Showing posts with label Obama administration. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Obama administration. Show all posts

Sunday, September 09, 2012

Wary US looks to calm rising tensions in Asia

By MATTHEW LEE | Associated Press – 09/08/2012

VLADIVOSTOK, Russia (AP) — Alarmed by a rise in nationalist sentiment around the Asia-Pacific, the Obama administration is looking for Russia to play a greater role in the region as it seeks to quell growing maritime tensions.

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton was to meet on Saturday with Russian President Vladimir Putin at meeting of Pacific Rim leaders to gauge Moscow's intentions as it looks increasingly eastward after decades of European orientation. U.S. officials say they would welcome a more active Russian role in the Asia-Pacific where territorial disputes, including between U.S. allies Japan and South Korea, sparked by nationalist rhetoric have fueled fears of conflict.

A senior U.S. official traveling with Clinton said Russia's engagement in the region has until now been "episodic," not very active and primarily focused on the six-nation effort to get North Korea to give up nuclear weapons.

Tuesday, September 04, 2012

Obama Ambassador In Cambodia On Day Pirate Bay Founder Was Arrested

Ron Kirk and Cham Prasidh in Cambodia Thursday (Image credit:khmernews.com)
September 3, 2012
TorrentFreak.com

With the destruction of The Pirate Bay seemingly an impossible mission for the time being, seeing that the site’s former operators serve their sentences appears to be the next best thing for the authorities. Following the unlikely news last week that site co-founder Gottfrid Svartholm had been arrested in Cambodia, a country rarely associated with its interest in intellectual property issues, it will perhaps be of interest that President Obama’s trade ambassador was in Cambodia on that very day.

It is well-known that the top brass at the U.S. movie and music industries have the ever-sympathetic ears of those in government, not least due to the “revolving door” phenomenon illustrated perfectly by current MPAA chief and former senator Chris Dodd.

In recent months, Megaupload founder Kim Dotcom has claimed time and again that key Hollywood figures used their influence to persuade some of the most powerful men in the United States to act against his company.

Tuesday, April 24, 2012

Asian American Video About Deported Cambodians Rejected by Obama's White House

Anida Yoeu Ali (Photo: studiorevolt)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YQxtfCz4B1o

Mon., Apr. 23 2012
By Dennis Romero
LA Weekly (California, USA)
It's sad. And it doesn't make the Obama administration's deportations look good, especially when the president is desperately seeking an immigration-sensitive Latino vote.
A White House contest asking people to create the best video about the Asian American experience might have been rigged.

An entry about Cambodian deportees appeared to have received the most views, now more than 18,000, but a half-dozen other video makers were invited to the White House. Though "My Asian Americana" made a list of 11 finalists, it didn't make that final cut.

Here's probably why:

The deportees were sent to Cambodia, a country they barely knew, because they had criminal records, even though many had already completed sentences, according to the Los Angeles Times.

The deportations were part of an aggressive campaign to rid the United States of bad actors from abroad, particularly at a time when there have been repeated calls for secure borders.

But in the case of these Cambodians, they were children when they came to the United States, and they were essentially raised as Americans.

Monday, April 23, 2012

Filmmakers 'appalled' by process in White House video contest

Anida Yoeu Ali and Masahiro Sugano's video, "My Asian Americana," splices together interviews with Americans who have been deported to Cambodia. Many of them had never been to Cambodia, but were sent there because they had criminal records. (unknown / April 20, 2012)

Filmmakers whose work was among 11 finalists are upset that the White House has not explained how winners were chosen. They think their controversial topic may explain why they were left out.

April 23, 2012
By Paloma Esquivel, Los Angeles Times
"It's the White House, and we find it very dishonorable for them to discount and just throw away the votes"
Anida Yoeu Ali and Masahiro Sugano were excited when they heard about the White House video contest on issues affecting Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. They spent two weeks putting together a three-minute film on the plight of Cambodian deportees, then watched as online views outpaced the competition.

But they found out last month that they didn't win, and since then have been unable to find out how the contest was decided. They, and one contest winner, think the film's topic cut too close to a controversy over the record number of immigrants deported by the Obama administration.

"We've shown there's a huge interest in this issue," said Ali, a performance artist and 2010-11 U.S. Fulbright Fellow. "We're just appalled that we've been completely dismissed in the process."

White House staffers emphasized that the contest would be judged in part by viewers, but the vote count was never made public, and repeated requests by the filmmakers to learn more about what happened with the votes have not been answered.

Thursday, March 22, 2012

Deportees from US struggle for acceptance in Cambodia

21 March 2012
Ellie Dyer

Phnom Penh (dpa) – Bunnoeun Ong landed at Phnom Penh airport with 11 dollars in his pocket. He had no family, no friends and no shelter in Cambodia. One thing was certain: he could not return to the United States.

The 31-year-old television repairman from Chicago, convicted of attempted home invasion, is one of a growing number of criminals deported to Cambodia each year by US authorities since a repatriation agreement was signed a decade ago.

Although many US citizens support such action, the legacy of the deadly 1975-79 Khmer Rouge regime has left some of those sent “home” in an alien world.

Many deportees in their 20s and early 30s were born in Thai refugee camps after their families fled the violence of Cambodia. They arrive now in the capital Phnom Penh with little to no native language skills, having never set foot in the country before.

Sunday, November 20, 2011

Obama sends Clinton to Myanmar to propel reforms

Sunday, November 20, 2011
By Stephen Collinson (AFP)

NUSA DUA, Indonesia — US President Barack Obama said Friday he would send Hillary Clinton to Myanmar next month, the first visit there by a US secretary of state for 50 years, to encourage democratic reform.

The announcement of the historic trip came as opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's party said it would return to Myanmar's official political arena after years of marginalisation under military rule.

Obama, speaking ahead of a regional summit on the Indonesian island of Bali, said that after "years of darkness, we have seen flickers of progress in the last several weeks" in Myanmar.

Thursday, January 27, 2011

US President Obama's State of the Union 2011



Dear all,

If you missed last night live 2011 State of the Union CLICK HERE to watch President Obama address on innovation, education, security and budget deficit.

President Obama framed his speech around the theme of “winning the future” a call to maintain American greatness through innovation in a rapidly changing world. He also focused on investment in education and infrastructure as essential for the US not just to remain competitive in the global marketplace, but also to win, to out-innovate, out-educate, and out-build the rest of the world.

R. V.

Tuesday, October 26, 2010

China campaigning against international probe of possible war crimes in Burma

Protesters shout slogans calling for a boycott of the Nov. 7 elections in Myanmar during a rally Friday in front of the Philippines' Department of Foreign Affairs in Pasay City. (Pat Roque/associated Press)
Monday, October 25, 2010
By Colum Lynch
Washington Post Staff Writer

The Chinese government has launched a high-octane diplomatic campaign during the past two months aimed at thwarting the Obama administration's plan to back an international probe into possible war crimes by Burma's military rulers.

The Chinese effort - which includes high-level lobbying of top U.N. officials and European and Asian governments - has taken the steam out of the U.S. initiative, which was designed to raise the political costs to Burma's military junta for failing to open its Nov. 7 elections to the country's political opposition.

A senior U.S. official was pessimistic about the current prospects for securing international support for a war crimes probe and made it clear that Washington had no immediate plans to introduce a proposal to establish one. "We have been and continue to consult with others," said the official, who requested anonymity because the source was not authorized to speak publicly on the matter. "It's on the list of things that are good ideas that we want to discuss and explore."


Liu Yutong, a spokesman for the Chinese mission at the United Nations, did not respond to a request for comment.

Burma, which is also known as Myanmar, is widely considered to have one of the most appalling human rights records in the world. The ruling junta has detained more than 2,100 political prisoners, who have endured torture, inadequate medical care and even death. The Burmese military has also imposed abuses on ethnic minorities, including the forced relocation of villages, forced labor and systematic human rights abuses, including rape.

"There is a pattern of gross and systematic violation of human rights which has been in place for many years and still continues," the U.N. special rapporteur for human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, wrote in a March report, saying such crimes could amount to war crimes or crimes against humanity. "There is an indication that those human rights violations are the result of a state policy."

The United States outlined its plan to support Quintana's appeal for a war crimes inquiry against senior Burmese officials, including Burma's top military ruler Than Shwe, in August interviews with Foreign Policy magazine and The Washington Post. The decision reflected frustration that U.S. officials' effort to engage the regime had failed to produce democratic reforms or the release of political prisoners, including Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who serves under house detention.

At the time, a senior U.S. official said the United States anticipated the effort could take years, comparing it to the decades-long struggle to hold Khmer Rouge leaders accountable for mass killings in Cambodia in the 1970s. The most likely method for pursuing the creation of a commission of inquiry is through the passage of resolutions at the U.N. General Assembly's human rights committee, which is now in session, or the U.N. Human Rights Council, which will convene early next year.


Washington could also appeal to U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to do it under his own authority - although Ban, who is seeking reelection, is unlikely to pursue the proposal without broader support for it in the Security Council.

But the United States has pursued a highly cautious diplomatic strategy, merely sounding out top U.N. officials and potential allies about their willingness to support the prosecution of top Burmese officials, but not offering a clear plan on how to do it, these officials said. So far, Washington has garnered little public support for the initiative from Asian and European governments or the U.N. leadership.

China, meanwhile, has forcefully urged European and Asian countries and the U.N. leadership to oppose the measure on the grounds that it could undermine Burma's fragile political transition, according to diplomats and human rights advocates. Just days after the United States signaled support for the war crimes commission, China's U.N. ambassador, Li Baodong, paid a confidential visit to Ban's chief of staff, Vijay Nambiar, to make his opposition clear: The U.S. proposal, he said, was dangerous and counterproductive, and should not be allowed to proceed, three U.N.-based sources familiar with the exchange told The Post.

"What we are seeing is the Chinese practicing American-style diplomacy and the Americans practicing Asian-style diplomacy," said Tom Malinowski, the Washington-based director of advocacy for Human Rights Watch. "The Chinese are making it clear what they want, and they are using all the leverage at their disposal to get what they want. And the Americans are operating in this hyper-consensual, subtle, indirect way that we associate with Chinese diplomacy."

Malinowski said the problem is less about Chinese or Russian opposition, which was to be expected, so much as a failure of U.S. leadership. "One should recognize why the Chinese are against this: They recognize it would be a consequential measure," he said. "If you allow Chinese opposition to deter you, then what you are saying is that you are only going to take steps on Burma that are inconsequential."

In the first major test of the U.S. strategy, the annual debate on human rights at the General Assembly, the Obama administration was the only country that explicitly called for consideration of a commission of inquiry - although Britain, the Czech Republic and Slovakia signaled support for holding human rights violators accountable for crimes.

"After carefully considering the issues, the U.S. believes that a properly structured international commission of inquiry that would examine allegations of serious violations of international law could provide an opportunity for achieving our shared objectives of advancing human rights there," said Rick Barton, the U.S. ambassador to the U.N. Economic and Social Council, told members of the General Assembly's Third Committee, which deals with human rights.

In contrast, China, Russia, Singapore and other members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations voiced firm opposition to the proposal. A report by Ban to the General Assembly on Burma's human rights record made no reference to the controversial proposal.

The senior U.S. official said it was unlikely that the General Assembly's human rights committee would address war crimes in a resolution drafted by the European Union that will be considered next month. "We don't run the resolution in the General Assembly. So that's not our call. My sense is there is not much momentum right now in the General Assembly to add this new element to the resolution. But the dynamics could change over time."

Monday, August 30, 2010

[US] Embassy Row

Lugar

Sunday, August 29, 2010
By James Morrison
The Washington Times


GAP IN SOUTH ASIA

The senior Republican on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee is worried that President Obamais risking U.S. relations with Southeast Asia by failing to nominate an ambassador to an area where China already is spreading its commercial influence.

Mr. Obama's delay in naming an envoy to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) could lead to embarrassment for the administration when leaders of the 10-nation economic bloc meet in the United States. The summit is expected in October.

Some ASEAN ambassadors in Washington are anxious because the White House has yet to decide whether the summit will be held in the nation's capital or in New York. They have to make plans and hotel reservations for their presidents or prime ministers and the delegations that will accompany them.

Sen. Richard G. Lugar of Indiana wrote Mr. Obama last week, urging him to name an ambassador to ASEAN to replace Scot Marciel, who just took his new assignment as U.S. ambassador to Indonesia. President George W. Bushselected Mr. Marciel as the first U.S. ambassador to ASEAN in 2008. Mr. Lugar also called on Mr. Obama to confirm that the United States will, indeed, host the summit.

"As you are aware, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations is a strategic partner of the United States and our nation's fourth largest export market," Mr. Lugar said.

"Having named the first ambassador to ASEAN, it is unfortunate the United States has delayed with naming his successor. I encourage you to act swiftly in nominating an ambassador to ASEAN and in confirming that the U.S.-ASEAN summit will occur."

China is quickly becoming the most important trading partner for the ASEAN region. Its trade increased by 11.6 percent last year from 4 percent a decade ago. U.S. trade fell to 9.7 percent from 15 percent during the same period.

In Jakarta, the Indonesian capital and ASEAN headquarters, the bloc's secretary-general, Surin Pitsuwan, told reporters of his "disappointment" at Mr. Obama's delay in naming a new ambassador.

ASEAN members are Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

Mr. Marciel presented his diplomatic credentials to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono earlier this month.

"I am excited to be in this important country at this time of tremendous opportunity and promised in U.S.-Indonesia relations," the career diplomat said. "I will do my best to implement President Obama's policies recognizing Indonesia's key role in the region."

Mr. Obama has a special connection to Indonesia, where he went to school from the ages of 6 to 10 after his mother married an Indonesian man.

Monday, May 03, 2010

In Asia, the US should look beyond China and India

Future opportunity for US growth depends on whether President Obama focuses on Southeast Asia, not just China and India.

May 3, 2010
By Ernest Z. Bower
Christian Science Monitor
Washington


If the United States is to have a sustainable toehold in Asia, Washington has to start paying serious attention to some countries in the region that are not China or India.

There are 10 other countries in particular that hold the key to America’s central role in all of Asia. Engaging with them is a must for US prosperity and national security. That’s why President Obama must follow through on his overtures to the region and carve out time to attend the second ever US-ASEAN summit, this year.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) began in 1967 to accelerate economic growth and collaboration in the region. The group is made up of 10 countries in Southeast Asia: Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Burma (Myanmar), the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. About 650 million people live in the region, and each year gross domestic product adds up to around $1.5 trillion. The Philippines and Thailand are two longtime US treaty allies. According to the latest US Department of Commerce figures, which were for 2008, the US had $153 billion invested in ASEAN, $53 billion in China, and $14 billion in India.

Strategically, strong relations with ASEAN are vital to American interests in Asia. Both Mr. Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton seem to be starting to recognize this. Secretary Clinton outlined core US principles for Asian regional architecture in Honolulu earlier this year. And Obama signed the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation and declared that US interests in Southeast Asia are significant enough for annual presidential focus.

But lip service is only a beginning.

Strong ties with ASEAN are the metaphorical equivalent of strong core muscles. They are fundamental to the effective functioning of the other vital aspects of US policy in Asia, including engaging, supporting, and balancing the rapid transformation of both China and India onto the regional and global stage.

The president has a lot to gain from attending the US-ASEAN Leaders Summit. Obama himself initiated the first US-ASEAN Summit last November in Singapore. It was the first time a US president met directly with the leaders of all 10 ASEAN countries. And it was a smart move. ASEAN meets regularly with China, Japan, Korea, Australia, New Zealand, and India.

Major milestones come from those summits: (1) effective regional economic integration – ASEAN now has free-trade agreements with all of the aforementioned countries, (2) the beginning of regional security architecture, and (3) transnational issues – such as climate change and nuclear nonproliferation.

If the US is absent, it could be excluded from a future Asian “consensus” on such key issues.

If he attends, however, Obama could continue to rack up support for America’s positions.

He could also make substantial progress on trade, by supporting increased ASEAN involvement in the Transpacific Partnership – one of very few trade arrows in the administration’s quiver. Doing so would link US economic growth to Asia, which is expected to grow at more than two times the rate of the Western economies over the next several years, according to the World Bank.

By initiating the first US-ASEAN Summit, Obama laid down a clear marker that America recognized its significant stake in Southeast Asia and wasn’t ceding the region to China’s nouveau Monroe Doctrine.

He also set the stage for working with the region’s leaders on key issues such as climate change, fighting terrorism, and creating a channel for US assistance supporting the development of regional standards – a key factor for US exports and investments in the region.

The organizers of the summit are currently holding off on setting a date until they hear from the US president. It’s worth fitting into his heavy schedule:

At the very least Obama could convince the ASEAN leaders to meet him in Hanoi, Vietnam, after the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Summit in Japan in November. That way he would reinforce the reformers in Vietnam who are facing stiff competition from the hyperconservative elders of the Communist Party there. By following through on his commitment for the US to remain engaged in Southeast Asia he would prove the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and reactionary analysts in Beijing wrong.

Another option is to invite the ASEAN leaders to Washington or Hawaii to hold the US-ASEAN Leaders Summit on American soil before or after they visit the US for the annual United Nations General Assembly meeting in September.

A third option is to piggyback on his visits to Indonesia, Australia, and Guam in June or to India in October.

If Obama failed to show up it would be a serious blow to relations in Asia.

It would not only fulfill predictions made by interlocutors in China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs that the US is only rhetorically, not substantively, committed to the region, but it would fuel ASEAN’s anxieties about the reliability of the US as a forward-deployed partner in the Pacific.

Following through on his overtures in Asia is core to sustaining a serious US presence in the region. Making time for the ASEAN summit, may seem like a small thing, but Obama’s attendance would benefit the US in the long run.

Ernest Z. Bower is director of the Southeast Asia program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington

Tuesday, January 12, 2010

The Dragon's Swagger

January 11, 2010
By ROGER COHEN
The New York Times


BEIJING — A U.S. official here told me he was “getting a little nervous about 2010” when it comes to Chinese-American relations. I’d say there’s plenty of cause for that. I’m not optimistic about the world’s most important relationship in the short term.

The Obama administration came in with a deeply held philosophical view about making the Chinese stakeholders, and partners, in an interconnected world. Human rights complaints were muted, the Dalai Lama put on hold, and President Obama swung into town in November with arms outstretched to the rising behemoth.

The Chinese were polite enough, if less so at the Copenhagen climate talks a month later, but they’re not buying this touchy-feely interconnection thing. When you’re sitting on sums north of $2 trillion in reserves, riding three decades of near double-digit growth, and just trucked past the United States to become the world’s largest auto market, nationalism trumps globalism.

Think of the headiest moments of U.S. expansion — the Gilded Age or the Roaring Twenties — to get some idea of Chinese swagger and possibility.

It’s been a rough two months since that November visit. China has snubbed Obama.

Top of Obama’s human rights list when he met President Hu Jintao was the case of Liu Xiaobo, the principal author of a pro-democracy manifesto. Liu’s since been sentenced, on Christmas Day, to 11 years in prison. Take that.

Top of Obama’s nonproliferation list was Iran and the need for a united front on its nuclear program. China has since said “sanctions themselves are not an end” as the United States tries to harness support for them. Take that, too.

Top of Obama’s trade list was the need for China to allow its currency, the renminbi, to appreciate rather than pegging it at an artificially low rate that spurs Chinese exports and, in effect, keeps jobs in Guangzhou as it kills them in Ohio. But a basic rule in China is that it looks inward before it looks outward. Its cheap-currency job-hoarding is about Chinese social stability, which is Job One for Hu and his cohorts, so there’s no sign of any movement.

Take that, for good measure, Mr. President — and in a year with a U.S. mid-term election where disappearing jobs are going to haunt Obama and the Democrats.

Then there was Copenhagen, of course, where Prime Minister Wen Jiabao’s treatment of Obama left a bad taste in Washington; and the forced repatriation of Uighurs who’d fled to Cambodia from China, which infuriated Washington; and the execution of a U.K. citizen with mental problems, which dismayed Washington (and left British leaders seething). Well, you get the idea.

“Things are much tougher than I thought possible a couple of months ago,” William McCahill, a former U.S. diplomat who heads a Beijing research company, told me. “With the mid-terms and the Chinese inching toward their succession in 2012, a period when hard-line positions get staked, you can expect the rhetoric to pitch up.”

It already has. Since I arrived in China, newspapers have been awash in Chinese outrage at reports of the Obama administration’s approval of a sale by Lockheed Martin of advanced Patriot air defense missiles to Taiwan, the self-governing island that China views as a renegade province. The Chinese Foreign Ministry spoke of “severe consequences” from the sale, part of a $6.5 billion arms package for Taiwan approved under the Bush administration.

I have a double reaction to this Taiwan arms contract. On the one hand, Obama’s been stiffed, the United States is obliged under the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 to provide arms of a defensive nature to Taiwan, and China responds better to resolve than all that interconnected globe stuff. On the other, come on! Relations between Taipei and Beijing have never been as good, you’re never ever going to get a Chinese buy-in to real cooperation as long as it views Washington as meddling with its core strategic interests in this way, and “one country, three systems” looks a thousand times more likely to me within the next half-century than a Taiwan war that would shred Chinese stability.

Of these reactions, the latter is stronger because Obama is accepting a core antagonism of interest in the Chinese relationship even as he’s talked up cooperation. Perhaps that’s inevitable between the world’s superpower and its ultimate likely successor; but the Taipei deal guarantees it.

“The arms sales are stupid,” Chu Shulong, a political scientist often critical of the Chinese government, told me. “Yes, Taiwan and its democracy are important for your credibility in Asia, but what’s more important, that or the mainland? As long as America does this, it will be perceived as wanting to check China, divide China and challenge China’s fundamental national interests.”

The painful condition of the United States and China is that they are codependent, through trade and debt, but antagonistic. As elsewhere, Obama has changed language but not reality. I see a 2010 of rising protectionism, suspended military dialogue, Iranian discord, human rights disappointments and wars of words.

It could be worse. I don’t see outright confrontation now or any time. China wouldn’t risk its rise with that.

Saturday, June 13, 2009

Obama okays U.S. Exim bank loans for Cambodia, Laos

Fri Jun 12, 2009

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - President Barack Obama has cleared the way for the U.S. Export-Import Bank to help finance exports of U.S. goods to Laos and Cambodia, the White House said on Friday.

Obama issued a pair of memorandums saying each of the two Southeast Asian nations has "ceased to be a Marxist-Leninist country," as defined under the 1945 Export-Import Bank Act.

"This designation will now allow U.S. companies to apply for financing thru the US Export-Import bank, which provides working capital guarantees, export credit insurance and loan guarantees," the White House spokesman said.

The policy change in is response to the commitment of both countries to open up their markets, the spokesman said.

It comes as some in Congress are pressing for renewal of U.S. trade sanctions on another Southeast Asian nation, Myanmar, which has charged pro-democracy advocate Aung San Suu Kyi with violating the terms of her house arrest. She faces a maximum five-year term if found guilty of the charges.

Cambodia and Laos, with a combined population of more than 20 million, are small markets for the United States.

Last year, the United States exported $154 million worth of goods to Cambodia and just $18 million to Laos.

U.S. imports of mostly clothing and other textiles from Cambodia totaled more than $2.4 billion last year. The United States bought $42 million worth of goods from Laos in 2008.

(Reporting by Doug Palmer and Ross Colvin; editing by Todd Eastham)

Friday, January 23, 2009

Clinton vows robust diplomacy as State Dept chief [-Will there be a "change" or "same old, same old" for Cambodia?]

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton smiles as she works a rope line with U.S. President Barack Obama at the State Department in Washington January 22, 2009. REUTERS/Kevin Lamarque

By MATTHEW LEE
Associated Press Writer


WASHINGTON – Hillary Rodham Clinton took charge of the State Department on Thursday, proclaiming the start of a new era of robust U.S. diplomacy to tackle the world's crises and improve America's standing abroad.

Before a raucous, cheering crowd of about 1,000 people, the nation's 67th secretary of state pledged to boost the morale and resources of the diplomatic corps and promised them a difficult but exciting road ahead.

"I believe with all of my heart that this is a new era for America," she said to loud applause in the main lobby of the department's headquarters, which President Barack Obama visited later in the day to underscore his administration's commitment to diplomacy.

With Obama at her side in the ornate Ben Franklin Room, Clinton introduced former Senate Majority Leader George J. Mitchell, D-Maine, as a special envoy for the Middle East. Former U.N. ambassador Richard Holbrooke was announced as a special adviser on Afghanistan and Pakistan.

The posts are the first of several new special envoys the administration plans to name to deal with particularly vexing problems abroad.

Clinton began her first day on the job at the State Department one day after her Senate confirmation.

"This is going to be a challenging time and it will require 21st century tools and solutions to meet our problems and seize our opportunities," Clinton said at her welcoming. "I'm going to be asking a lot of you. I want you to think outside the proverbial box. I want you to give me the best advice you can."

"I want you to understand there is nothing that I welcome more than a good debate and the kind of dialogue that will make us better," she said. "We cannot be our best if we don't demand that from ourselves and each other."

In her spirited 10-minute pep talk, she spoke of the importance of defense, diplomacy and development — the "three legs to the stool of American foreign policy" — and noted that the State Department is in charge of two of them.

"We are responsible for two of the three legs," said the former New York senator and first lady. "And we will make clear as we go forward that diplomacy and development are essential tools in achieving the long-term objectives of the United States."

Clinton's mandate from Obama is to step up diplomatic efforts and restore the nation's tattered image overseas. She has vowed to make use of "smart power" to deal with international challenges.

"At the heart of smart power are smart people, and you are those people," she told the assembled throng. "And you are the ones that we will count on and turn to for the advice and counsel, the expertise and experience to make good on the promises of this new administration."

Clinton takes over an agency that was often sidelined during George W. Bush's eight-year presidency, particularly in his first term over the decision to go to war in Iraq. Although former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice restored some of the department's influence, diplomats still complained of a lack of access to the top, as well as funding.

In introductory remarks, Steve Kashkett, vice president of the union that represents diplomats, noted that Obama and Clinton had both "decried the neglect that the foreign service and the State Department as a whole have suffered in recent years."

Clinton, meanwhile, sought to reassure frustrated diplomats that they will be heard.

"This is a team, and you are the members of that team," she said. "We are not any longer going to tolerate the kind of divisiveness that has paralyzed and undermined our ability to get things done for America."

She predicted her team would experience "a great adventure. We'll have some ups and some downs. We'll face some obstacles along the way. But be of good cheer and be of strong heart, and do not grow weary as we attempt to do good on behalf of our country and the world. ... And now, ladies and gentlemen, let's get to work."

After her remarks, Clinton made telephone calls to foreign leaders, toured some of the department's key offices and received briefings before hosting Obama, Vice President Joe Biden and national security adviser James Jones. They were to meet in a closed-door session before Obama addresses the diplomatic corps.