1 ខែឧសភា 2012
Source: http://khmersme.wordpress.com/2012/05/01/%E1%9E%9B%E1%9F%84%E1%9E%80%E1%9E%9F%E1%9E%99-%E1%9E%9F%E1%9E%BB%E1%9E%97%E1%9E%B6%E1%9E%96-%E1%9E%85%E1%9F%92%E1%9E%9A%E1%9E%8E%E1%9F%82%E1%9E%93%E1%9E%9B%E1%9F%84%E1%9E%80-%E1%9E%88%E1%9E%BB/
កាលពីម្សិលមិញ លោកសយ សុភាព ត្រូវបានមិត្តអ្នកប្រើបណ្តាញសង្គមហ្វេសប៊ុក គូសគំនូសពណ៌ក្រហមខ្វែងលើរូបថតរបស់លោក ក្រោយពីលោកបញ្ចេញមតិថា សូមកុំឲ្យអ្នក នយោបាយ អង្គការសង្គមស៊ីវិល និង អ្នកកាសែតមួយចំនួនទៀត ធ្វើការវិភាគអំពីរឿងរ៉ាវ របស់លោកឈុត វុទ្ធី ដែលត្រូវបានបាញ់សម្លាប់ដោយចំហរ តែការស៊ើបអង្កេត នៅតែជាអាថ៌ កំបាំងនៅឡើយ។
លោកសយ សុភាព ក៏បានលើកឡើងផងដែរថា រឿងរ៉ាវត្រូវបានបញ្ចប់ដោយការស៊ើបអង្កេត របស់ព្រះរាជអាជ្ញា តុលាការខេត្តកោះកុង កាលពីពេល កន្លងទៅហើយ។ លោកក៏ បានស្តី បន្ទោស ដល់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ និង អ្នកគំាទ្រសកម្មភាពការពារព្រៃឈើរបស់លោកវុទ្ធីថា ជាការលើកតម្កើង ហួសហេតុ ដែលពួកគេ ឲ្យតម្លៃលោកវុទ្ធី សុទ្ធតែជាវីរបុរស ឯមន្រ្តីប៉េអឹម ដែលជាមនុស្សធ្វើការដើម្បីជាតិដែរនោះ គ្មានអ្នកណាម្នាក់អើពើ។
Showing posts with label CPP mouthpiece. Show all posts
Showing posts with label CPP mouthpiece. Show all posts
Tuesday, May 01, 2012
Saturday, August 28, 2010
Was Tith Sothea really a former VOA news correspondent?
Tith Sothea of the PQRUBy Pang Sokhoeun
Originally posted at The Son of the Khmer Empire blog
I am asked to clarify by our readers if I confused Tith Sothea with Sous Sothea who worked for VOA.
I have no information about his biography but here is the only evidence that I still hold i.e. his name card.
I have no information about his biography but here is the only evidence that I still hold i.e. his name card.
Wednesday, July 28, 2010
The “Cambodian Women’s Movement” is valueless … enough to attract the attention of the government?
Tith Sothea claimed that the the Grassroots Cambodian Women’s Movement is valueless in terms of national development, yet, this government mouthpiece still couldn't resist but being attracted by the issues raised by the Women's Movement. So is the Women's Movement valueless as Tith Sothea claimed or is it time for Hun Xen and Xok An to replace this clueless flatulent windpipe?Gov’t official: Cambodian Women’s Movement is valueless for national development
27 July 2010
By Son Sopheak
DAP news
Translated from Khmer by Heng Soy
Phnom Penh – A government official declared that the Cambodian Women Movement – which expressed its concerns over the freedom of expression and the respect of women rights in Cambodia – has no value for the national development because this group was set up to support only one individual.
The claim was made by this [stupid] official after the Grassroots Cambodian Women’s Movement issued a joint statement supporting and defending SRP MP Mu Sochua. The Women’s Movement indicated that it represents the Cambodian people, including human rights advocates, garment workers, sex workers, beer-promotion women, community members, motor-taxi drivers, university students, vendors, farmers, union members, teachers, government officials, and NGO representatives, and it is concerned about the freedom of expression and the respect of women’s rights in Cambodia.
Tith Sothea, government advisor and mouthpiece of the Press and Quick Reaction Unit of the Council of Ministers, said on 27 July that this women’s group was formed to serve the ambition of an individual only and that it does not represent all the women in the country. Tith Sothea claimed that the extreme demands made the group have no value for national development at a time when Cambodia is abiding by the rule of law (sic!).
During a meeting of about 15 people, most of whom were women, at the Baitong Restaurant on Tuesday morning, the Women’s Movement declared in its joint statement that they call on the government to show strong commitment and take more visible responsibility in putting in practice the promotion of: (1) Women’s roles and participation in politics, (2) Women’s rights; (3) Freedom of expression; and (4) A fair judicial system.
Tith Sothea, the (stupid) government mouthpiece, stressed that the formation of this Women’s Movement was done to set up a foundation for political and popularity gain for an opposition MP so that she can compete with the opposition party leader (sic!). Tith Sothea voiced the government’s mantra, claiming that freedom of expression and the respect of democracy is widely accepted in Cambodia, unlike what the Women’s Movement claimed.
The claim was made by this [stupid] official after the Grassroots Cambodian Women’s Movement issued a joint statement supporting and defending SRP MP Mu Sochua. The Women’s Movement indicated that it represents the Cambodian people, including human rights advocates, garment workers, sex workers, beer-promotion women, community members, motor-taxi drivers, university students, vendors, farmers, union members, teachers, government officials, and NGO representatives, and it is concerned about the freedom of expression and the respect of women’s rights in Cambodia.
Tith Sothea, government advisor and mouthpiece of the Press and Quick Reaction Unit of the Council of Ministers, said on 27 July that this women’s group was formed to serve the ambition of an individual only and that it does not represent all the women in the country. Tith Sothea claimed that the extreme demands made the group have no value for national development at a time when Cambodia is abiding by the rule of law (sic!).
During a meeting of about 15 people, most of whom were women, at the Baitong Restaurant on Tuesday morning, the Women’s Movement declared in its joint statement that they call on the government to show strong commitment and take more visible responsibility in putting in practice the promotion of: (1) Women’s roles and participation in politics, (2) Women’s rights; (3) Freedom of expression; and (4) A fair judicial system.
Tith Sothea, the (stupid) government mouthpiece, stressed that the formation of this Women’s Movement was done to set up a foundation for political and popularity gain for an opposition MP so that she can compete with the opposition party leader (sic!). Tith Sothea voiced the government’s mantra, claiming that freedom of expression and the respect of democracy is widely accepted in Cambodia, unlike what the Women’s Movement claimed.
Friday, November 20, 2009
Sam Rainsy Trapped for Helping other Nation: Soy Sopheap
Look who is helping people from another nation?
... and look, who is embracing a Thai criminal?Op-Ed By Sokheoun Pang
Originally posted at http://sokheounpang.wordpress.com
This is a shame for such a publication of Soy Sopheap´s news published today which accused MP Sam Rainsy like an opportunist and a fake nationalist.
I just think if Soy Sopheap doesn´t go to the border and ask the people who live there directly, he should have paid his attention and listened to what the people who live there along the border have talked which published on RFA or VOA or other media.
It is even more dangerous for Cambodia if he just published it blindly and biasly for his personal gain without considering the invasion of Youn on Cambodia as priority. He should take into account about the nature of the border demarcation between Cambodia and Youn because Cambodia is always at the disadvantage when Hun Sen is still a ruler who has to pay a big gratitute to Youn Hanoi as his installer or master and by using the unconstitutional treaties of 1979-1982, 1983, and 1985, as well as the newly signed 2005-supplemental treaty (documents related to all treaties can be found here), signed under the Youn control as a tool for negotiation.
I wonder what is Soy Sopheap going explain about these treaties and the lost of Koh Tral and the 3000o square kilometers historical sea water as a result of these treaties? For the knowledge, I think Soy Sopheap can read Mr. Bora Touch´s explaination here and here.
Actually, the act of MP Sam Rainsy should be admired and the government should cooperate with him in solving the issues. He should not be punished and accused of trying to sabotage Hun Sen government by helping the Abhisit of Thailand, because he is clearly stated in his reaction to the Abhisit´s govrnment about his would-be-oppointment that he would never serve any country which is at odd with his country. With this, the Cambodian leaders should not behave so selfish against MP Sam Rainsy and act like a real puppet towards Youn government.
On the other hand, if Hun Sen is really a good leader and loves the country he should not push our country to war and conflict by allowing the west to invade our nation at will either. He can stop it by rejecting the cheap bilateral talk and pushing it for the intervention from UN or Asean basing on only 1904 and 1907 Siamese-French treaties, the 1962 verdict, and the 1991 Paris Peace Accord.
In contrast, it seems that MP Sam Rainsy is not trapped by his genuine act, instead it shows that Hun Sen, his cronies, and his mouthpiece servant like Soy Sopheap are being revealed as a true slave or puppet to Youn Hanoi. Openly, they dare bark with the west, but they act like a puppet or slave to the east.
I just think if Soy Sopheap doesn´t go to the border and ask the people who live there directly, he should have paid his attention and listened to what the people who live there along the border have talked which published on RFA or VOA or other media.
It is even more dangerous for Cambodia if he just published it blindly and biasly for his personal gain without considering the invasion of Youn on Cambodia as priority. He should take into account about the nature of the border demarcation between Cambodia and Youn because Cambodia is always at the disadvantage when Hun Sen is still a ruler who has to pay a big gratitute to Youn Hanoi as his installer or master and by using the unconstitutional treaties of 1979-1982, 1983, and 1985, as well as the newly signed 2005-supplemental treaty (documents related to all treaties can be found here), signed under the Youn control as a tool for negotiation.
I wonder what is Soy Sopheap going explain about these treaties and the lost of Koh Tral and the 3000o square kilometers historical sea water as a result of these treaties? For the knowledge, I think Soy Sopheap can read Mr. Bora Touch´s explaination here and here.
Actually, the act of MP Sam Rainsy should be admired and the government should cooperate with him in solving the issues. He should not be punished and accused of trying to sabotage Hun Sen government by helping the Abhisit of Thailand, because he is clearly stated in his reaction to the Abhisit´s govrnment about his would-be-oppointment that he would never serve any country which is at odd with his country. With this, the Cambodian leaders should not behave so selfish against MP Sam Rainsy and act like a real puppet towards Youn government.
On the other hand, if Hun Sen is really a good leader and loves the country he should not push our country to war and conflict by allowing the west to invade our nation at will either. He can stop it by rejecting the cheap bilateral talk and pushing it for the intervention from UN or Asean basing on only 1904 and 1907 Siamese-French treaties, the 1962 verdict, and the 1991 Paris Peace Accord.
In contrast, it seems that MP Sam Rainsy is not trapped by his genuine act, instead it shows that Hun Sen, his cronies, and his mouthpiece servant like Soy Sopheap are being revealed as a true slave or puppet to Youn Hanoi. Openly, they dare bark with the west, but they act like a puppet or slave to the east.
Thursday, May 28, 2009
Friday, June 15, 2007
Khieu Kanharith: Honesty, loyalty, the CPP ... and still a "petty bourgeois" mouthpiece of the CPP
Honesty, loyalty and the CPPPhnom Penh Post, Issue 16 / 12, June 15 - 28, 2007
The Minister of Information's third novel "Mr. Lawyer" has been slowed up-Khieu Kanharith is learning Unicode. His first book "The Last Smile" (1982) was a sabre-rattling political novel, with one character based loosely on Hun Sen. His second, "The One Who Goes Away," compiles tender observations of a life spent in Cambodia. It's wild stuff for a man who's been described as the "mouthpiece" of the strait-laced CPP, but it's just another delicious incongruity for Kanharith.
Born in Phnom Penh in 1951 to the family of a customs official, Kanharith devoured the fiction of Jules Verne as a child. As a young man he moved on to Sartre, Camus and Lenin. Under the Khmer Rouge he escaped the purge of the "petty bourgeois" with help of rural villagers. After January 7, 1979, he returned to the capital, was reunited with his parents in a chance encounter, and got work as a speechwriter for the then-mayor of Phnom Penh. He weighed a career in diplomacy, but chose journalism instead. "I became a journalist to help my country," Kanharith said.
He was editor-in-chief of Kampuchea, the most influential newspaper in the PRK/SOC, until he was sacked and arrested in 1990. The move, he said, was prompted by a radio statement in which he called "plurality inevitable" in Cambodia. He became a personal advisor to Hun Sen in 1991.
With a grin, a glint and an avuncular wink-this is Khieu Kanharith: man of letters. He greets the Post in his wood-paneled office inside the funky, dilapidated Ministry of Information.
Khieu Kanharith spoke to Charles McDermid on June 13.
When I arrived in Cambodia in 2004, my newspaper colleagues all talked about partying with you: Sir, you're a legend.
You know why? During the war people didn't like journalists. No matter what they wouldn't let you write because they thought it would be something bad. There's one great thing that will break the ice: drinking. The first thing to learn as a journalist is drinking. As we say in Khmer, "Alcohol in, secret out." When people know you're drinking, you can learn a lot. But I don't do it like before, I'm too old and have too much work.
What do you think of the Western press corps in Cambodia?
The problem is most of them can't see out of the box. Sometimes people who speak English are treated well, and non-English speakers aren't. You have to understand: Cambodians know the song you want to hear, and we can sing it for you. All Cambodians are survivors of the Khmer Rouge and all the other tragedies. When you ask a question, we know what kind of answer you want to hear.
What were your first impressions of Hun Sen?
It was 1979. He was a young man but he had learned a lot. He would make a speech and record his voice, then he would listen to it again and again. Hun Sen taught himself to be a good speaker. At that time he didn't have time to learn French or English. Now, I'm sure he can understand French and English. I know he's writing a biography because he showed me his notebook from 1978. It wasn't carefully kept, but he has a perfect, photographic memory. Successful leaders must have some of the same qualities, and they must have ambition, political ambition. Hun Sen knows what to do. Many say he's uneducated: they're wrong. He reads all the time and takes lots of notes.
How often do you see the Prime Minister?
When the political situation is tense we talk all the time. When things are quiet, some time can pass. People say he only keeps people near to him that are loyal. But he values competence not loyalty. The priorities for Hun Sen are in this order: competence, how you act, and then loyalty.
Many people have described the CPP as "secretive." Is this the truth?
No. Many of us-even myself who has worked and studied with foreigners-we have an uneasy attitude around foreigners. This is a misunderstanding. This isn't CPP secrecy, but we feel uneasy.
Does the CPP have an image problem?
Yes, we know it. We've been told to find a spin doctor. We tried one, but with no success. Now we're looking for a Cambodian.
Do you like your job?
It's not my philosophy to comment on that. I try to do my best at the job I have been given. People ask me, "Why have you stayed [as Minister of Information] for so long? You must be the best." The truth is nobody wants this job.
Do you have hope for the future of Cambodia?
Yes, that's right. I came here in 1979. You could walk along the road and hear your footsteps echo. Many of my friends fled the country. They said, "Vietnam will control us forever." They lost confidence and left their country. I preferred to stay here-after the Khmer Rouge I could survive anything. This is the strongpoint of the CPP: in 1979 the CPP had 70 to 100 members. To rule the country we needed to integrate educated people with knowledge of the West. The CPP had to work with other people, to be flexible. This is the tradition of the CPP: to be flexible and compromise.
How does it make Hun Sen feel when he hears allegations that he is controlled by Vietnam, and has lingering links to Communist tactics?
He says he doesn't care. Here's an example: in 1986, one year after Hun Sen became Prime Minister he recommended Cambodia award land ownership. Around the world, in the Communist-so-called Socialist-Bloc, he was called a reformist. Many people say Vietnam controls Cambodia, but when we started land ownership, we were among the first countries to break away. This shows how independent Hun Sen is. Even before Perestroika and Deng Xiao Ping, in 1986 Hun Sen made a strong move. China only approved land ownership this year. It was the same when he decided to negotiate with King Sihanouk. People said, "Why bring him in?" and "Why do we need this?" But Hun Sen understood very well. He's a political animal.
Are the rumors about rifts in the CPP true?
Yes and no. You can't avoid rifts. It's how you settle them that's important. We say, "You cannot decide by yourself. We have a Central Committee." Compromise is our tradition; everything is smooth.
Do you ever get tired of explaining things to journalists?
It's not that simple, maybe because I've known Hun Sen since 1979. I understand him. When he scolded RFA recently is a good example. You wouldn't understand because you don't speak Khmer. But [RFA reporter] Um Samrin should've asked, "Whether the power sharing agreement [between the CPP and Funcinpec] is over or not?" but he said "Now, it shows that the power agreement has stopped." He asked this in front of Funcinpec MPs. Hun Sen was saving the face of Funcinpec. It was as if you were with your wife and someone asks you about your concubine.
I read in one history book that in 1991, as soon as you were released from detention, Hun Sen asked you to be his advisor. Why would he approach a recently arrested journalist for this post?
He asked me to be his advisor, and in 1992, to be Party spokesman. I said I had only one condition: don't ask me to say something I don't believe.
Do you ever say things you don't believe?
Never.
Born in Phnom Penh in 1951 to the family of a customs official, Kanharith devoured the fiction of Jules Verne as a child. As a young man he moved on to Sartre, Camus and Lenin. Under the Khmer Rouge he escaped the purge of the "petty bourgeois" with help of rural villagers. After January 7, 1979, he returned to the capital, was reunited with his parents in a chance encounter, and got work as a speechwriter for the then-mayor of Phnom Penh. He weighed a career in diplomacy, but chose journalism instead. "I became a journalist to help my country," Kanharith said.
He was editor-in-chief of Kampuchea, the most influential newspaper in the PRK/SOC, until he was sacked and arrested in 1990. The move, he said, was prompted by a radio statement in which he called "plurality inevitable" in Cambodia. He became a personal advisor to Hun Sen in 1991.
With a grin, a glint and an avuncular wink-this is Khieu Kanharith: man of letters. He greets the Post in his wood-paneled office inside the funky, dilapidated Ministry of Information.
Khieu Kanharith spoke to Charles McDermid on June 13.
When I arrived in Cambodia in 2004, my newspaper colleagues all talked about partying with you: Sir, you're a legend.
You know why? During the war people didn't like journalists. No matter what they wouldn't let you write because they thought it would be something bad. There's one great thing that will break the ice: drinking. The first thing to learn as a journalist is drinking. As we say in Khmer, "Alcohol in, secret out." When people know you're drinking, you can learn a lot. But I don't do it like before, I'm too old and have too much work.
What do you think of the Western press corps in Cambodia?
The problem is most of them can't see out of the box. Sometimes people who speak English are treated well, and non-English speakers aren't. You have to understand: Cambodians know the song you want to hear, and we can sing it for you. All Cambodians are survivors of the Khmer Rouge and all the other tragedies. When you ask a question, we know what kind of answer you want to hear.
What were your first impressions of Hun Sen?
It was 1979. He was a young man but he had learned a lot. He would make a speech and record his voice, then he would listen to it again and again. Hun Sen taught himself to be a good speaker. At that time he didn't have time to learn French or English. Now, I'm sure he can understand French and English. I know he's writing a biography because he showed me his notebook from 1978. It wasn't carefully kept, but he has a perfect, photographic memory. Successful leaders must have some of the same qualities, and they must have ambition, political ambition. Hun Sen knows what to do. Many say he's uneducated: they're wrong. He reads all the time and takes lots of notes.
How often do you see the Prime Minister?
When the political situation is tense we talk all the time. When things are quiet, some time can pass. People say he only keeps people near to him that are loyal. But he values competence not loyalty. The priorities for Hun Sen are in this order: competence, how you act, and then loyalty.
Many people have described the CPP as "secretive." Is this the truth?
No. Many of us-even myself who has worked and studied with foreigners-we have an uneasy attitude around foreigners. This is a misunderstanding. This isn't CPP secrecy, but we feel uneasy.
Does the CPP have an image problem?
Yes, we know it. We've been told to find a spin doctor. We tried one, but with no success. Now we're looking for a Cambodian.
Do you like your job?
It's not my philosophy to comment on that. I try to do my best at the job I have been given. People ask me, "Why have you stayed [as Minister of Information] for so long? You must be the best." The truth is nobody wants this job.
Do you have hope for the future of Cambodia?
Yes, that's right. I came here in 1979. You could walk along the road and hear your footsteps echo. Many of my friends fled the country. They said, "Vietnam will control us forever." They lost confidence and left their country. I preferred to stay here-after the Khmer Rouge I could survive anything. This is the strongpoint of the CPP: in 1979 the CPP had 70 to 100 members. To rule the country we needed to integrate educated people with knowledge of the West. The CPP had to work with other people, to be flexible. This is the tradition of the CPP: to be flexible and compromise.
How does it make Hun Sen feel when he hears allegations that he is controlled by Vietnam, and has lingering links to Communist tactics?
He says he doesn't care. Here's an example: in 1986, one year after Hun Sen became Prime Minister he recommended Cambodia award land ownership. Around the world, in the Communist-so-called Socialist-Bloc, he was called a reformist. Many people say Vietnam controls Cambodia, but when we started land ownership, we were among the first countries to break away. This shows how independent Hun Sen is. Even before Perestroika and Deng Xiao Ping, in 1986 Hun Sen made a strong move. China only approved land ownership this year. It was the same when he decided to negotiate with King Sihanouk. People said, "Why bring him in?" and "Why do we need this?" But Hun Sen understood very well. He's a political animal.
Are the rumors about rifts in the CPP true?
Yes and no. You can't avoid rifts. It's how you settle them that's important. We say, "You cannot decide by yourself. We have a Central Committee." Compromise is our tradition; everything is smooth.
Do you ever get tired of explaining things to journalists?
It's not that simple, maybe because I've known Hun Sen since 1979. I understand him. When he scolded RFA recently is a good example. You wouldn't understand because you don't speak Khmer. But [RFA reporter] Um Samrin should've asked, "Whether the power sharing agreement [between the CPP and Funcinpec] is over or not?" but he said "Now, it shows that the power agreement has stopped." He asked this in front of Funcinpec MPs. Hun Sen was saving the face of Funcinpec. It was as if you were with your wife and someone asks you about your concubine.
I read in one history book that in 1991, as soon as you were released from detention, Hun Sen asked you to be his advisor. Why would he approach a recently arrested journalist for this post?
He asked me to be his advisor, and in 1992, to be Party spokesman. I said I had only one condition: don't ask me to say something I don't believe.
Do you ever say things you don't believe?
Never.
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