Showing posts with label Cronyism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cronyism. Show all posts

Tuesday, July 10, 2012

Cambodia carve-up under the spotlight [-The wholesale of an entire country by Hun Xen]

(Photo: CCHR)
Hun Xen (L) and Hun Manith (R)
Jul 10, 2012
By Sebastian Strangio
Asia Times Online
According to the local human-rights group Licadho, which monitors land disputes and rights abuses, foreign mining and agriculture firms now control a total of 3.9 million hectares in Cambodia, or 22% of the country's surface area. Industrial agri-business deals, known as economic land concessions (ELCs), now account for 53% of Cambodia's total arable land. Last year alone, the government approved 2 million hectares in concessions for 227 plantation firms.
PHNOM PENH -There were scenes of jubilation in Cambodia's capital last month when a group of 13 imprisoned women - including a 72-year-old grandmother - was set free by an appeal court. The women were arrested in May during peaceful demonstrations against the forced eviction of thousands of families living around Boeung Kak Lake, an area in central Phnom Penh earmarked for a glitzy housing and commercial development.

The company behind the controversial development is known as Shukaku Inc, an obscure firm known to be a front for the interests of Lao Meng Khin, a leading tycoon and senator for the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP). Two Chinese companies are also reported to be investing in the project, which has seen the lake - once ringed by a bustling community of more than 4,000 families - reduced to a massive sand bank in the center of the city. Most families have already left the site in exchange for resettlement or small cash hand-outs, but a robust protest movement continues to resist eviction.

After their arrest on May 22, the 13 Boeung Kak women were charged with illegally occupying private land, and in a swift trial held just two days later - an unprecedented turnaround for Cambodia's poorly resourced court system - were each sentenced to two-and-a-half years in jail. One land rights activist told Agence France-Presse at the time that the proceedings were "a show trial - a complete charade".

Thursday, October 20, 2011

Nepotism and cronyism in Scambodia

Then-Prince Sihanouk (L) and Future-dictator Hun Xen (R)
With some luck, a teacher in Cambodia can supplement his low salary with a second income as a motodoop in order to feed his family (Photo: John Vink/Magnum)
Thursday, October 20, 2011
Op-Ed by Pissed off

Qualification for and obtaining a top job based on education in Cambodia is a wishful thinking, especially under the current regime. You will be used for your knowledge and experiences as long as you don't interfere with the flow and the interests of the elite or into garbage and possibly incinerator shall you be tossed!

Family tie is a unervisal characteristic of human being and is not special in any race. Cambodian family tie is not any more special or better than that of any race under the sky.

Giving jobs to your own family members without open and fair competition based on qualification is nepotism and it is blatantly everywhere in Cambodia and some undemocratic countries from top to bottom.

The case of Hor Nam Hong and his sons is a blatant example of nepotism. Norodom Arun Reaksmey's case is an example of cronyism or political favoritism, i.e. you scratch my back well, I will scratch yours. Keep scratching my back, buddy and don't worry about the state of the nation and thus her people, I will remember to scratch yours when one of my hand is free or when I have a moisturizing lotion to go with it.

Thursday, June 16, 2011

Land-grabber Lao Meng Khin's coal-fired power plant to be approved without transparency

LAND-GRABBERS: Lao Meng Khin (R) and Choeung Sopheap (C)
Power play at Assembly

Thursday, 16 June 2011
Thomas Miller
The Phnom Penh Post

The National Assembly is set to discuss today whether to approve guaranteed payments for electricity, potentially worth millions of dollars, which will be generated from a coal-fired power plant in Preah Sihanouk province constructed by a company owned by ruling party Senator Lao Meng Khin.

Observers said the deal represented yet another example of the ruling oligarchy close to Prime Minister Hun Sen enriching itself via state coffers.

The Ministry of Economy and Finance has submitted a proposed guarantee of payments agreement to the National Assembly for approval.

The proposal, a February 9 copy of which was obtained by The Post yesterday, reveals that state power company Electricité du Cambodge entered into a power-purchase agreement with a firm known as Cambodia International Investment Development Group Co Ltd on January 6.

Thursday, May 05, 2011

Concerns raised over new procurement law

Thursday, 05 May 2011
Vong Sokheng and James O’Toole
The Phnom Penh Post

The government’s draft law on procurement is set to go to the Council of Ministers next week, despite concern from civil society groups about whether the legislation will effectively promote transparency in bidding for public contracts.

Ou Bon Long, a secretary of state at the Ministry of Economy and Finance, said yesterday that his ministry “is preparing to send the draft law to the Council of Ministers next week”, adding that the law would support the government’s efforts in public financial reform. “We made this law with the aim to ensure transparency in the public bidding process,” he said.

The legislation addresses a process that has long been fertile ground for corruption, plagued by “cronyism” and a lack of transparency, said Chheng Kimlong, a lecturer in business and economics at the University of Cambodia. But some NGO officials fear that the draft law does not go far enough in promoting an open bidding process and needs to provide for greater oversight.

The draft law calls for public contracts to be awarded through “public, competitive bidding” with oversight from the Finance Ministry, though it is not clear how such transparency will be compelled and information from the bidding process made available.

Monday, April 18, 2011

Phnom Penh's Economic Progress ... But a step backward on political freedom could imperil growth

Growth is at risk from political backsteps. (Agence France-Presse/Getty Images)

APRIL 18, 2011
The Wall Street Journal
Greater political accountability of Mr. Hun Sen will guarantee not only civil liberties for Cambodians, but also a better business environment. The lack of political checks is breeding fears of cronyism, especially regarding land. The worse corruption gets—Cambodia ranked 154 on Transparency International's 2010 corruption perception index of 178 nations—the more businesses, especially foreign ones, will be wary of investing. Growth could slow down, interrupting the country's momentum, and also depriving the newfound freedoms Cambodians have begun to enjoy.
A decade ago, Cambodia was practically a ward of the international community, relying on international donors and nongovernmental organizations to get by. But its economy has since grown at an annual average rate of 10%, creating a $10 billion economy today, to which exports contribute more than $4 billion a year. Phnom Penh deserves credit for its low, flat tax and minimal regulations that have allowed the private sector to flourish.

The stain on this record of economic freedom is Phnom Penh's backtracking on political freedom. Prime Minister Hun Sen, in and out of power for 26 years, has never taken kindly to criticism and dissent. He is now proposing a law that would give him tight control over NGOs. A draft of this law was released last month.


This law is one more in a series of measures to curb civil society. In 2006, Mr. Hun Sen did away with a rule that required a two-thirds legislative majority to form a government and pass laws, making it easier to consolidate his power. In 2009, the parliament banned protests comprising more than 200 persons and stiffened the country's defamation laws. Mr. Hun Sen has sued his political opponents on defamation charges and intimidated them by other means. In December, he put into effect a criminal code that charges someone for incitement if he merely shared articles from the Internet. He's also contemplating a law that would curb trade unions.

Friday, December 03, 2010

Thursday, November 25, 2010

"...if nothing is done, if these grievances are allowed to fester, the CPP could have themselves a problem in the next election"

Cambodia government seen unscathed from stampede

Wed Nov 24, 2010
By Martin Petty

PHNOM PENH (Reuters) - A stampede that killed 456 people in Cambodia was sparked by the swaying of a bridge, investigators said on Wednesday in a report that failed to address broader questions facing the government over the deaths.

The preliminary government report, broadcast on media, echoed comments made a day earlier by government spokesman Phay Siphan who said the bridge was designed to sway, but the movement took pedestrians by surprise and some shouted it was broken.

The death toll rose to 456 from 375 on Tuesday with hundreds injured from Monday night's chaotic exodus of thousands of people along the narrow Diamond Gate bridge in the capital Phom Penh.

The disaster has raised plenty of questions -- from why so many people were allowed to enter such a confined space on a small, man-made island to how authorities handled crowds.

Critics have pointed fingers at developers who built the bridge, city authorities organising the festival and security forces. But they say ultimately the buck stops with the government of long-serving Prime Minister Hun Sen.

The disaster, however, is unlikely to spiral into political damage for Hun Sen, a strongman whose blend of populism and cronyism has kept him in office for a quarter of a century.


"There won't be any fallout for Hun Sen and his government. It won't go away any time soon, but it can be explained away as a tragedy," said Pavin Chachavalpongpun a professor of regional strategic and political studies at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore.

"Hun Sen will think he will get away with it and he's not under threat and he's probably right. There's a reason he's survived in office for so long."

That reason centres on the rural popularity of Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party (CPP), which has a big parliamentary majority, and his powerful connections among the business elite, the judiciary and the security forces.


POWER MONOPOLY

Rights groups accuse the CPP of using the judiciary to silence its political opponents, especially the main opposition Sam Rainsy Party (SRP), named after a leader who lives in self-exile in France, avoiding jail sentences of a combined 12 years for forgery, disinformation and criminal damage, charges he says were politically motivated to intimidate his party.

Experts say the government's virtual monopoly on power and its connections will mean, while some heads might roll, senior city and police officials, or those involved in the construction of bridge are not likely to face prosecution.

Hours after the stampede, Hun Sen apologised to the country for what he said was Cambodia's biggest tragedy since the era of the Khmer Rouge regime three decades ago.

But he has kept a low profile since, a move that in most other countries would have attracted a hail of public criticism. "Others would try to score political points from this, but he has nothing to gain," added Pavin. "With emotions high, public appearances might lead towards criticism."

The power of Hun Sen's pro-business government has been a plus point for investors, despite the frequent criticism it draws from rights groups and foreign donors.

The CPP has presided over a period of unprecedented stability and economic growth over recent years and increased foreign investment has helped boost the party's popularity.

Few believe the CPP's power base will be weakened as a result of the stampede but some analysts point to an outside chance of trouble ahead if the investigation does not meet public grievances and no one is brought to book.

Many of the victims are believed to be from rural provinces that delivered a landslide to the CPP in a 2008 general election. The next poll takes place in 2013.

"There was incapacity within the security forces to handle the crisis and standards were not enforced in managing this event," said Ian Bryson, a Singapore-based consultant at Control Risks.

"I doubt there will be any real fallout immediately, but if nothing is done, if these grievances are allowed to fester, the CPP could have themselves a problem in the next election."

(Editing by Jason Szep and Robert Birsel)

Wednesday, September 01, 2010

When the rich tear down the mountain to build fences it’s legal, but when the poor look for firewood, they are sent to jail: Pro-CPP media

Major land grading operation is taking place inside the Kep mountain national park (Photo: Neay Keb, Koh Santepheap)

Tuesday 31 August 2010
By Koh Ekareach
Koh Santepheap (Pro-CPP mouthpiece media)

Translated from Khmer by Soy


Kep province – The Kep mountain national park is currently being razed down to build fences at a large scale and this action starts from the top of the mountain and along the foothill of the mountain. It is not known which department authorized this grading for building lots and turning this national park into a private property like this? This problem does not just affect this mountain national park, it also affects several other mountains as well where land grading for building lots are also taking place. A few years ago, the Kep police force made a confiscation once already, they took away numerous fence posts and brought them over to the police station. At that time, there were protests made by environmental officials [against such grading operation], but in 2010, the land owner, who boasted that he is an Oknha (rich tycoon), now has the right to bring in machinery to raze down the mountain without any worry, and there is no authority to prevent this operation either.

Regarding this mass land grading of the national mountain park, Rao Sokha, the director of the land development and construction for Kep province, commented that the construction in the mountain areas is legal. On the other hand, Panha Rith, the director of the Kep national parks, told us rudely over the phone: “All reporters who want to ask any questions about the Kep national park, must send in their questions in advance”, then he would forward them to his bosses first to decide whether an interview is warranted or not because he is afraid of providing information contradicting the orders from his bosses. Therefore, he cannot speak or reply to the reporters.

Mom Sitha, the Kep city police commissioner, told Koh Santepheap that an extremely poor woman with young children was recently arrested by the Kep national park officials. She was accused of sneaking in to the national park to look for firewood. Currently, this woman is jailed in the Kampot province prison already and the authority is also looking to arrest 5 other people because they were looking for firewood for their cooking needs.

Regarding this sordid affair, the national park officials would not provide any clarification because they are under self-gag order and they cannot provide any information. Furthermore, about the arrest of poor people, they would not provide any information about the cause of the arrest either. Critics indicated that when the rich raze down the national park mountain to make building lots, no officials would stop them, but when poor people came in to look for firewood, the officials hit them hard with the law by arresting them and sending to jail.

Tuesday, May 11, 2010

Sand exports to Singapore harm Cambodia: watchdog

Hun Xen's cronies: Mong Reththy (L) and Ly Yong Phat (R)

Tuesday, May 11, 2010
AFP

PHNOM PENH — Cambodia is engaged in destructive sand exports to fuel Singapore's rapid expansion despite a supposed government ban on the practice, an environmental watchdog said Tuesday.

London-based Global Witness said Cambodia was making a "mockery of the government's supposed May 2009 ban on sand-dredging", risking devastation to its coasts, endangered species, fish stocks and local livelihoods.

"There is no evidence that basic environmental safeguards have been applied, with boats reportedly turning up and dredging sand, often in protected areas, with no local consultation," said its new report, entitled "Shifting Sands".

The group, which has made many allegations of Cambodian cronyism in recent years, said Mong Reththy and Ly Yong Phat -- senators known to have close ties to premier Hun Sen -- have been covertly awarded licences to dredge sand.

"This situation highlights the continued failure of Cambodia's international donors to use their leverage to hold the small elite surrounding the prime minister to account," said George Boden, campaigner at Global Witness.

The report said investigators tracked sand-filled boats from Cambodia to Singapore, estimating concessions from southwestern Koh Kong province alone netted 20 million dollars per month for some 796,000 tonnes of sand.

Global Witness added that figures from other concessions along Cambodia's coast were not known, and there was no way to track whether revenues from sand exports reached the national treasury.

"In addition, Global Witness has seen Cambodian sand dredging and export licences which bear the stamp and signature of a representative of the Singapore Embassy in Cambodia," the report said.

Singapore has expanded its surface area by 22 percent since the 1960s, said the report, requiring vast quantities of imported sand from neighbours in Southeast Asia.

Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam have halted sand exports to the city-state over concerns the practice depleted fish stocks and caused erosion.

The Cambodian government has banned past reports by Global Witness, which also accused donors of ignoring graft among elites who have allegedly been involved in illegal logging as well as shady oil and mining deals.

Thursday, May 21, 2009

A future in the balance

Thursday, 21 May 2009
Written by Rod Brazier
The Phnom Penh Post

"The CPP's legitimacy depends largely on maintaining rapid improvements in the quality of life. Basic, first generation economic reforms are in place, but the high-growth trajectory of recent years will hit limits imposed by rampant corruption and cronyism. Extracting continued rapid growth will require painful choices by the Cambodian leadership that will impinge on the interests of entrenched party elites. This is where the rubber will hit the road for reform: when economic growth is crimped by cronyism."
A few final reflections on the situation in Cambodia from the Asia Foundation's outgoing country director.

THE Cambodian People's Party (CPP) has consolidated its position as the dominant political force in Cambodia. Until the global financial crisis struck, political stability had led to a dramatic increase in investor interest, generating a surge in investment and economic growth.

The CPP won a resounding victory in the July 2008 national elections, elections which were recognised by the international community as free and fair. The CPP enjoys widespread support today owing to the stability and economic growth that have occurred in recent years. Outside, it's not well understood that this government is truly very popular, despite some authoritarian tendencies.

That's because Cambodia has made remarkable progress over the past 15 years. Starting from a very low base, key indicators of human welfare, such as maternal and child mortality, have improved dramatically.

The opening of the economy in the 1990s gave initial impetus to economic growth and job creation. The main drivers of growth have been the garment sector, tourism, construction in Phnom Penh and Siem Reap, and public spending.

Remittances from garment factory workers to the rural country-side have been an important source of income transfer to those areas, while the very large agricultural and fisheries sectors act as buffers against economic turmoil.

All round, a very good picture for a country that was still at war with itself little more than a decade ago.

The political consolidation by the CPP over the last several years has changed the context in which Cambodia will develop over the next few years. One-party rule has replaced fractious politics. Growth and development are top priorities.

The emphasis on economic growth holds promise for increasing prosperity for ordinary Cambodians, but possibilities for re-emergence of an open pluralistic polity are greatly reduced.

In addition, the global financial crisis threatens to undermine the anti-poverty gains of recent years and to exacerbate the nascent social tensions arising from the visible gap between rich and poor.

Therefore, the main challenges for the country over the next few years will be to sustain the current pace of economic development and reduce poverty, while addressing the worst abuses arising from a system of governance that has resisted reform in the past.

I have a few scattered observations about Cambodia, gleaned from almost three years in Phnom Penh. Many of you have been here longer than I have, so forgive me if any observations are shallow.

The international community is woefully under-informed about Cambodia

Compared to the international communities in neighbouring countries, the international community here in Phnom Penh is terribly ignorant about the political economy of Cambodia.

I hasten to add that I include myself in this category. As a group - for there are very few exceptions - we know very little about the politics that matters in Cambodia. There is, of course, the noisy, quarrelsome discourse that is carried out in the headlines between the government and the opposition. Despite the high volume and frankness of the exchanges, I don't think this is where the action is politically. To me, the internal politics of the CPP are more intriguing and far more consequential, for several reasons:
  • The CPP is extremely disciplined and little internal friction ever becomes apparent - at least in decipherable ways - in public. A few ripples appeared on the surface after the sudden death of Hok Lundy last November, but otherwise very little specific information about internal dissension ever becomes known outside tight circles. The workings of the CPP are especially mysterious to those of us who do not speak Khmer.
  • The CPP's grip on power means that mid-term change and reform is likely to emerge from within the CPP rather than through formal competition with the other parties.
  • Those of us who engage with different parts of the government see great variation from one ministry to the next - there are many opportunities to work cooperatively and fruitfully with the government on reform activities. Partners need to do their homework on who should be engaged beyond those listed on the government organagrams.
"I am cautiously optimistic about Cambodia. The focus ... has shifted from winning the political contest and seizing power to governing well and staying popular by delivering infrastructure and services."
The government is not hostile towards all NGOs

Relations between the CPP and NGOs - both local and international - have been occasionally thorny. Broadly, though, relations are improving, and I see two reasons for this:
  • The CPP is more confident as it ascends politically and so feels less vulnerable to criticism.
  • Reform-minded officials see value in close relations with some NGOs, both as sources of feedback on performance and as providers of expertise. We see this very vividly in our interaction with the Ministry of Interior, where the appetite for cooperation seems to be insatiable. We also see it in our work with the Ministry of Women's Affairs (MOWA) on counter-trafficking. Of course, there are dinosaurs and hold-outs.
There is a general assumption that the draft NGO Law is designed to rein in NGOs. No. NGO laws are a common feature of many countries' legal landscape.

Reading the latest draft, one can't find so much that's objectionable. One clause on political activity is problematic, and the sanctions for some types of non-compliance are rather heavy, but it is still a draft. I have begged my colleagues to view it as a draft and to take up the government's offer to consult. But perceptions are stubborn, and some letters have been written that have been counter-productive. The Asia Foundation has not signed those letters because we want to enter consultations in good faith.

Inequality and under-investment in education are growing as concerns

Cambodia is probably on a very positive and well-trodden Asian path to development. In several respects, though, it is deviating in ways that could threaten long term development prospects:
  • Inequality. Newly Industrialising Countries (NICs) have typically seen gini co-efficient, a numerical expression of inequality used by social scientists, narrow; it's getting wider in Cambodia. Eventual social consequences but also political and welfare concerns should be a cause for concern in this area.
  • Education. Investment in education is dismal. All the latest and finest academic work shows that governments can make no better single investment than in education. Dollar for dollar investment in education brings greater benefit to a country and its people than any other. I don't see Cambodia investing enough in its people's education. Certainly, we see a hunger for personal improvement and a new generation of bright and ambitious young Cambodians seems to be emerging. But not all will be able to secure international education.
External perceptions of Cambodia are sticky

It's only a little more than a decade since Battambang was captured briefly by the Khmer Rouge. Cambodia is small, and positive developments here are seldom heard in the din of the 24-hour news cycle. This is unfortunate. A vivid demonstration of this is the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) report.

The EIU published two reports in March 2009. One was the regular Country Report about Cambodia. Nothing in that report was objectionable.

In fact it was a sober, sensible report that no one in this room would likely find controversial.

The report that has caused so much anger here is called Manning the Barricades, a 32-page report that mentions Cambodia once.

Manning the Barricades with global coverage that purports, among other claims, to rank countries by the risk of political instability. Some of the indicators included were: inequality, state history, trust in institutions, and corruption. These are reasonable.

The government erred badly in complaining so loudly about this report because the complaints brought prominence to a single mention of Cambodia on page 16 of the report that would otherwise have gone largely unnoticed. The rush by business groups and others to condemn the EIU was equally unhelpful and merely nourished an incorrect perception.

Sustaining rapid economic growth: not a straight shot

The CPP's legitimacy depends largely on maintaining rapid improvements in the quality of life. Basic, first generation economic reforms are in place, but the high-growth trajectory of recent years will hit limits imposed by rampant corruption and cronyism. Extracting continued rapid growth will require painful choices by the Cambodian leadership that will impinge on the interests of entrenched party elites. This is where the rubber will hit the road for reform: when economic growth is crimped by cronyism.

This problem is most dramatically illustrated in problems related to land issues. Foreign investors say that uncertainties over land are the single biggest concern, and often the reason that potential new investors walk away. It's worth noting that the prime minister himself has warned countless times about the dangers of continued land-grabbing. Yet it persists. Other similar pressures will emerge over time to test the government's commitment to market-led growth.

The government must reduce these vulnerabilities by fixing fundamental policy weaknesses. A key to improving economic governance will be to nurture and empower the small group of Western-educated technocrats within the Ministry of Economy and Finance, and scattered throughout other ministries and departments.

This group is more outward looking and reform-minded and is believed to have close ties to the pragmatic Prime Minister Hun Sen. We need to nurture and support these people, for they will face heavy challenges in the coming years that will determine the pace and trajectory of economic reform and development in Cambodia.

I have spent some time listing weaknesses and vulnerabilities. But we must also acknowledge the enormous strides that the Cambodian people have taken.

From civil war and unimaginable sorrow and misery just a generation ago, to a normal, developing country encountering the typical range of challenges that every other country in the region has faced. The good news is that others have shown it is possible to overcome these impediments.

But it is long, slow work and, in some respects, the early years are the easiest. I am cautiously optimistic about Cambodia. The focus of government has shifted from winning the political contest and seizing power to governing well and staying popular by delivering infrastructure and services.

This is a watershed transition that hasn't been noted enough. In the words of my friend His Excellency Roland Eng, who said five years ago: "We used to talk politics, now we talk policy."
---------------
The Asia Foundation's Cambodia country director Rod Brazier has been in Cambodia for three years. He is leaving the Kingdom shortly to take up a position with the Australian government in Canberra. On April 24, 2009, he spoke to the American Cambodian Business Council. What follows is an excerpted version of his speech to AmCham members.

Tuesday, March 24, 2009

Progress in Cambodia?

Tuesday, March 24, 2009
Opinion by C. Sann

The progress of Cambodia reconstruction is driven by illegal, and unethical practices. In part, with Hun Sun secretly backing his subordinates in illegal logging, illegal convictions, and massive corruption.

The truth of the matter is Cambodia is truly developing into the future. However, they sacrificed locals in achieving them. It's a sad fact of reality that the people are powerless when confronting the government. If any type of injustices that people would bring up about the government it will be seriously denied resulting in a number of massive killings to the people.

Everybody questions why investigation regarding deaths related to assassination of journalists or opposition members or even celebrities always lead to a void. A void where nobody will be able to find an answer. The reason why this void exists is because it involves a high ranking government official. And, any attempt to bring this official to justice would be death. For the Cambodian people, this is a scary thought. Their lack of education, and awareness will mute them from ever bringing any type of injustices from the government out to the open. Every Cambodian student in the USA must be educated to know the history of Cambodia so we can slowly bring Cambodia system to par with many other democratic nations.

Thursday, February 05, 2009

NGO: Cambodian leaders have squandered rich natural resources

Feb 5, 2009
DPA

Phnom Penh - Cambodia's political elites have put the country's economic future at risk by squandering its rich natural resources, an international environmental and anti-corruption group said Thursday.

A report released by London-based Global Witness said international donors had turned a blind eye to the widespread corruption, mismanagement and nepotism that has positioned political elites as the only beneficiaries of Cambodia's oil, gas and coal reserves.

The report accused Prime Minister Hun Sen and the ruling Cambodian People's Party of allocating contracts 'behind closed doors' to members of the political elite and their families.

'The Cambodian government does not have a process for allocating resources outside of patronage,' Global Witness campaigns director Gavin Hayman said in a statement.

'The same political elite that pillaged the country's timber resources has now gained control of its mineral and petroleum wealth,' Hayman said. 'Unless this is changed, there is a real risk that the opportunity to lift a whole generation out of poverty will be squandered.'

The report called on the government to enforce a moratorium on further mineral and petroleum contracts and launch a review into the environmental, financial and technical credentials of existing contractors.

More than 75 companies, including multinationals Chevron Corp and BHP Billiton PLC, are currently working in Cambodia's resources sector, and according to the report, some have already made undisclosed, upfront payments to the government.

'Companies need to come clean on what they have paid to the government to secure access to these natural resources or risk becoming complicit in a corrupt system,' Hayman said.

The report also called on international donors - which in December last year pledged a combined 1 billion US dollars of aid - to use their funding as leverage to 'demand new governance measures for the industries.'

It argued Cambodia's mineral reserves could be the key to the country's economic future and help end its reliance on foreign aid.

The group said its findings were based on fieldwork and interviews with industry insiders.

Global Witness representatives were expelled from Cambodia in 2005, and in 2007, the government banned the publication of one of its reports that accused a 'kleptocratic elite' of illegal logging and corruption.

Government spokesmen were unavailable for comment Thursday, but Minister of Industry, Mines and Energy Suy Sem was quoted in The Cambodia Daily newspaper as saying that mineral-exploration licenses were subject to competitive bidding and open to all companies.

'There is no principle to charge any companies money before exploitation,' he said. 'The company won't pay before they find minerals.'

Although still in its infancy, Cambodia's resources sector has flourished since 2003 when investors from Australia, Thailand, China, South Korea and the United States were lured by the country's rich mineral, oil and natural gas reserves.

Saturday, November 15, 2008

Hok Lundy U. will suffer the same fate as its benefactor?

Police Chief’s University Worries After Loss

By Chun Sakada, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
14 November 2008


When late police chief Hok Lundy died in a helicopter crash Sunday, he left behind a multi-million dollar legacy, Svay Rieng University, and students here say they are now worried their academic futures will be jeopardized.

The death of Hok Lundy, who suffered heavy criticism for his human rights record but was a major contributor Svay Rieng province, where he was raised, could mean less money for scholarships, materials and construction at the university, students said.

Hok Lundy contributed hundreds of thousands of dollars to the university to sponsor scholarships in the name of Prime Minister Hun Sen, Svay Rieng Governor Cheang Am said Friday.

“Hok Lundy paid more than $1 million for the construction of Svay Rieng University, and he paid $200,000 per year for scholarships under Hun Sen,” Cheang Am said.

The university now has more than 2,000 students, more than half of whom are on the Hun Sen scholarships, Cheang Am said.

“Hok Lundy’s death will affect our studies at the university,” said Sok Navuth, 21, who is studying on such a scholarship. “The majority of students have been sponsored by Hok Lundy. When we’ve lost Hok Lundy, we’ve lost our sponsor.”

Svay Rieng University, near the center of Svay Rieng town, the provincial capital, consists of one building of 50 classrooms surrounded by gardens and backed by dormitories for men and women.

Its computers, chairs, tables, desks, books and research materials were all purchased by Hok Lundy, Cheang Am said.

Students learn management, rural development, information technology, agronomy, law, political science and other subjects.

Many said they don’t believe accusations leveled at the former police chief, a powerful Cambodian People’s Party official aligned with Prime Minister Hun Sen who rights groups say collaborated in murder, execution, a deadly grenade attack and human trafficking.

Nuon Sopheak, 22, who is studying English literature, said this week students were worried about diminished academic chances.

Hok Lundy had promised a new wing to the university, Nuon Sopheak said, and he encouraged students to do well and seek work in Bavet commune, Chantrea district, on the Vietnam border, where he hoped to develop a modern city.

“Hok Lundy always came to meet the students in the university, once a month,” she said, “and he would give recommendations to students in the university: ‘Try to study hard, then after university you can get a job in Bavet.’”

Governor Cheang Am said he had been reassured that Prime Minister Hun Sen would work with Hok Lundy’s wife, Men Pheakdey, and family to continue to develop the project started by Hok Lundy.

Friday, August 22, 2008

Who will pay most for Cambodia’s development? [-The looting of Cambodia by Hun Sen and his cronies]

PHOTOGRAPH: Villagers’ houses burn during the forced eviction of approximately 105 families at Pram Muoy Village, Mittapheap 4, near Sihanoukville, April 2007. Photograph by David Pred.

22/08/2008
International Construction Review (ICON)
“The World Bank has pointed out that other countries in the region (such as Vietnam) have managed to achieve equitable growth in a manner that benefits society as a whole and contributes to a far more sustainable form of stability than the CPP’s mix of repressive political tactics and short-sighted economic rapaciousness.” - Rhodri Williams, international expert on housing rights
As investors poise to spend billions making Cambodia’s undeveloped coast the next hotspot for sunseekers, human rights groups fear that violent and illegal mass evictions will increase to make way for the resorts and supporting infrastructure.

Land-grabbing is reportedly rife in a country still recovering from the devastation of the Khmer Rouge regime and conflict with neighbouring Vietnam. In February this year Amnesty International estimated that 150,000 people around the country were at risk of forcible eviction as a result of land disputes, seizures and new development projects.

As investors prepare to turn Cambodia’s undeveloped coastline into the next big Asian holiday destination, civil society organisations say the housing and land rights of residents are being trampled on.

The plans for development are significant. A recent example came to light on August 17 when Cambodian conglomerate Royal Group told the Financial Times newspaper it was raising US$2 billion from private investors, together with Hong Kong-based Millennium Group, to develop Koh Rong, an island nearly the size of Hong Kong off the coastal municipality of Sihanoukville.

At nearly 8000 hectares and largely forested, the scope of the development would be huge and would likely require an airport. According to one press report the Cambodian government will not release figures of how many people live on the island, though it has conducted a census there.

The Financial Times also reported that MPDI, a subsidiary of Seng Enterprise, one of Cambodia’s leading construction companies, is working on another US$2bn project with unnamed US, Japanese and Middle Eastern investors to triple the size of Kep, a neglected former French colonial resort. The paper reported that land along a 6km stretch of coastline will be reclaimed and luxury towers and bungalows will house about 10,000 families.

Dan Nicholson, Asia Pacific coordinator for the Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE), told iCON his organization had “grave fears” about the rights of people living in areas pegged for development.

“We hear many reports about proposed tourist developments around the coastline. Some estimates are that 45% of the country has been sold off in various forms to developers, mainly coastal areas and islands.

“Evictions in Cambodia are frequently carried out violently, with no regard to the human rights of those affected, and in violation of Cambodian law. Military police are often used, even though this is illegal. Very often those evicted in fact have legal rights to the land, under the 2001 Land Law, but this is ignored by a corrupt judiciary and government.”

In one case in April last year soldiers and police armed with guns and electric batons violently evicted approximately 105 families from Pram Muoy Village near Sihanoukville to back a claim of ownership by the wife of a local high-ranking official. Houses were burnt to the ground and 18 villagers and two police were injured.

“More than a year later,” Nicholson said, “the community is living along the road, adjacent to their old land, under tarpaulins in conditions resembling an IDP (internally displaced person) camp. The land has been fenced off but remains unused.”

The issue of land ownership in Cambodia is murky at best. Rhodri Williams, an international expert on housing rights, notes that traditionally in Cambodia title was established through cultivating the land, and lost when it fell into disuse. The French, who colonized Cambodia in the mid-1800s, tried to move from use-based to title-based ownership but this didn’t take root much outside the cities.

In 1975 any question of who owned what became academic when the Khmer Rouge launched a programme of wholesale agrarian collectivization that emptied the cities and forced the population to work on farms. The Khmer Rouge fell in 1979 but it wasn’t until the mid 1980s that the government de-collectivised land and property. It then began granting concessions to private companies to exploit natural resources, but it fell to local authorities to administer this process and corruption was rife.

Cambodia’s 300-mile coastline has never been heavily populated but after the mass uprootings during the Khmer Rouge era, in which an estimated fifth of the population was killed, people began settling there because their own towns and villages had been destroyed. They supported themselves by fishing, subsistence farming or running small businesses.

In the 90s the central government in Phnom Penh designated the entire coast and its islands as State Public Land that could not be bartered or developed.

According to an article in the Guardian newspaper (See “Country for sale”, 26th April 2008), by 2006 these coastal communities had schools, political representation, and many householders even had papers, stamped by the Sihanoukville governor, Say Hak, which guaranteed them the permanent right to stay under the 2001 Land Law.

But in July 2007, Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen, of the Cambodian Peoples Party (CPP), changed the designation of the southern islands so they could be sold.

By March this year,” wrote the authors of the Guardian article, “virtually all Cambodia's accessible and sandy coast was in private hands, either Cambodian or foreign. Those who lived or worked there were turfed out - some jailed, others beaten, virtually all denied meaningful compensation. The deals went unannounced; no tenders or plans were ever officially published. All that was known was that more than £1,000m in foreign finance found its way into the country in 2007, a 1,500% increase over the previous four years.”

Dan Nicholson of COHRE told iCON that under international law, evictions should only be carried out in exceptional circumstances, and when all feasible alternatives have been explored with the communities. He said that where evictions are justified there must be adequate consultation and notice and the evictions must be humane. Evicted communities should be compensated for their losses, and provided with adequate alternative housing.

Although Cambodia has ratified the major international human rights treaties, there is currently no law regulating eviction here,” he said. “Domestic laws are in any case frequently ignored by government, police and courts to push through development projects, including tourist development.

“Everyone can see the potential for Cambodia to develop a stronger tourist industry. However, it is essential that this doesn't happen at the expense of the housing and land rights of local communities. Current signs are not good.”

Cambodia lost no time issuing an official response to both the Guardian article and the Amnesty International report. In a letter to the Guardian, Cambodia’s ambassador to the UK, Hor Nambora, accused the paper of trying to discredit the ruling CPP in the run-up to July’s general election, in which Prime Minister Hun Sen was returned to office.

The ambassador (see www.cambodianembassy.org.uk) did not refute the article’s specific assertions but recalled the country’s difficult past and said the government doesn’t ignore “the tactics used by some foreign companies”. He went on to claim that “All applications to buy land are carefully scrutinised by the Cambodian Investment Board which is committed to ensuring that the rights of the Cambodian people are not infringed.”

To Amnesty International, Hor Nambora wrote countering that the government planned to distribute concession land to some 10,000 poor families in the provinces and cities as part of a Land Allocation for Social and Economic Development (LASED) Project for 2008.

He also said Cambodia is committed to improving governance and is working with the World Bank, the EU, UK and Japan, who together provided US$70m to help reform public financial management, private sector development, natural resource and land management from 2007 to 2010.

However expert Rhodri Williams told iCON that this may be just a smokescreen.

“The problem,” he said, “is that the international cooperation tends to focus on lengthy drafting processes for laws and by-laws and programs, et cetera, that are so rarely implemented on the ground that it is hard to avoid the inference that they are little more than a diversion.

“Meanwhile, development is clearly going on, but taking place in a manner that tends to be to the detriment of all but the rich and connected.”

He added: “The World Bank has pointed out that other countries in the region (such as Vietnam) have managed to achieve equitable growth in a manner that benefits society as a whole and contributes to a far more sustainable form of stability than the CPP’s mix of repressive political tactics and short-sighted economic rapaciousness.”

Cambodia: Evictions in name of development

CPP Tycoon-senator Lao Meng Khin (center) and his powerful wife Choeung Sopheap (aka Yeay Phu) in red shirt (Photo: CPP)

IRIN

22 August 08 - Vanndy Sambath had lived next to Phnom Penh’s lush Boeng Kak lake for years, peacefully growing vegetables and accommodating tourists to support his family.

IRIN, Phnom Penh - That all changed in 2006, when a contractor arrived and announced government-sponsored plans to fill in the lake, forcing his neighbourhood to relocate in the future.

Two years on, he worries for his family’s future. Finding a new job will be difficult, he told IRIN.

“They came here and didn’t give us a choice,”Vanndy said. “We haven’t moved yet, but we’re all scared when they come and clear us out. We don’t know what they will do.”

Since 2006, Cambodian construction firm Shukaku Inc. has been filling in one of the city’s only remaining lakes - where Sambath lives - to make way for guesthouses, shopping centres, and an array of high priced apartments.

According to a 2007 report issued by the Cambodia Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR Cambodia), 4,225 families will be forcibly evicted from Boeng Kak.

Nothing new

However, sidelining Cambodia’s vast slums for urban development is far from new.

A joint South Korean and Cambodian firm has similarly filled in most of Phnom Penh’s Pong Peay lake since 2006 to build a US$2 billion satellite city called Camko, which will showcase boutique shops and skyscrapers.

Pong Peay had previously been home to numerous shanty towns.

South Korean construction tycoons building the massive International Finance Centre - heralding Phnom Penh into a new age of skyscrapers - have also forced slum dwellers to the city’s outskirts.

Yet many of the planned spaces remained unsold, with questions raised about whether there are enough rich people in the country to sustain such a project.

“The problem is that this caters to a tiny powerful group,” Ou Virak, director of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights, told IRIN. “The government is attempting to develop and modernise Cambodia quickly, but they’ve lost sight of the people they’re trying to help.”

Mass evictions

When the genocidal Khmer Rouge seized power in 1975, they immediately ordered an evacuation of the capital to transform Cambodia into an agrarian society. In a matter of hours, the communist victors displaced millions, turning a bustling metropolis into a mere ghost town.

According to activists, recent forced evictions in Cambodia are the largest since those in the 1970s.

“This is close to the largest forced displacement of people if you count all the elections and years that it has been happening,” Virak said.

Adhoc, a Cambodian rights watchdog, says about 50,000 people throughout the country were evicted for development projects in 2006 and 2007.

In contravention of the law?

But Cambodia’s 2001 land law clearly states that lakes are public property and cannot be sold.

Another 1996 law states that the natural resources of Cambodia should be “conserved, developed, managed, and used in a rational and sustainable manner,” said land activist Chak Sopheap.

To get around this, instead of directly selling the lake to developers, the Phnom Penh Municipality has leased it for 99 years to Shukaku Inc., said David Pred, co-founder of the non-governmental organisation (NGO) Bridges Across Borders.

“The lease is illegal because the lake is state public property and cannot be leased for more than 15 years or damaged or destroyed,” he told IRIN. “By filling in the lake, it will be destroyed.”

Added to that is the fact that most Boeng Kak residents are unaware of Cambodian land laws, he said.

Despite this, developing the capital remains a priority for the Phnom Penh municipal government, which has stated in official releases that evictions were necessary for progress.

When the Boeng Kak lake project first got under way, Environment Minister Mok Mareth cited concerns that filling in the lake would seriously affect Phnom Penh’s drainage system.

He called the project ’illegal’ after HSC Company, a contractor for Shukaku, began constructing a pipe without a license to fill the lake with sand.

HSC Company responded that it had the permission of the city authorities, not the Ministry of Environment, to begin construction. Neither Minister Mareth or Shukaku could be reached for comment.

Mareth now supports private development at the lake. Others, however, remain steadfastly opposed.

“Filling Boeng Kake lake will have untold environmental consequences, as it is the primary natural reservoir where rainwater is collected during the monsoon season,” NGO leader Pred warned. “It is hard to believe city hall officials that the lake filling will not lead to flooding and other negative environmental consequences.”

Compensation woes

Meanwhile, residents of the proposed project await news of their fate.

“I don’t protest against the government’s development plan,” Yim Sokhom, an army commander and Boeng Kak resident, told IRIN. “But I don’t agree with private developers using the government’s name to get their way.”

Sokhom added that Shukaku Inc. representatives offered to reimburse him to the tune of US$4,000 for his property, while similar properties around Phnom Penh sell for over $40,000.

’’What am I supposed to do with $4,000? I can’t buy a new house in Cambodia with that money. If they’re willing to reimburse me fairly, I’ll gladly move.’’

Human rights activist Virak also cited concerns over reimbursement. “As with any policy, if you cannot fairly compensate those negatively impacted,” he said, “then it goes to show that the policy is not an effective one.”

Opposition lawmakers from the country’s Sam Rainsy Party in January tried to halt the lake plan until the government had fully considered the project’s environmental impacts. They did not receive much support from the National Assembly, according to the Phnom Penh Post newspaper.

In a similar development scheme around a lake in Kandal Province, which turned out to be illegal, the Cambodian government removed a governor and his two deputies on corruption charges, then demolished the construction projects.

Family connections, corruption

Forestry watchdog Global Witness released a report in 2007 detailing Prime Minister Hun Sen’s family connections with illegal logging and land grabbing in various provinces. The government had previously banned the organisation in 2005 from operating in Cambodia.

Ty Sokun, director of the Forestry Administration, responded to the report by calling Global Witness a group of “insane, unprofessional people”, according to the International Herald Tribune.

Both Human Rights Watch and Freedom House noted in 2008 that Cambodia had not made sufficient progress in its good governance. Freedom House’s 2008 index criticised government officials for engaging in land grabbing without regard for a majority of the population.

Senator Lau Meng Khin, owner of the land companies Pheapimex Co. Ltd. and Shukaku Inc., is also chairman of the Cambodian Chamber of Commerce and is close to Hun Sen’s family, according to the Phnom Penh Post newspaper.

In addition to the land around Boeng Kak, Senator Lau was also granted 315,025 hectares in Kompong Chhnang and Pursat provinces, according to the OHCHR report.

Sunday, August 17, 2008

Cambodia’s transforming tycoon [... or Hun Sen's crony to be exact?]

August 17 2008
By Raphael Minder
Financial Times (UK)


About an hour into our meeting, Kith Meng, Cambodia’s leading entrepreneur, dips a finger into an intriguing little flask on his coffee table and applies a fragrant yellow ointment to his neck and temples. “It’s Chinese,” he says. “When you have a muscle cramp, it helps take the pain away.”

The massage brings a smile to the face of a man who seems to find it hard to wind down. A self-confessed workaholic, the 39-year-old cannot imagine ever retiring or selling his Royal Group conglomerate because, he says, “this business is my passion”. He adds: “If I don’t work, I get sick. I don’t like to take it easy, I like to get things done.”

Such energy and intensity set him apart from the more relaxed attitude of the average Cambodian.

Mr Kith Meng has been at the forefront of Cambodia’s transform­ation from a backward, war-torn country into one of Asia’s fastest-growing economies, averaging 9 per cent growth a year over the past decade. Royal Group’s businesses include the country’s biggest mobile phone company, its first broadband provider and a bank that pioneered ATMs. It is about to launch phone banking.

Such activities have put Mr Kith Meng on a very different path from his fellow ethnic Chinese, who have tended to build family businesses in traditional sectors such as farming, mining and logging.

“We are going into every sector we can because Cambodia needs every sector to grow,” he says. “After that, we’ll see in what industry we want to be an Asian player.”

With such ambitions in mind, he has already started touring financial centres such as Singapore and Hong Kong to see how and when Royal Group should widen its presence in the region as well as list the equity of a company that has already made him a billionaire. (He refuses to value his assets precisely.)

Mr Kith Meng also has casino interests in Cambodia and one of his recent trips abroad was to Macao, the world’s largest gaming centre, accompanied by western bankers. His conclusion is unambiguous, and typical of a man who believes Cambodians must shed their inferiority complex towards other Asians. “Macao is already so crowded,” he says. “I think people in Macao should be looking here, not us looking there.”

Although he has so far confined his activities to his homeland, his ascent has started to draw comparisons with more renowned and far-reaching Asian tycoons, including Thaksin Shinawatra, the Thai businessman and ousted former prime minister. Mr Kith Meng scoffs at that particular comparison, insisting he has no desire to use his wealth as a political launchpad as Mr Thaksin did in Thailand, where he created his own political party. “I am a businessman and just don’t have any of that [political] ambition,” he says.

In fact, insiders say Mr Kith Meng’s allegiance to Hun Sen, Cambodia’s long-standing prime minister, has been crucial to his success. Royal Group’s meeting rooms are adorned with pictures of the Hun Sen family, confirming what he describes as “very good relations with the government”.

Mr Hun Sen was returned to power in a landslide electoral victory last month with the backing of a business community that has benefited from strong growth and political stability after decades of war. Still, the government’s record has continued to be stained by international corruption studies that rank Cambodia among the most corrupt nations in the world. On that topic, Mr Kith Meng echoes government officials, emphasising the billions of dollars of foreign investment that have poured into Cambodia in recent years as vindication of Mr Hun Sen’s efforts to guarantee a fair and transparent business and legal environment.

“From outside, people can make any statement they want, but those [investors] who actually come here realise that Cambodia is a place where they should do business,” he says.

Even though he also holds the honorific title of Okhna, the Cambodian equivalent of a British peerage, associates and some other local businessmen say he steers clear of fellow Cambodian high-flyers. While Royal Group is set to build one of the skyscrapers that are redrawing Phnom Penh’s skyline, the company’s headquarters are in a nondescript office block and are entered via an electronics dealership with peeling walls.

Asked about this surprisingly low-key location, Mark Hanna, his Irish chief financial officer, says: “It might seem strange but I don’t think he’ll ever move from here. Perhaps it’s a mix of feng shui, good luck and superstition.” Meanwhile, Mr Kith Meng has his own take on good fortune: “Luck is about intelligence and timing.”

Mr Kith Meng’s workplace may be modest but he does have some flashy tastes. His oversized Cartier gold watch is overshadowed only by his diamond ring. He also has a penchant for luxury cars, owning a Rolls-Royce and a Bentley. He has no plans to settle down. “I’m single because when you’re a workaholic you don’t have time for that,’’ he grins.

Mr Kith Meng’s meteoric rise has drawn a mix of envy and disdain from some rival businessmen.“I can assure you that he has plenty of enemies here,” says a local financier. But he denies feeling threatened, describing his bodyguards as assistants who are “just here to support me”.

He makes no qualms about taking a different stance from the local elite, which tends to close ranks rather than open its doors to foreigners. “I [make joint ventures] with international companies, not Cambodian ones,” he says.

That openness may stem from an adolescence spent in Australia in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge regime (see below). However, despite having Australian citizenship and maintaining a home there, Mr Kith Meng has “mixed memories” from his youth in Canberra. “In the late 1980s, Australia was a very discriminatory society,” he says. “I think that society has now changed completely.”

Now, Royal Group’s most important Australian connection is its joint venture with ANZ bank. Meanwhile, its telecoms business is a partnership with Luxembourg-registered Millicom International Cellular. Mr Kith Meng also has exclusive distribution rights in Cambodia for a gamut of multi­nationals, including Canon, Siemens and Motorola, as well as the restaurant chains Pizza Hut and KFC. Mr Hanna is among a dozen English-speaking executives working for the group, including a team of former bankers from Macquarie, hired to set up an investment bank for the sprawling business empire. “We, as Cambodians, need outside expertise,” says Mr Kith Meng.

Unsurprisingly, he likes to monitor any international news or report relating to Cambodia.

He cites reading as a favourite hobby, although he has to check with an assistant for the exact title of the book he is currently enjoying. “Hey, what’s the name of that book that I’m reading, that you bought for me?” he shouts across the room. “ Don’t Sweat the Small Stuffby Richard Carlson,” comes the answer. Wise advice, perhaps, but probably something Mr Kith Meng worked out long before starting the first chapter.

------
‘All this suffering has made me see that I had to be somebody’

As builders erect shopping malls and residential towers around Phnom Penh and chauffeurs wait for businessmen outside trendy restaurants, it is hard to believe it used to be a wasteland – the consequence of the Khmer Rouge regime.

Like most Cambodians born before Pol Pot took power in 1975, Mr Kith Meng experienced the repression first-hand. He calls it “the painful story about my life”.

Because his father was a provincial landlord and businessman, his family was an obvious target. They were forcibly separated and both his father and mother starved to death. In 1980, after the Vietnam-led overthrow of the Khmer Rouge, he was reunited with some family members in Phnom Penh. They then travelled as refugees to a United Nations camp in Thailand. From there , they emigrated to Australia, returning to Cambodia in 1991. As the long-postponed trial of former Khmer Rouge leaders is about to judge its first case, some younger Cambodians have questioned its value. But Mr Kith Meng is adamant that “justice must be given”.

His intransigence leaves little doubt that his past has shaped him. “All this suffering has made me stronger, made me see that I had to be somebody,” he says
.

The leader who goes on and on

Hun Sen brought peace to Cambodia but he has sacrificed the poor on the altar of an economic boom

Sunday August 17 2008
Tom Fawthrop
The Guardian (UK)

"For all his intelligence and political skills, Hun Sen's success was based on survival, not a vision of the future ... Unless he changes tack, the dispossessed may have to resort to other means to achieve justice."
With yet another election victory in the bag, Cambodia's prime minister, Hun Sen, is now entering his thirty-fourth year in power. Hun Sen draws his inspiration not from south-east Asia's more democratic leaders, but from Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew, who used dictatorial methods to build a modern, prosperous but tightly-controlled island city-state. Still only 57, Hun Sen has now served two years longer than Lee Kuan Yew – and even muses that he could still be premier at 90 if the Cambodian People's Party (CPP) keeps winning elections. It is this prospect, however fanciful, that alarms many educated Cambodians.

Trade unionists, opposition parties, and human rights workers have well-founded fears that this landslide election victory could lead to a clampdown on the right to protest and strike in Cambodia - human rights that were crushed long ago in Singapore under Lee Kuan Yew's notorious Internal Security Act.

Hun Sen is the son of a poor farming family in Kompong Cham province, and a former Khmer Rouge officer who rebelled against Pol Pot, fled to Vietnam in 1977 and returned two years later as foreign minister, backed by the Vietnamese army. Still younger than any of his Asean counterparts, he now ranks as their most experienced prime minister. And he achieved all this despite losing an eye in the final battle to defeat the US-backed military regime of General Lon Nol back in 1975.

Only Prince Norodom Sihanouk's rule in the 1960s can be compared with Hun Sen's in terms of its strong leadership and its success in defining the politics and development of the country. Between these two eras, the nation was brought to the brink of extinction by the secret US bombing of Cambodia authored by Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger, which ultimately helped Pol Pot's forces to seize power.

Now, after a period of survival in the 1980s – moulded in part by Vietnamese communism mixed with a revival of Cambodian culture – everything is changing. The free market reigns supreme. Land and property speculation is everything, heritage is for sale, and the US dollar is king. Land that was owned by poor farmers in the 1980s is now up for grabs – and indeed frequently is grabbed by a few tycoons linked to Hun Sen. The PM is generally regarded as part of a nouveau riche kleptocracy that siphons off foreign aid and ignores protests about human rights. But defenders of the CPP, and many of the people who have just voted for it, would point out that under his leadership the country is now at peace. Schools, roads and bridges have been built. The economy is booming, and the CPP has been justly rewarded. Few international observers seriously doubt that the democratic will swung behind the CPP, even allowing for unbalanced TV media coverage. (Unlike neighbouring countries, all Cambodia elections since 1993 have been monitored by international observers.)

In the 1980s Hun Sen – who was widely derided as a Vietnamese puppet at the time - had two priorities. The first was to stop the Khmer Rouge from returning to power (they were backed militarily by China and diplomatically by the west). The second was to rebuild a shattered nation.

The fragile government in Phnom Penh not only kept Pot's forces at bay, but their Vietnamese backers speedily restored some basic services. After 1979 hospitals, schools, markets, Buddhist temples and cinemas - closed by the Khmer Rouge - were rapidly reopened by Hun Sen's government. Hun Sen initiated peace talks with Cambodia's exiled Prince Sihanouk, which eventually led to his return. He proved to be an inspirational leader, but much western reporting during the Cold War focused on the partisan belief that Cambodia was under foreign occupation. There was an abysmal failure to report the real story of a nation's dramatic recovery, despite the UN's cynical denial of aid to a desperately poor country.

I first met Hun Sen in 1981, and respect his achievements in helping to bring about the rebirth of his nation and ending the Khmer Rouge terror in the countryside. But from the point of view of public services and the treatment of the poor, his record since the 1993 elections leaves a great deal to be desired. His failure to build an equitable Cambodian society that all can share in, based on social and economic justice – not just a real estate boom – is lamentable.

It is strange that Hun Sen, who shares his humble beginnings with Brazil's Lula and Bolivia's Evo Morales, has no agenda for the poor, no instinct to curb the grotesque excesses of the ruling elite, and has made no attempt to protect the small farmers that he is descended from. For all his intelligence and political skills, Hun Sen's success was based on survival, not a vision of the future. Bolstered by the recent discovery of offshore oil, the CPP has no development model other than the prescriptions of the IMF and World Bank, which are easily grafted onto the corruption and get rich-quick mentality of his business cronies, military generals and his police chiefs.

If he had gracefully stepped down from power in 1998, after the final surrender of the Khmer Rouge, Hun Sen's place in history would surely have been assured. Unless he changes tack, the dispossessed may have to resort to other means to achieve justice.

Thursday, August 14, 2008

Trade, aid fail Cambodia's poor

August 15, 2008
Joanne Knight
The Age (Australia)


The future is bleak for Cambodians and Burmese when corruption is rife.

BURMA and Cambodia occupy significant geopolitical positions in Asia. The West has an interest in controlling this area as a buffer against China's growing power. As a pawn in global politics, Cambodia is being controlled through international aid at the expense of its people.

Burma is possibly heading in the same direction. As Burma bows to pressure from the West to allow aid into the country after cyclone Nargis, critics argue the aid will come tied to economic liberalisation.

Cambodia and Burma share striking similarities: both are extremely poor and are governed by corrupt elites. But Cambodia is about 10 years ahead in accepting Western aid. Its present does not augur well for Burma's future.

The outcomes of Cambodia's development have been mixed: extremely beneficial for economic growth, the ruling elite and crony capitalism, and less advantageous for the poor. The development has been centred on trade liberalisation, with open markets for the country's timber and textile exports. The World Bank has reported that local corruption has impeded the country's development, particularly poverty reduction, but the real difficulty may be the porous state of Cambodia's economy.

Corruption is common in Cambodia. Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index ranks Cambodia at 162 out of 179 countries (Burma ranks at 179, the worst country along with Somalia). Some claim that much aid from the international community has gone to private pockets.

Since the Paris peace agreement of 1991, Cambodia has been subjected to the scrutiny of international donors, including the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the Asian Development Bank. Aid constituted more than 10% of gross national income in 2004, far more than the low-income country average of 2.8%. In 2006, the amount of aid reached $US595 million. Cambodia is also a fast-growing economy, with annual economic growth at nearly 11% in 2006. But poverty has fallen at a rate of only 1% a year. Two key features of Cambodia's National Strategy Development Plan 2006-10, funded by the World Bank, are trade liberalisation and the creation of export-processing zones.

Development projects have done little to limit corruption in Cambodia. The World Bank's Forest Concession Management and Control Pilot Project (FCMCPP) began in 2000, funded by a $US5 million Learning and Innovation Loan. In June last year, Global Witness published Cambodia's Family Trees, which detailed the intimate connections between the owners of logging companies and the Cambodian Government. Owners of the largest logging companies — Kingwood Industry, Everbright CIG Wood and Colexim Enterprise — are friends and relatives of Prime Minister Hun Sen. They have been repeatedly involved with extensive logging outside of their plantation areas, terrorising locals and exempted from paying royalties and taxes.

In 2002, under pressure from international donors, the Cambodian Government imposed a moratorium on harvesting in logging concessions, after the companies failed to submit forest management plans. The moratorium ended in December 2004, on the condition that logging was supervised to ensure no fresh logs entered the supply chain. But no measures were taken to prevent further illegal logging. The FCMCPP has grievously failed Cambodia.

International donors are quick to point to political corruption in Cambodia to explain its lack of progress in decreasing poverty, but such moral judgements ring rather hollow when $US600 million in Asian Development Bank funds are invested in offshore private equity funds, many domiciled in tax havens such as the Cayman Islands.

National institutions are required to divert money back into the country. Development policies focused on economic liberalisation will not foster them. Without the political will to create these institutions, any benefit will continue to be siphoned off into the hands of international business and corrupt local political and business elites. The future for the people of Cambodia and Burma is bleak without policies that focus on their wellbeing.

Joanne Knight worked for seven years as a consumer credit and housing adviser for the Brotherhood of St Laurence and the Victorian Government.