Allegation of Corruption Against Director of the Vocational Orientatio​n Department at the Ministry of Education Youth and Sport

http://www.box.com/s/fo1xghrq5acn2vg752no

Fighting Corruption is About Political Will

Corruption and greed will bring shame to world leaders. It may take years but it needs change of regime. Will catch you. Will shame you. Remember there is justice at the end of the long tunnel.

Salute to President Aquino for his high political commitment to crash corruption in the Philippines.

Mu Sochua

A senior police official announced details of the arrest warrant outside the hospital near Manila where Mrs. Arroyo will remain.(Pat Roque/Associated Press)

Gloria Macapagal Arroyo  (Dennis M. Sabangan/European Pressphoto Agency)

Philippines’ Ex-President Is Arrested on Fraud Charges

November 18, 2011
By FLOYD WHALEY
The New York Times

MANILA — The former president of the Philippines, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, was arrested in her hospital room on Friday on charges of election fraud, her lawyer said, after days of dramatic struggle with the government over whether she would be allowed to leave the country for medical treatment.

Police officers at the hospital said that Mrs. Arroyo would not be taken to the police station and would be held in custody in her hospital room, one of her lawyers said.

Mrs. Arroyo, 64, says she suffers from a bone ailment that requires medical treatment unavailable in the Philippines.

BN slammed for ‘feudal politics’ [-What happens in Malaysia is NO DIFFERENT from Cambodia]

July 10, 2011
Athi Shankar
Free Malaysia Today

The abuse of public institutions to protect the regime’s interest is corruption under the current law, says Ong Bon Keng of the Malaysian Election Observers Network.

GEORGE TOWN: Political activist Ong Boon Keng has accused Barisan Nasional of committing corruption by abusing public institutions to protect its interest.

Ong, a coordinator of the Malaysian Election Observers Network and one of the persons barred from sections of Kuala Lumpur yesterday, said the ruling coalition had broken the “unwritten social contract between the ruling party of the day and the electorate” in its failure to administer the public apparatus according to the rule of law and democratic norms.

He said BN, especially its dominant partner Umno, was practising outdated feudal politics despite “growing demands for people-orientated reforms”.

Letter denouncing alleged mistreatment and corruption at the Cambodian Embassy in Paris

Dear Readers,

Please find below an anonymous letter from one of our readers in France, protesting the corruption at the Cambodian Embassy in Paris. This irate reader complaints about the rude behavior of Cambodian officials at the embassy, as well as unacceptable demand for fees that exceed the legal limits. The original letter is in French. The English version is our translation.

Thank you,

KI-Media team

--------------

Hello,

I am a Cambodian citizen working in France.

I am writing to request information about corruption from your institution.

In fact, there are many Cambodians working in France like me who consider the Cambodian Embassy as the only authority in France that will help and assist us in case of need.

However, you're more like vampires who exploit the blood of innocent workers.

First, you treat us very badly. Each of us who are going to the embassy are just spitted with humiliation with your disdainful gaze and your rude words. You only ask us for money without providing any justification.

For example, the cost to extent a passport is fixed by yourself and this is different to the legal amount.

In fact, you consider us as enemies or slaves to exploit or to terrorize...

Quite frankly, Cambodian immigrants in France do not need you.

People like you should find shelter with the mafia in the nefarious district of St. Denis.

I will copy this letter to all Cambodian newspaper around the world.

YOU MUST STOP NOW! THAT’S ENOUGH!

WE NEED CONFIDENCE IN OUR COUNTRY WITH REPRESENTATIVES WHO ARE NOT CORRUPT!

POOR KHMER WORKER

--------------

Bonjour,

Je suis un citoyen cambodgien qui travaille en France.

Je vous écris pour vous demander des informations concernant les corruption dans votre établissement.

En fait, il y a beaucoup de cambodgiens qui travaillent en France comme moi qui considère l'ambassade du Cambodge comme la seule autorité cambodgienne en France qui va les aider et les assister au cas où ils ont besoin d'aides.

Cependant, vous êtes plutôt comme des vampires qui exploitent le sang des travailleurs innocents.

D'abord, vous nous traitez mal. Chacun de nous passe à l'ambassade juste pour êtes craché au dessus avec vos regards d’humiliation, et des paroles impolis. Vous ne demandez que de l'argent sans aucune justification.

Par exemple, le prolongement du passeport est fixé avec un prix par vous même par rapport à la quantité de l'année et qui n'est pas du tout légal ou règlementaire.

En fait, vous nous prenez comme des ennemies ou des esclaves à exploiter, à terroriser....

Je vous dis franchement, les immigrés cambodgiennes en France n'ont pas besoin de vous.

Les gens comme vous devront trouver un toit chez les mafias dans le quartier sensible à St. Denis.

Je voudrais faire une copie à tous les journals cambodgien partout dans le monde.

IL FAUT QUE VOUS VOUS ARRETEZ! CA SUFFIT!

NOUS AVONS BESOIN DES CONFIANCES EN NOTRE PAYS AVEC UN BON REPRESENTANT QUI N'EST PAS CORROMPU!

PAUVRE KHMER TRAVAILLEUR

CITA's letter to Anti-Corruption Unit Requesting to investigate school director of Hun Sen Siem Reap High School in a corruption case

Corruption question to Om Yentieng from Boeung Chhouk market sellers in Battambang

Pursat Prosecutor Top Chansereivuth arrested

A reader, Mr. Sam L., sent over the above message where he indicated that his sister was also a victim of Pursat prosecutor Top Chansereivuth. The prosecutor, his wife, and several bodyguards were arrested on Monday 29 Nov. 2010 by the Anti-Corruption commission. Dap-news reported that Pursat residents cheered the arrest of the prosecutor because he is known of issuing arrest warrants without providing any reason.

Vehicle Taxes Lucrative for Corrupt Officials: Group

Chun Sakada, VOA Khmer
Phnom Penh Monday, 16 August 2010

“If I do not pay them, they won't allow me to go ahead,” he said. “Both cases dominate my daily living.”

A watchdog organization says the Ministry of Economy and Finance's tax collectors are bilking the country out of at least a million dollars a year by overcharging for annual vehicle stickers.

There are more than 2.5 million vehicles registered in Cambodia, and if tax collectors take only 2,000 riel, or about $0.50, in bribers per vehicle, those figures start to add up. And annually. Vehicle owners are supposed to pay for an annual registration sticker in order to drive.

“The majority of vehicle owners are forced to pay extra money during the annual tax collection,” Vorn Pao, president of the Independent Democratic of Informal Economic Association, or IDEA, told reporters Monday.

The costs set by the tax collection officials go against the ministry where they work, he added.

“Tax agents forced me to pay 6,000 riel [about $1.50], instead of the state price of 4,500 riel,” Ly Sao, a 37-year-old motorcycle taxi driver in Phnom Penh, told VOA Khmer. “I was very disappointed by this payment, because the tax agents demanded extra money.”

“That extra money affects my daily living, because my business as a driver is now very difficult,” he said, blaming the economic downturn on lost fares. “In a day I earn only 30,000 riel [about $7], to supply my family and for my two children at school. So the extra pay sinks my living.”

Var Sanith, a 35-year-old cane juice and bread vendor in the capital's Chamkarmon district, said he wasn't hurt badly by paying the extra money, “but it is an illegal act.”

“I have a bad feeling about it, because it is a bad habit that hurts Cambodian society's prestige,” he said. “We should eliminate this bad thing.”

Sok Vong, a truck driver, said he gets hit with an annual tax, plus extra fees to the tax office, plus demands from police as he drives on the road.

“If I do not pay them, they won't allow me to go ahead,” he said. “Both cases dominate my daily living.”

The fresh accusations of corruption came after the tax collection department of the Ministry of Finance issued a notice last week, saying vehicle owners would only be required to pay taxes according to a vehicle tax table.

People who have been asked for more money than appears on the table are encouraged to take down the agent's ID number and report him or her. San Chey, a member of the Affiliated Network for Social Accountability in East Asia and the Pacific, said the public can use a hotline to report corrupt tax agents, by calling 017 559 122.

Where there's smoke [-The long arm of the US Securities and Exchange Commission]

How the arrangement between Thai tobacco officials and the Brazilian subsidiary of Universal Corporation allegedly unfolded

15/08/2010
Bangkok Post

It started with dinner in Brazil attended by Thai tobacco officials and snowballed into an avalanche of graft and corruption with large ''special commissions'' paid into a Hong Kong bank account and gifts of watches, computers and sightseeing junkets to Las Vegas and Los Angeles.

(Click on the timeline to zoom in)

The US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) complaints against two tobacco giants at the centre of a multi-million-baht bribery scandal threatening to engulf the Thailand Tobacco Monopoly (TTM) make for disturbing reading. Not only is a culture of ''bribes-for-business'' made clear when dealing with the Thai officials, but also near non-existent accounting methods by the US-based tobacco companies - Alliance One International and Universal Corp. The crucial roles of local ''commission agents'' to facilitate the deals are also highlighted in the SEC allegations which do not name any tobacco company or Thai officials.

The two companies recently agreed to pay nearly US$30 million to settle charges that they bribed foreign officials - with unnamed TTM officials accused of taking close to $2 million in kickbacks to secure the sale of Brazilian tobacco leaf in Thailand between 2000-2004.

From 2000-2006 the managing director of TTM was Suchon Watanapongvanich.

According to the SEC complaint against Universal, between 2000 and 2004 the company paid TTM officials US$800,000 to secure sales for its Brazilian and European subsidiaries totalling $11.5 million.

The arrangement took root in early 2000, after TTM officials had expressed concern about the high cost of US tobacco and sought to buy it from other countries. Universal chose a commission agent in Thailand to help its

Tobacco Road _ how alleged graft took root
Brazilian subsidiary, Universal Leaf Tabacos Limitada (ULTL), to help jlarrange for a TTM delegation to visit the subsidiary's headquarters in Santa Cruz do Sul, Brazil.

On March 11, 2000, a ULTL executive hosted a dinner for the delegation also attended by the company's sales directors, an account representative for TTM and the commission agent. During a private conversation between the group, the agent stated that ULTL would have to agree to pay ''special expenses'' to obtain TTM business, which were ''kickbacks'' for certain members of the Thai agency, the complaint said.

But ULTL wasn't the only company trying to sell Brazilian tobacco, as Dimon Incorporated and the Standard Commercial Corporation _ merged in 2005 to form Alliance One _ were making the same overtures.

Dimon's former senior vice-president of sales, Tommy L Williams, was charged earlier this year with authorising bribes to TTM officials via Dimon's agent in Thailand. According to the SEC, Dimon and Standard paid more than $1.2 million to TTM officials from 2000-2004 to secure $18.3 million in sales. Among those payments was $50,000 allegedly paid to a political candidate who was also Standard's tobacco sales agent in Thailand.

After the 2000 dinner, a ULTL jlaccount representative indicated the company would coordinate with other potential Brazilian tobacco suppliers for the same ''price and special expenses'' and confirmed to the agent they would pay $100,000 in special expenses.

On March 23, 2000, ULTL submitted a bid through the agent which was inflated by the ''special commission'' amount. Six days later, the agent sent an email to ULTL advising that the TTM board had met and agreed to the request to replace some of the US tobacco with Brazilian tobacco. ULTL secured a contract for just over $1.6 million.

In April, a second trip for TTM officials to Brazil was organised with ''tourist aspects'' and $3,000 in ''pocket money'' paid for by ULTL and other Brazilian suppliers.

But the next month, the commission agent sent a fax to Universal's regional headquarters in Singapore warning that another Brazilian tobacco supplier wanted to sell to TTM.

On May 17, the regional head wrote in a cover note on a fax to ULTL ''what (the agent) is saying is that if the 'special expenses' are paid prior to the next visit by the ... there should be no problem with other cheaper quotes.''

ULTL directed the payment to a Thai bank account ''which purports to be a Thai fruit export company''. The payments were made in two $50,000 lots on June 13 and July 6 and recorded by the company as ''commissions paid''.

Universal's European subsidiary struck a similar deal in 2000 to sell tobacco sourced from its Malawian subsidiary, Limbe Leaf Tobacco Company, to TTM.

Once again, an inspection visit to Malawi for a TTM delegation was jlorganised with air fares paid for and $3,000 in ''pocket money''. Special expenses payments of $100,000 were requested as well as a $78,000 commission to the agent. After the 2000 deal, Universal made no further sales of Malawian tobacco to TTM.

But the kickbacks from the Brazilian suppliers continued for the next four years in ''much the same fashion'', the SEC documents say.

''Each year, ULTL coordinated its bid price with one or more other Brazilian tobacco suppliers to the TTM.

''Each of the Brazilian suppliers, including ULTL, inflated its bid price to account for 'special expenses' and transmitted additional funds to its respective agent who each understood would in turn direct the payments to the TTM representative.''


According to the SEC, in mid 2001 the agent instructed ULTL to pay 50% of the special payment to an account in Hong Kong held in the name of a person the tobacco company did not know. The agent directed ULTL to ''advise your bank not to mention our name in the remittance instruction''. Two payments of $110,000 were made to the account in July and August and recorded as ''commissions paid''.

In April 2002, ULTL's agent said she had learned the special expenses that year would be set at $0.45 per kilogramme of tobacco purchased ''based on the condition there are only three regular suppliers''.

The new arrangement continued, with the ''special expenses'' rising to $0.50 per kilogramme in 2003 and $0.80 in July 2004.

''I do not see any alternatives for us,'' a ULTL account representative wrote in an email to the agent.

''We have to play the game according to the rules. We are not happy about these extra 30 cents because they will affect our margins''.

The agent replied in an email ''there is nothing much one can do''.

Payments continued to be made to the Hong Kong account, with $195,040 paid in December 2004. A $61,897 payment was also requested to be paid into a German bank account for the agent.

In 2005, TTM changed to a ''blind'' electronic auction process for purchasing tobacco and the commission agent advised ULTL the system would be transparent and no special expenses would be paid.

The SEC documents on Dimon and Standard also alleged that improper payments and gifts were made tojl officials in Thailand and China.

''In 2002 and 2003, contemporaneous documents show that Standard employees provided watches, cameras, laptop computers and other gifts to Chinese and Thailand tobacco jlofficials.

''Standard also paid for dinner and sightseeing expenses during non-business related travel to Alaska, Los Angeles and Las Vegas for Chinese and Thailand government delegations''.

Alliance One, the new merged company, was also accused by the SEC of paying bribes to government officials in China, Greece, Indonesia and Kyrgyzstan.

In March 2004, the company noticed banking irregularities with certain accounts in Southern Europe and Central Asia and called in an outside law firm to conduct an investigation. The law firm said there may have been breaches of the US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. The company reported the matter to the US Justice Department, closed the accounts and made personnel changes to try and ensure the corrupt practices were not repeated.

After the TTM introduced the blind electronic auction in 2005, ULTL was awarded a contract for just over US$3.1 million. Since then, it has not sold any tobacco to Thailand.

Business as usual in Deum Ampil: Soy Sopheap accused of accepting bribes from businesses in exchange for favourable coverage

Information Minister Khieu Kanharith (centre), businessman Kith Meng (right) and others walk through the audio recording suite at the Nokor Wat Media Centre after its inauguration on Friday. (Photo by: Sovan Philong)

Deum Ampil ex-backer speaks

Monday, 12 July 2010
Chhay Channyda
The Phnom Penh Post

THE former financial backer of the Deum Ampil Media Centre has presented her version of the events that led to its abrupt scale-back earlier this month.

Speaking after the official launch of the new Nokor Wat Media Centre, Sieng Chanheng accused Deum Ampil’s former director general, Soy Sopheap, of managing the company’s finances in a reckless manner and accepting bribes from businesses in exchange for favourable coverage.

“Soy Sopheap was not faithful to my company, which was the financial supporter of DAP,” said Sieng Chanheng, also the owner of the Heng Development Company.

On July 1, Soy Sopheap announced that Deum Ampil would suspend operations for Deum Ampil newspaper, Radio FM 93.75 and Morokot magazine, citing a lack of funds. The media centre’s website is still being updated.

He said at the time that he decided to go ahead with the suspension after he was asked by Sieng Chanheng to cut the total expenses of the operations in half, in part by laying off many of his 110 staff members.

Sieng Chanheng has denied asking Soy Sopheap to cut expenses, though she has acknowledged losing tens of thousands of dollars each month on her Deum Ampil investment.

At the launch of the Nokor Wat Media Centre on Friday, she said Deum Ampil’s finances were in order until Soy Sopheap assumed control of them from her daughter, former deputy director general Dim Sopheavy.

At that point, she said, Soy Sopheap began increasing salaries for his preferred employees and entering into arrangements with companies that allowed him to pocket tens of thousands of dollars.

“I always heard rumours that there were some companies or individuals paying money to DAP every month,” she said. “I never wanted a situation where when people paid you money, you wouldn’t write bad things about them.”

Last month, she said, she came across a list of 15 “groups” that had paid Soy Sopheap US$60,000. “I tried to correct him then, but he did not listen to me,” she said.

Soy Sopheap declined to answer questions for this article.

Sieng Chanheng went on to express regret that the two had parted on bad terms. “I like Soy Sopheap, who is brave and has courage,” she said. “That is why I invested in this media organisation with him – he had the knowledge, and I had the money to open DAP.”

Information Minister Khieu Kanharith said Friday that Prime Minister Hun Sen had requested that his ministry support the Nokor Wat Media Centre as it begins operations. He said this was evidence of the government’s interest in promoting “breaking news that the readers will like to read”.

Sieng Chanheng said Dim Sopheavy would assume the role of editor in chief of the new media centre, but that other top positions had yet to be filled.

More Information About Muong Khim

Tuesday, June 08, 2010
Clarification by Khmer Borann
Phnom Penh

Many readers of KI Media asked that what is the original name of Muong Khim who now serves as high-ranking police official of the CPP. Also some readers of KI Media complained that why I am interested in personal business rather than social or national issues. I would like to make clarification as follows:

The original name of Muong Khim is Thor Chiveak ( ថោ ជីវៈ). Thor Chiveak was born in Kampong Chhnang Province. After 1979 he moved to Phnom Penh and studied there. After he finished lower secondary level he was forced to move to Battambang to study there because in Phnom Penh he could not pass entrance exam. (It is noticed that during the 1980s school students that passed the exam to complete lower secondary level (ប្រឡងជាប់ឌីប្លូម) had to do entrance exam to study at upper secondary level). After completing upper secondary level and passed the exam (ជាប់បាក់ឌុប) Thor Chiveak moved to Phnom Penh to study pharmacology at Faculty of Medicine. He married to a woman in Battambang who runs a famous noodle shop and has a child with her. Early 1990s Thor Chiveak divorced his wife and latter on his former wife remarried Mr. Kimsour Phirit, the present SRP member of parliament for Banteay Meanchey and latter on for Kampong Cham.

When Funcinpec came to the power in 1993 after UN-organized election, Thor Chiveak bought the position from the corrupt Funcinpec officials. Since that time Tor Chiveak become Muong Khim who I called in the article fake Muong Khim. Actually, Muong Khim is a Funcipec fighter who fought for Funcinpec during the 1980s and early 1990s. Muong Khim was cheated by high-ranking Funcinpec officials in Phnom Penh and his was sold to Thor Chiveak.

What has been said above is not intended to personally attack General Muong Khim, but to let Khmer people know about ungrateful Funcinpec. Early 1990s most Cambodians hoped that Funcinpec would bring democracy and justice to Cambodia. Unfortunately, even the name of their fighters they have sold for dollar. How can they bring justice and democracy to Cambodia? That’s why they shrink for 58 seats to 4 seats in the National Assembly.

It is unjust for the real Muong Khim who sacrificed his life for Funcinpec. Now real Muong Khim is living in O’Smach town and is very poor. Have Prince Ranariddh and other Funcinpec officials care about real Muong Khim. Not only real Muong Khim who has been exploited by Funcinpec but other fighters who fought for Funcinpec during the 1980s and early 1990s. Now when it is close to the general election, Funcinpec and Ranariddh cry foul again. Even the people who scarified the life for them, Funcinpec not only neglected but sold those people’s name for dollar. Who will vote for them again?

Angkor revenue down; critics cite corruption

Sok Kong, President of Sokimex

Thursday, 29 January 2009
Written by May Kunmakara
The Phnom Penh Post

Governmental body responsible for temples say revenue dropped to $30 million in 2008, blaming downturn amid accusations of corruption

ANGKOR Wat ticket sales dropped almost 10 percent in 2008, said Bun Narith, deputy director of Apsara Authority, the government institute that handles revenue from the attraction, blaming a tourism downturn despite criticism that figures have been manipulated due to corruption.

Revenue from ticket sales dropped to about US$30 million last year from roughly $32 million in 2007, he added. However, uncertainty surrounds the data given that Apsara and tycoon Sok Kong's Sokimex, which owns Sokha Hotels - the organisations that receive revenue from Angkor Wat - have refused to release detailed, concrete figures, critics say.

Explaining the situation, Bun Narith told the Post: "I have not received the exact figures from the Ministry of Economy and Finance and Sokimex," he said, refusing to provide details on their revenue-sharing agreement. Sok Kong was unavailable Tuesday, his assistant Seng Chanthy said, adding that the person responsible for Angkor Wat ticketing was "on holiday".

Khmer-language daily Koh Santepheap reported on January 13 that the first $3 million in Angkor Wat revenue is split 50-50 between Sokimex and Apsara. Of additional revenue, 15 percent goes to restoration and development at Angkor, 68 percent to Apsara's operating costs and 17 percent to Sokimex.

Sam Rainsy Party lawmaker Yim Sovann raised doubts about the figures. "The drop is caused by corruption," he said. "There is no transparency. The number of tourists increased, but ticket revenue dropped," he added, arguing that most tourists to Cambodia visit Angkor Wat and therefore increased numbers would surely lead to higher revenue at the temples.

Independent tourism analyst Moeung Son also doubted the numbers: "Thong Khon, the minister of tourism, changed his mind ... about the revenue decline in 2008. He used to say that the number of tourists increased 5.48 percent this year [in 2008] which is equal to 2.12 million tourists [in total], even though the actual figure did not match ministry expectations."

In April 1999, the government gave Sokimex a 10-year concession on revenue from Angkor Wat ticket sales as part of an agreement to cooperate with Apsara Authority. Critics say it is time the government ended the monopoly, with Yim Sovann suggesting that tourist figures pointed to total revenue closer to $60 million per year.

"If the government conducted a fair and public bidding process ... we would earn more revenue from this, but the government always solely approves Sokimex Company. That is corruption," he said, citing Sokimex ties to the CPP.

Moeung Son agreed there should be an open tender process: "The government has to give private companies an opportunity to bid for the concession for Angkor Wat," he said.

Partisan politics continues to clog commune councils

Boeung Keng Kang III's Commune Council building in Phnom Penh. (Photo by: Heng Chivoan)

Monday, 22 December 2008
Written by Khouth Sophak Chakrya
The Phnom Penh Post

PLAYING POLITICS
Mann Choeun, deputy governor of Phnom Penh, urged commune councilors to abandon partisan politics in the name of development. "If you want to improve your people and your commune, you must stop thinking in a partisan way," he said.

Commune officials have expressed renewed concern that widespread political discrimination is corroding local politics

RAMPANT political discrimination within the Kingdom's commune councils is derailing development and causing corruption, commune officials say.

"The commune chief told me there were not enough seats in the office for me to attend important meetings," said Heng Sochhada, second deputy commune chief of Prek Pra commune in Phnom Penh's Meanchey district, describing how she was excluded from key decision-making meetings due to her being a Sam Rainsy Party member.

According to Heng Sochhada, since she was elected during the first commune elections in 2002, the commune chief, who has been in the position since 2002 and is a member of the ruling Cambodian People's Party, has consistently refused to cooperate with her for no reason she can discern other than partisan politics.

"I was not allowed to attend meetings on the commune development plan, on budgeting for development projects, and if I attended they would cut the meetings off early," she said.

"It is unfair, as I was elected so that I could serve and improve the lives of people living in Prek Pra commune," she said.

Airing grievances

At a conference Wednesday at City Hall to assess the achievements over 2008 of all commune councils within the Phnom Penh municipality, some 700 councilors from 76 communes aired their grievances over the operation of commune councils.

According to Sem Chan, a member of the Boeung Trabek commune council in Phnom Penh's Chamkarmon district, political discrimination is eroding responsibility for local development.

He cited the example of the renovation of Road 123 in his area, when he and his constituents asked the commune chief if they could have an open meeting with the contractor before renovation began.

As the road was to be paid for with 70 percent government funds and with 30 percent provided by residents, locals felt they should be involved in the process, he said. But the commune chief refused to have a public meeting.

"Now, this road that cost more than US$300,000 for 160 metres is completely damaged after the people used it for just four-and-a-half years," said Sem Chan, adding that the lack of oversight caused by partisan politics had allowed corruption into the road renovation process.

Another disgruntled commune council member from Phnom Penh's Stung Meanchey commune said that political discrimination had prevented over 200 known opposition supporters in his commune from having proper identification documents - which then prevented them from voting in the July National Assembly elections.

"The people in my commune told me that the police and commune assistants conspired to demand about $20 from each non-CPP-voting person and if they did not pay they would not get identification documents," said Deouk Chhang.

Borei Keila: Cambodia's Social Housing Project Five Years On

Residents at Borei Kila are still waiting for their apartments to be built

December 19, 2008
Licadho

The Borei Keila social land concession: the Government's commitment to housing Phnom Penh's urban poor - new apartments for families in exchange for land given to commercial developers. Borei Keila was the first of four social land concessions in Phnom Penh and was meant to be the model alternative to the eviction and off-site relocation of the city's urban poor. Now over 5 years later, only 3 out of 10 apartment buildings have been completed and only 30% of families have received their promised apartments while the remaining families continue to live in squalid conditions awaiting the construction and allocation of their apartments.

A brief history

Borei Keila is located opposite Bak Tuok High School in Veal Vong commune, 7 Makara district, central Phnom Penh. It housed approximately 1,776 families, including 515 families who rented and 86 families affected by HIV/AIDS. Villagers first settled on the land, which was the site of a police training facility, in 1992.

In early 2003, a "land-sharing" arrangement was proposed for Borei Keila, which allowed a private company to develop part of the area for commercial purposes while providing alternative housing to the residents on the remaining land. The idea was hailed because rather than being evicted, villagers would receive compensation for their land in the form of apartments in newly-constructed buildings.

In June 2003, Prime Minister Hun Sen authorized a social land concession for approximately 4.6 hectares of Borei Keila (30% of the total 14.12 hectares of land). Construction giant Phanimex company was contracted by the government to construct 10 apartment buildings on 2 hectares of land for the villagers, in return for obtaining ownership of an additional 2.6 hectares for commercial development.

Municipal and district authorities conducted a survey of the area, and as a result, 1,776 families were identified to receive apartments on the site. In addition to home owners, renters were also eligible for apartments if they had lived in Borei Keila for at least three years.

By May 2007, the Phnom Penh municipality had allocated apartments to only 335 families, including 14 HIV/AIDS-affected families. More than 100 other families, their houses demolished to clear space for new apartment buildings, were left living under tarpaulins in squalid conditions.

Apartment Allocation Process

Now, more than five years since the social land concession was given, 1,254 families are still awaiting apartments. Only 522 families have received apartments from the Phnom Penh municipality; these are located in Buildings A, B and C.

Seven additional buildings are presently under construction with buildings D, E and F nearly complete. There is ample space to provide housing for all families according to the original concession; however allegations of corruption and irregularities in the allocation process have plagued Borei Keilas' residents. There have been reports that some families now living in new apartments had never been residents of Borei Keila at all.

Completed building C next to building D and E still under construction

Residents who are eligible for apartments have so far been denied them, including 25 families who have been waiting since March 2007. The 25 were among a total of 28 families identified as being eligible through a transparent screening process conducted then by the Phnom Penh Municipality and local organizations including LICADHO. However, municipality subsequently reneged on this agreement, and gave apartments to only three families, refusing to give them to the remainder.

Currently there are approximately 120 families waiting for apartments who are living in temporary shelters erected next to the construction site of the buildings.

HIV/AIDS-affected families under threat of imminent eviction

Of particular concern is the authorities' plan to evict about 47 families, the majority of them affected by HIV/AIDS, in the near future in order to clear space for the construction of a new Ministry of Tourism building.

In early 2008, the government approved the ministry to build its new premises at the Borei Keila site and Borei Keilia's developer, Phanimex, received a contract to construct the new ministry building, to be completed in 2011.

The 47 families are living on the building's construction site in a temporary shelter known as the "green shed". They were moved there by the authorities when their houses were demolished in March 2007 to make way for the construction of the new apartments. Of the 47 families living in the green shed, about 32 are HIV/AIDS affected. Throughout the whole development of Borei Keila the HIV/AIDS affected families have been largely excluded from the screening and allocation process for apartments. At least some of them are known to be eligible for apartments, but have so far been deprived of them.

The green shed at Borei Keila

The municipality is now planning to relocate the HIV/AIDS families from the green shed to Toul Sambo, a site 20 km from Phnom Penh where sanitation and health services for them are extremely deficient. The relocation site cannot provide adequate living conditions for individuals living with HIV-AIDS, or even for perfectly healthy individuals. The families will face serious public health dangers at the site and, because of the distance from Phnom Penh, will have limited access to vital medical services they are currently getting. Most of these families, who are barely surviving now, will also lose prospects for income generation and become more desperate.

Additionally, the plan has been criticized because it would essentially create an "AIDS ghetto" with a large number of HIV-affected families segregated together in one place at Toul Sambo. Such a segregation, as well as refusal of housing to those qualified for apartments in Borei Keila discriminates against the families based on their HIV/AIDS status violates Cambodia's Law on Prevention and Control of HIV/AIDS.

LICADHO reiterates its call for a transparent and fair apartment allocation process. Those families who meet the criteria for apartments should receive them without delay, including the 25 families who have been waiting since March 2007 for them. An investigation should be held into alleged corruption which has allegedly seen people who are not eligible for apartments being granted them. No-one should be evicted from the green shed, or elsewhere at Borei Keila, until they have been properly screened for eligibility for apartments. Lastly, adequate solutions must be found for special humanitarian cases (such as any families with HIV or other serious health problems who are not qualified for apartments), which ensure that their medical, livelihood and other essential needs are met.

Sword of Thai justice hangs by a thread over Hun Sen's friend, Thaksin

Sword of justice hangs by a thread over Thaksin

July 11, 2008
By Thanong Khanthong
The Nation

For Thaksin Shinawatra, the danger is clear and present. One by one, all of his top lieutenants have been cut down.

One more step, and the sword will fall on him. Former election commissioners Vasana Puemlarp, Prinya Nakchadtree and Virachai Naewboonnien have been sentenced to jail without probation by the Appeals Court, which stands by the verdict of the lower court. They were found guilty of violating the election law to facilitate the Thai Rak Thai Party winning the April 4, 2006 general election. After the three election commissioners were sentenced to jail by the lower Criminal Court (prior to the September 2006 military coup), Thaksin lamented, "We do not have any influence in the Court".

This is a ringing truth. In spite of his massive wealth and political influence, Thaksin cannot encroach into the judicial system, which is now holding him in check.

Three of his lawyers - Pichit Chuenban, Suphasri Sriswat and Thana Tansiri - have been sentenced to jail for six months for contempt of court in connection with their alleged attempt to bribe Supreme Court officials with Bt2 million stacked in a snack bag. They represented Thaksin and his wife Pojaman as legal counsel in the Ratchadaphisek land deal. The police are now investigating whether a criminal case can be lodged against the three defendants and others. Thana handed the snack bag containing Bt2 million to a Supreme Court official just before Thaksin and Pojaman arrived on the premises to report to authorities after returning from a trip abroad.

Jakrapob Penkair, the former PM's Office minister, was another fall guy. He was one of Thaksin's top political commandos. He was rewarded for his loyalty to Thaksin with the Cabinet portfolio. But in the end, he had to pay the bigger price. Jakrapob is now facing lese majeste charges. His political future is buried.

Yongyuth Tiyapairat, another militant in the Thaksin camp, also got a big reward, the House Speaker position, for his election campaign role in the North. But his triumph was short-lived. The Election Commission gave him a red card for alleged election fraud. He had to resign from his position. On Tuesday, the Constitution Court upheld the EC's decision to red card him. Yongyuth has not only lost his status as MP, but he is also barred from politics for five years. The People Power Party could be dissolved if it is linked to Yongyuth's election fraud.

The latest casualty is Noppadon Pattama, the foreign minister and former lawyer and spokesman for Thaksin. Yesterday, he resigned from office under tremendous political pressure. He mishandled the Preah Vihear affair, which could have compromised Thailand's sovereignty. The Constitution Court found that the communiqu้ he signed with Cambodia and that was later approved by the Samak Cabinet was in violation of the Constitution.

Although Noppadon has resigned, atonement for his sins does not end there. The Democrat Party will still go ahead and launch impeachment proceedings against him and Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej. The Senate is taking steps to impeach the entire Samak government.

Thaksin's Ratchadaphisek land case is already on trial. The final verdict by the Supreme Court's Criminal Division for Holders of Political Office will be handed down some time in September of this year. If the court finds him guilty, Thaksin will have to go to jail.

How can Thaksin escape this end game? If the judicial review proceeds at this tempo, Thaksin will be dead meat in the next two-to-three months. Samak will buy time by reshuffling the Cabinet in a big way and hang on until the government can reshuffle the civil servants and the military in September before dissolving Parliament as the last resort. But like Thaksin, Samak is facing a bag of court cases against him. The Samak Cabinet can go at any moment.

The only way that this strong tide against Thaksin could be reversed would be for a coup to be launched in his favour. But a coup is almost impossible to stage at this point due to deep divisions in the military. Or Thaksin can choose to leave the country before the Supreme Court delivers its verdict on the Ratchadaphisek land deal.

But Thaksin has been trapped. The Supreme Court has denied his request to travel abroad since the trial is now underway. September is a long way off for Thaksin, who must come up with a counterattack strategy to prevail. At the moment, Thaksin is hanging on by a thread.

Some PECs are involved in corruption

13 May 2008
By Sophorn
Radio Free Asia
Translated from Khmer by Socheata
Click here tor ead the original article in Khmer

Officials involved with the election and a number of people have accused officials belonging to a number of provincial election committees (PEC) of being involved in corruption and clannishness in the selection of PEC workers.

Hang Puthea, NICFEC executive director, said that his organization received complaints from people in Kampong Cham saying that Kampong Cham PEC officials selected workers involved on the 27 July general election among their relatives only.

Hang Puthea said: “Officials (who were employed by the PEC in the past) who have past experience are not accepted to continue their work, but they selected among their relatives instead.”

A number of former officials involved in the election preparation for the Takeo PEC who are residing in Bati and Daun Keo districts, told RFA on 13 May that Takeo PEC officials selected workers without transparency: “In there, they all belong to their group, bribes and plans have already been planned in advance.”

In response to the above accusation, Nuon Saren, a PEC official from Takeo, clarified that he did not think he was involved in corruption or clannishness: “How can it be corruption, I am like this, I don’t understand this issue.”

Tep Nytha, NEC secretary-general, said that if PEC officials selected workers based on clannishness, they will receive warning from the NEC, and if these officials receive bribes, they will fired and they must restitute the bribe money back.

Tep Nytha indicated also that, according to the NEC goal, the selection of officials serving at the provincial level, these persons must have the capability, and it does not depend on wheter the person used to work (in the election) in the past.

Tep Nytha indicated also the PEC must select 700 workers for the entire country, and these workers will be involved for a period of 3 months.

Nevertheless, a number of political party officials have accused the NEC of being biased toward the ruling party. On 12 May, RFA received complaints from 2 persons from Takeo provinces, the pair were former officials involved in supplies of the Takeo PEC and they sent their letters to the NEC president accusing the Takeo PEC on being clannishness in the selection of workers. However, the NEC denied by saying that it did not receive these complaints yet.