in the foot for being too slow to bring them ice. They were arrested by military police, but released hours later by their commander. A representative of the commander said the victim would be paid $500 compensation by B-70, but no criminal investigation or prosecution ensued.

"Instead of investigating the senior officer in charge of the bodyguard unit implicated in the 1997 grenade attack and who threatened to kill journalists reporting on it, Hun Sen has promoted him," said Adams. "Apparently, Hun Sen considers such a person qualified for a senior position in the country's official Buddhist hierarchy."

Given the serious and credible allegations of the involvement of the Cambodian military in the grenade attack, Human Rights Watch expressed concern that the United States has increased military assistance and training to the Cambodian military before it completed its investigation into the 1997 attack.

Human Rights Watch called on the US to ensure that it is not providing any assistance or training to current or former members of B-70 or other Cambodian special military units with records of human rights abuse. In an effort to solidify counterterrorism cooperation, the FBI in 2006 awarded a medal to the Cambodian Chief of National Police Hok Lundy for his support in the US "global war on terror." Hok Lundy was chief of the national police at the time of the grenade attack and has long been linked to political violence.

"No credible explanation has ever been offered for the deployment or behavior of Hun Sen's bodyguards on March 30, 1997," said Adams. "Their actions may reach the highest levels of the Cambodian government, yet the FBI investigation has been dropped. The fact that the US is providing military assistance instead of investigating the grenade attack shows that it is effectively complicit with the Cambodian government in abandoning any hope for justice for the victims of this horrific attack."