Showing posts with label Dictatorship. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Dictatorship. Show all posts

Wednesday, March 07, 2012

Even the Viet commies need new blood ... only the CPP clings to old geezers of the like of Hun Xen, Heng Xamrin and Chea Xim

Vietnam's Communist Party Ponders Change

FRIDAY, 02 MARCH 2012
Written by Khanh Vu Duc
Asia Sentinel

New blood needed.

The party is living on borrowed time as it drifts aimlessly

The Communist Party of Vietnam turned 82 on Feb. 3, of which 36 years have been spent ruling Vietnam. We can only guess what the next 82 years will bring. Indeed, this past week the party’s delegates and executives met in Hanoi to discuss much needed reform.

These discussions will focus on curbing corruption and deficiencies among party members, along with supposed improvements to human rights. However, any serious suggestion about reform by senior party officials has been just that – a suggestion. As these proposed reforms are designed to benefit the party, change for the Vietnamese people will continue to remain a distant hope.

The party today has strayed far from its Marxist-Leninist roots, evolving into a semi-benevolent dictatorship whose iron-fisted tactics are reserved for those democratic and human rights activists unwilling to accept the one-party rule of the government.

Tuesday, April 12, 2011

Ivory Coast’s Ouattara to Start Proceedings Against Gbagbo [-It does not help to cling onto power! Hint, hint, Hun Xen!]


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5CDokcR-qgI&feature=player_embedded#at=95

By Olivier Monnier and Pauline Bax

April 11 (Bloomberg) -- Ivory Coast President-elect Alassane Ouattara, plans to start judicial proceedings against rival Laurent Gbagbo, who was captured today after French and UN forces laid siege to the presidential residence.

In a televised speech, Ouattara said Gbagbo and his wife “will be treated with dignity and their rights will be respected.” A truth and reconciliation commission to investigate human rights violations may be established, he said.

Ouattara’s Republican Forces are guarding Gbagbo and his wife at the Golf Hotel, which Ouattara used as a base after the disputed Nov. 28 elections. The capture may signal an end to the violent four month impasse that left Ouattara, the internationally recognized winner of the election, unable to take office.

Friday, December 24, 2010

Former Argentine Dictator Gets Life in Prison [-This should serve as a lesson to the current dictator in Phnom Penh!]

Former Argentine general and dictator Jorge Rafael Videla (L) and former army general Luciano Benjamin Menendez await for their sentence in the trial for the murder of 31 political prisoners. (AFP/Getty Images)
DECEMBER 23, 2010
By MATT MOFFETT
The Wall Street Journal

BUENOS AIRES—Former Argentine dictator Jorge Rafael Videla, on trial for the first time since the country's Supreme Court rescinded his amnesty, was sentenced to life in prison by a federal court for the murder of 31 political prisoners in 1976.

Mr. Videla ruled Argentina from 1976 to 1981 and presided over the so-called Dirty War in which at least 10,000 people suspected of working against the regime, and perhaps as many as 30,000, were "disappeared" and killed, according to historians and human-rights groups.


After the country returned to democracy, Mr. Videla was sentenced in a landmark 1985 trial to life in prison for abuses committed during his rule. He served five years before he and other figures from the dictatorship were pardoned by President Carlos Menem, who said he was trying to close the book on a divisive era in Argentine history. The Supreme Court struck down the pardons in 2007, paving the way for new cases to be brought against officials from the dictatorship.

Wednesday's sentence was the culmination of a six-month trial in the city of Cordoba revolving around the case of 31 prisoners suspected of opposing the regime, who were rousted from their cells and executed following the coup that brought Mr. Videla to power. A three-judge panel issued the sentence, which it specified should be served in a common prison facility, as opposed to in a military jail or under house arrest.

Mr. Videla, 85 years old, sometimes appeared to doze off during the trial. He was defiant when he did speak.

"I don't speak of 'Dirty War,' I prefer to speak of 'just war,' " he said on Tuesday, asserting that his government had implemented a legitimate defense strategy against leftist guerrilla groups.

He took thinly veiled swipes at the government of President Cristina Kirchner, who has acted aggressively to bring former officials of the dictatorship to justice. "The enemies of yesterday achieved their goal and govern the country and they try to set themselves up as champions of human rights," Mr. Videla said.

Convicted along with Mr. Videla were 29 other security officials from the dictatorship, including former Gen. Luciano Benjamin Menendez, who headed anti-guerrilla operations in a large section of the country.

Monday, January 04, 2010

Fine example for the region

Abdurrahman Wahid "Gus Dur"
(7 September 1940 – 30 December 2009)

Cambodia's opposition leader Sam Rainsy with Abdurrahman Wahid alias Gus Dur (Bangkok, 28 March 2009)

4/01/2010
Bangkok Post
EDITORIAL


One of the world's most admirable leaders died last week. It is lamentable that the name of Abdurrahman Wahid is less known than the villains and tyrants he fought and overcame. The former president of Indonesia was the major reason his country emerged from brutality and chaos to become the best example of democratic advances in Southeast Asia today. Known both affectionately and respectfully as Gus Dur, Wahid has left a legacy that will be difficult to live up to, but highly deserving of the effort.

Gus Dur - a Muslim honorific combined with the nickname of his own first name - was just 69 when he died after a long series of illnesses. The man of modest means suffered for decades from diabetes, and was functionally blind when he defeated the well-connected, fabulously rich Megawati Sukarnoputri in the first Indonesian presidential election in history, in 1999. His popular appeal was as simple as his campaign platform. Indonesia needed to get over the violence and systemic corruption of the Suharto years and move towards full democracy with a pluralistic government.

Many believed that the Indonesian army would never cede its power. Indeed, for several years after the overthrow of Suharto in ''people power'' demonstrations centred on Jakarta, it was assumed the army would simply retake control. Wahid, however, understood the concerns of the huge and widespread nation. The disgusting corruption and brutality of Suharto and supporters had been imposed at gunpoint. Wahid struck the correct chord in stressing religious freedom, accountable government and a goal of full democracy.

Wahid himself had seen and suffered the brutality of the Sukarno and then the Suharto dictatorships. But after the overthrow of Suharto, he refused to join the hotheaded calls for revenge. Instead, he counselled a policy to look to the future, and to build a democratic and tolerant country. This was a difficult role to play. On one side, the army constantly threatened violence to return to office. On the other, bigoted Muslim extremists, no longer checked or controlled by the government's threats, undertook major terrorist operations, in Jakarta and across the country.

History will probably record that Wahid's greatest achievement was to face down extremists on both sides, but particularly within the Muslim community. He insisted that the two great Muslim ''schools'' of Indonesia - his own Nahdlatul Ulama, with 40 million members, and the 29 million-member Muhammjadiyah - retain moderate and inclusive goals. He spoke out against extremism, including against the Jemaah Islamiyah group which, prior to the 9/11 attacks on the US and its Bali bombings, was attacking Christians and non-Islamic targets with murderous bombs across Indonesia.

Wahid's world travels, always with an entourage and often colourful, emphasised his belief that men and women, and their nations, should receive equal treatment. His frequent request to Indonesians and to world leaders was that ''Upholding democracy is one of the principles of Islam''. He made enemies among extremist groups with such talk. But largely as a result of his personality, the world's most populous Muslim country did, indeed, become a democracy and help to lead the worldwide battle against murderous extremists at the same time.

Wahid's presidency came to an abrupt end in 2001, and many blame a conspiracy of the elite. If so, they failed anyway. Indonesia today is Asean's strongest example of the advantages of democracy. It also is arguably the Islamic world's strongest proof that democracy is good for Islam in many ways. Wahid showed Muslims will fight the extremists, and that is his strongest legacy.

Tuesday, August 11, 2009

Travesty of justice: Similarity between the Burmese and Cambodian dictatorships

Members of the Free Burma coalition hold placards during a protest in front of the Myanmar embassy in Makati, Metro Manila August 11, 2009 in support of Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. (REUTERS/Romeo Ranoco)

Myanmar's Suu Kyi found guilty in security case


Tue Aug 11, 2009

By Aung Hla Tun

YANGON (Reuters) - A court in army-ruled Myanmar on Tuesday sentenced opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi guilty to 18 months in detention for violating an internal security law, a ruling certain to anger the West and further isolate the regime.

The court sentenced her to three years in prison but that was immediately reduced to a year-and-a-half on the orders of the military government, which said she could serve the time in her Yangon home.

A guilty verdict had been widely expected in a case critics say was fabricated by the military regime to keep Suu Kyi out of circulation ahead of a general election scheduled for next year.

The leader of the democracy movement in the former Burma has already spent 14 of the past 20 years in detention of one sort or another.

The charges stemmed from a mysterious incident in which an American, John Yettaw, swam uninvited to her lakeside home in May and stayed there for two days, which breached the terms of her house arrest.

Yettaw was sentenced to seven years' hard labor in a parallel trial on three charges, including immigration offences and "swimming in a non-swimming area."

The hearings were held in Yangon's Insein Prison amid heightened security, with least 2,000 security personnel in the area, witnesses said.

State newspapers all ran the same commentary on Tuesday that implicitly warned Suu Kyi's supporters not to cause trouble and told outsiders not to meddle in Myanmar's affairs.

"The people who favor democracy do not want to see riots and protests that can harm their goal," said the commentary in the New Light of Myanmar and other newspapers.

"Anti-government groups inside and outside the nation and the United States are accusing the government of deterring Aung San Suu Kyi from standing for election," it added.

"The approved constitution and the forthcoming election law will decide who will be entitled and who will not be entitled to stand for election."

Critics say the trial has been trumped up by the military government as a way of keeping Suu Kyi out of circulation in the run-up to, and during, a multi-party election planned for 2010.

The prosecution's case was that Yettaw's two-day stay at Suu Kyi's home, even though he was uninvited, meant she breached the terms of her house arrest and violated an internal security law.

A verdict in the trial had been expected on August 4 but the judge adjourned the case until Tuesday, August 11, after Yettaw fell ill.

However, he was moved back to his prison cell shortly before midnight on Monday, a hospital source said.

Yettaw, a Mormon, has told the court God sent him to warn Suu Kyi she would be assassinated by "terrorists."

(Writing by Alan Raybould; Editing by Bill Tarrant)

Saturday, August 01, 2009

Former Philippines President Corazon Aquino Dies

Corazon Aquino (1933 - 2009)
Corazon Aquino, the unassuming widow whose "people power" revolution toppled a dictator, restored Philippine democracy and inspired millions of people around the world, died Saturday morning (Friday afternoon Eastern time) after a battle with colon cancer. She was 76.

Friday, July 31, 2009

By William Branigin
Washington Post Staff Writer


Corazon Aquino, the unassuming widow whose "people power" revolution toppled a dictator, restored Philippine democracy and inspired millions of people around the world, died Saturday morning (Friday afternoon Eastern time) after a battle with colon cancer, her family announced. She was 76.

Widely known as "Cory," the slight, bespectacled daughter of a wealthy land-owning family served as president of the Philippines from 1986 to 1992, the first woman to hold that position.

She was widowed in 1983 when her husband, political opposition leader Benigno S. Aquino Jr., was assassinated upon his return from exile to lead a pro-democracy movement against authoritarian president Ferdinand E. Marcos. It was a popular revolt against Marcos following a disputed election that later enabled Corazon Aquino to assume power.

In her six tumultuous years in office in the fractious, strife-torn, disaster-prone archipelago, Aquino resisted seven coup attempts or military revolts, battled a persistent communist insurgency and grappled with the effects of typhoons, floods, droughts, a major earthquake and a devastating volcanic eruption. Her tribulations earned her the nickname "Calamity Cory."

As she dealt with those challenges, she took pride in restoring democratic institutions that had been gutted under Marcos's 20-year-rule. And she presided over a series of relatively free elections, the dismantling of monopolies and an initial spurt of economic growth.

Her administration failed to make much headway in alleviating poverty, stamping out corruption or delivering basic services. It bequeathed her successor an economic slump marked by protracted, costly power failures that reflected inattention to the country's energy needs.

Despite the turmoil that dogged her presidency, Aquino oversaw the first peaceful transfer of power in the Philippines in 26 years. She returned to private life with relief, although she remained politically active.

She played a role in popular protests that led to the ouster of President Joseph Estrada in January 2001. She initially supported his successor, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, but increasingly turned against her in recent years, siding with opponents who accused Arroyo of vote-rigging and corruption.

Aquino's transition from housewife to president to respected elder stateswoman and democracy advocate represented a phenomenal metamorphosis for a self-effacing mother of five who, before being drafted to take on Marcos in 1986, had never before run for public office.

Born Jan. 25, 1933, in Tarlac Province, Maria Corazon Sumulong Cojuangco grew up as the sixth of eight children in a family of wealthy landowners in the province about 70 miles north of the capital. After attending exclusive grade schools, she went to the United States in 1946 to continue her secondary education at Ravenhill Academy in Philadelphia, Notre Dame convent school in New York and the College of Mount St. Vincent in New York.

There, in 1953, she earned a degree in French and mathematics. She returned to Manila to study law and met Benigno S. Aquino Jr., an aspiring politician whom she married in 1954. Survivors include their five children, Sen. Benigno S. Aquino III, Maria Elena A. Cruz, Aurora Corazon A. Abellada, Victoria Eliza A. Dee and Kristina Bernadette A. Yap; two brothers; three sisters; and a number of grandchildren.

For years she stayed in the background as the quiet, reserved, devoutly Catholic wife of the gregarious and ambitious Benigno Aquino, who was a governor and senator and seemed destined to become the Philippines' president until he was arrested in 1972 just hours after Marcos declared martial law.

He remained in prison until 1980, when Marcos allowed him to seek heart treatment in the United States. Corazon Aquino often described the next three years, when her husband was a fellow at Harvard and Massachusetts Institute of Technology and her family lived together in a Boston suburb, as the happiest in her life.

After Benigno Aquino returned to Manila in August 1983 and was assassinated by military men while being taken into custody at the airport -- a killing that Corazon Aquino maintained was ordered by Marcos -- the 50-year-old widow reluctantly became a public figure as she sought to keep her husband's ideals and memory alive. She gradually emerged as a unifying force for the splintered opposition, even as she repeatedly ruled herself out as a presidential candidate.

But when Marcos called a "snap election" for Feb. 7, 1986, in hopes of capitalizing on his foes' divisions and winning a new mandate, Aquino reluctantly agreed to run against him, acceding to the wishes of supporters who had gathered a million signatures on a petition for her candidacy.

In formally registering to run, she listed her occupation as "housewife." Indeed, her preparation for the post was probably best summarized by her comment to reporters several months earlier: "What do I know about being president?"

Clad in her trademark yellow -- evoking the yellow ribbons that had proliferated around Manila to mark her husband's return from exile -- Aquino proved to be a formidable, and fearless, campaigner. She vowed to "dismantle the dictatorial edifice" built by Marcos in his two decades in power, "eliminate the social cancer of graft and corruption" under his rule and hold him accountable for the murder of her husband.

In one hard-hitting speech shortly before the election, she warned Marcos, "Don't you dare frustrate the will of the Filipino people, because you will have an angry people on your hands."

Days before the vote, she told The Washington Post in an interview that many Filipinos were risking their fortunes and their lives to back her. "It's really a do-or-die situation now," she said. "So many have realized that this is our moment of truth, and they just have to give their all now or that chance may never come again."

Aquino fully expected Marcos to resort to election fraud if the vote did not go his way, but she relied on the axiom that, as one Marcos campaign official put it in a moment of candor, "mathematically, you can only cheat so much." And she vowed to lead massive demonstrations if the election was stolen from her.

Indeed, a rubber-stamp legislature officially proclaimed the reelection of Marcos to a new six-year term on Feb. 16, 1986, after a protracted vote-counting process marked by widespread fraud and violence. Aquino then launched a civil disobedience campaign to protest the result.

Six days later, a military mutiny led by followers of Marcos's defense minister, Juan Ponce Enrile, broke out in Manila. It was quickly joined by Lt. Gen. Fidel V. Ramos, a distant cousin of Marcos then serving as acting armed forces chief of staff. The mutineers declared support for Aquino, and the country's Roman Catholic primate, Cardinal Jaime Sin, called the faithful into the streets to block any attack on them by Marcos's forces. Millions of Filipinos responded, giving birth to "people power."

Three days after the revolt began, Marcos was forced to flee the Malacañang presidential palace, where he had lived since taking office in December 1965. He eventually landed in Hawaii, where he died in 1989. Aquino took over as president, declaring that "the long agony is over."

One of her first acts was to have Malacañang fumigated. But even then Aquino refused to live or work there, preferring to hold office in a nearby guest house and opting to live in a modest home a block away. Initially, she even insisted that her motorcades stop at red lights -- until her security guards put an end to that egalitarian gesture.

The ouster of a dictatorship through nonviolent popular demonstrations became the model for democracy movements all over the world, and Aquino was named Time magazine's "Woman of the Year" for 1986. She was also the toast of Washington when she visited in September of that year.

When she addressed a joint session of Congress, her path into the chamber was strewn with yellow roses, and lawmakers were smitten by her commitment to democracy as she delivered an emotional appeal for aid.

"You have spent many lives and much treasure to bring freedom to many lands that were reluctant to receive it," Aquino told the standing-room-only audience. "And here you have a people who won it by themselves and need only the help to preserve it." Within hours, the House responded by unexpectedly bypassing normal procedures and voting to approve a $200 million emergency aid package for the Philippines.

When then-Senate Majority Leader Robert J. Dole (R-Kan.) told her after the speech, "You hit a home run," Aquino replied without hesitation, "I hope the bases were loaded."

But the honeymoon soon began to sour, and Aquino was beset at home by increasing unrest, including a series of military coup attempts. After one of them, in August 1987, she displayed her combative streak by filing an unprecedented libel suit against a Manila newspaper columnist who wrote that she "hid under her bed" during the abortive revolt. She even took a reporter into her bedroom to show that it would have been impossible to hide under the bed, which sat on a platform.

"I don't want the soldiers of the republic to ever doubt for an instant that their commander-in-chef is a woman of courage that they look upon and respect," she said in explaining the lawsuit.

When her presidential term came to an end on June 30, 1992, it was with unmistakable relief that she turned over the reins to her elected successor, Ramos, her former defense secretary. In a last bit of symbolism to show she was returning to private life as an ordinary citizen, she drove away from Ramos's inauguration in a white Toyota she had purchased, shunning the government Mercedes available to her.

In a speech at the U.S. State Department in October 1996 to accept the J. William Fulbright Prize for International Understanding, Aquino explained her role and motives with characteristic modesty.

"I am not a hero like [Nelson] Mandela," she said, referring to the South African leader who spent 27 years as a political prisoner before becoming president. "The best description for me might, after all, be that of my critics who said: 'She is just a plain housewife.' Indeed, as a housewife, I stood by my husband and never questioned his decision to stand alone in defense of a dead democracy against an arrogant dictatorship enjoying the support of the United States."

She said she ruled out sharing power with the Philippine military because she wanted to "rebuild democracy" and "there was just no room for a junta" in her country.

"Perhaps the military were also envious that in the first year of my term, I ruled by decree," Aquino said in her speech. "This was necessary to abolish the rubber-stamp parliament, sequester stolen wealth, annul the Marcos Constitution, pare down the powers of the president and sweep the judiciary clean. Each law I promulgated diminished my powers until, with the last decree, I stripped myself of the power to legislate. Could I have trusted the military to share so much power with me?"

Her departure from office as "one of the proudest moments of my life," Aquino recalled. "I was stepping down and handing the presidency to my duly elected successor. This was what my husband had died for; he had returned precisely to forestall an illegal political succession. This moment is democracy's glory: the peaceful transfer of power without bloodshed, in strict accordance with law."

Sunday, May 17, 2009

Hun Sen Chhluoh Neung Srei - "Hun Sen fight women" - A collaborative poem in Khmer

Chhluok Neung Omnach Pdach Ka, Chhluoh Neung Strey
"Drunk on dictatorship, (Hun Sen) Fight Women"

(Click on the poem to zoom in)


Poems by Diep Champa, Ung Thavary, Yim Guechsè, KC, Sam Vichea, Hin Sithan and Khemarak Visoth

Thursday, January 22, 2009

Quote from Obama's inaugural speech



"To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West: Know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist." - Obama's inaugural speech


Cambodia's little big chief and absolute ruler: Hun Sen

Wednesday, October 29, 2008

Break up the concentration of powers

October 29, 2008
Comment by A. Gaffar Peang-Meth
Pacific Daily News (Guam)
"... Lord Buddha says everything changes, then Hun Sen Inc.'s permanency will end"
Last week, I wrote about the rise of totalitarianism in Cambodia in the form of Hun Sen Inc. It has silenced opposition, crushed those perceived as threats, and made itself Cambodia's sole source of employment and sole center for resource distribution. It dictates who gets what, when, where and how.

A Western political philosophy brands any such concentration of powers in the hands of a closed group as tyranny -- rule by an oppressive government. In Cambodia, genocidal Pol Pot's successor, Premier Sen, leads the ruling party by firmly holding power in all institutions.

Either he -- the omnipotent chairman -- or his privileged trusted associates represent all powers, legislative, executive, and judicial, defying democratic political philosophy and practice.

Yet, Hun Sen, Inc. is given $600 million annually by an international community that hopes to assist the country's poor and desolate, many of whom rely on rat meat to survive. The world's nations chose recently to appease Hun Sen when he demanded removal of Yash Ghai as Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General for Human Rights in Cambodia, a role created by the 1991 Paris Peace Accords signed by 19 countries and the U.N., because, in Ghai's words, he stood against Hun Sen's "systematic violations of political, economic, social rights" in Cambodia.

Disconnect, hypocrisy

The disconnect between what the community of nations preaches and its actions is a modern political hypocrisy and appeasement of a dictator at the expense of citizens' rights as contained in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

That declaration, to which Cambodia is a party, reaffirmed the basic civil and human rights deemed most fundamental by the civilized community of nations. Unfortunately, many countries' interests in having a foothold in strategically located and resource-rich (forest resources may have been depleted but the six potential oil fields remain something to envy) Cambodia are served better through accommodating Hun Sen Inc. As such, their interests in the rather elusive concepts of freedom and human rights do not carry weight.

This approach conveys a mirage of political and economic stability. But it's shortsighted. The trouble with dictators is that their desire for power is insatiable. They want more and they want to extend their power anywhere and everywhere.

As it is human nature to want to breathe the air of liberty and to live with dignity, a land governed by oppression cannot expect stability and peace in society. Those who hunger for their basic rights will, over time, foment revolt.

Cambodian opposition leader Sam Rainsy and civil societies in Cambodia fear and oppose Hun Sen's concentration of power. They speak tirelessly of the need for a limited government, separation of powers, checks and balances, though many repeat the terms without understanding them. At the risk of sounding like a classroom lecture, maybe what is written below will help.

Theoretically, a power concentration is broken up by dividing and giving specific power to separate government organs. These organs (national assembly, government, the court) function independently of one another: legislators make laws, they do not interpret laws; the prime minister executes laws and does not make them or interpret them; the court interprets what the law is and does not act as a lawmaker or a policeman carrying out the laws). In Cambodia, Sen is a lawmaker, a policeman and a judge.

Separating these functions avoids an abuse of power.

In Cambodia the omnipotent premier has been accused of widespread use of fear and intimidation to achieve his goals. Human rights and integrity in Cambodia are for parroting.

It's bleak for Cambodians who seek change and want instant gratification. They set themselves up for disappointment: Hun Sen Inc. does not care what others think about its rule; and Cambodians' long-held culture of blind reverence to established rulers (political winners walk on water) and contempt for those out of power (losers can be worse than dirt) does not help. Internationally, many foreign governments do not seem to care about the July national election fraud that gave Sen power to rule the country for another four years. It's business as usual.

Hope

Yet, there is hope and Cambodians need to learn to believe in hope.

They would do well to review who and what they are, learn to minimize limitation and maximize potential, and conclude if the only constant in life is change, and Lord Buddha says everything changes, then Hun Sen Inc.'s permanency will end. The Cambodian saying, "bent wood can make a wheel, straight wood can make a spoke, twisted and crooked wood can make fire," can be put into practice.

I wrote about water that boils at 212 degrees, and if the heat is increased to 213 then steam is produced to run a locomotive. That's one way hope is turned into reality -- through action.

As the Chinese say, one generation plants trees, the next generation gets the shade.
A. Gaffar Peang-Meth, Ph.D., is retired from the University of Guam, where he taught political science for 13 years. Write him at peangmeth@yahoo.com.

Wednesday, August 20, 2008

Cambodia's opposition has key role to play

August 20, 2008
By Lao Mong Hay UPI Asia Online
Column: Rule by Fear

Hong Kong, China — The ruling Cambodian People's Party won a landslide victory in the country’s general election on July 27, claiming 90 out of 123 seats in the National Assembly, the lower house in the bicameral parliamentary system – although final results will not be announced till September.

This party almost wiped out its long-standing coalition partner, the Funcinpec party, which saw its seats reduced from 26 to two. Two newly formed parties, the Norodom Ranariddh Party and the Human Rights Party, took two and three seats respectively, while the opposition Sam Rainsy Party increased its seats from 24 to 26.

At first all four small parties rejected the results of the election, alleging it was "rigged" when names of legitimate voters were deleted from electoral rolls while illegitimate voters were allowed to vote. Apparently attracted by the winning party's offer of government positions, Funcinpec soon changed its mind and accepted the election results.

Later on, the Norodom Ranariddh Party also changed its mind, apparently in exchange for the winning party's support for a royal pardon for its leader, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, who faces an 18-month jail sentence for breach of trust and who has been living in self-imposed exile abroad.

The other two parties, Sam Rainsy and Human Rights, have however continued to reject the election results and have filed complaints against election irregularities. They have also threatened to boycott the opening of the new Parliament.

Hun Sen, the incumbent prime minister and vice president of the winning Cambodian People's Party, has angrily reacted to this threat and has warned that the seats of the boycotting parties would be taken away from them and given to other parties, although there are no constitutional provisions for such a measure.

In the midst of this post-election conflict, it has been announced that the King of Cambodia will act according to the country's Constitution and summon all the lawmakers-elect to the first meeting of the new Parliament on Sept. 24. The Sam Rainsy Party has said that its lawmakers-elect will not be sworn in and take up their seats until its complaints have been properly addressed.

As is widely known, the winning party – the former communist party that has ruled Cambodia for over 20 years – has complete control over all of the country's institutions from top to bottom, including the two adjudicating mechanisms for election irregularities, that is, the National Election Committee, which is also an election management board, and the Constitutional Council.

It is very unlikely that the Sam Rainsy Party and the Human Rights Party will have their complaints addressed properly by these two institutions.

In the meantime the ruling Cambodian People's Party seems set to prevent these two parties from playing any active role in the new Parliament, especially the Sam Rainsy Party whose leader, Sam Rainsy, has had continued acrimonious relations with Prime Minister Hun Sen, who is known as "the strongman of Cambodia."

If the ruling party uses its overwhelming majority to forge ahead with the marginalization of the opposition, the Cambodian system of government will evolve into an elected dictatorship – all the more so when its judiciary, as is also well known, is under political control. With command over Parliament and control of all the country's institutions, the ruling party can, as it has done before, enact any law and amend the Constitution to remove all obstacles to its rule.

This development is a break from the practice of the previous Parliament, in which the opposition Sam Rainsy Party had 24 seats and an important role as chair of two out of nine parliamentary committees. The new situation is not conducive to the development of the liberal democracy Cambodia has embraced in its Constitution.

With the absence of an opposition role, the new Parliament cannot be seen as representing the entire nation, only the majority of its citizens who voted for the Cambodian People's Party. This Parliament will lose its status and role as one of the three branches of government.

Checks and balances between these three branches and the separation of powers will completely disappear. Cambodia will then become practically a one-party state, a development which is not friendly to democracy, the rule of law and human rights.

In order to avoid all these negative developments, Cambodia's new Parliament should continue the practice of its predecessor. In order to represent the entire nation it must allow the opposition parties to be an integral part of the Parliament and assume the chairmanship of some of its nine committees, so the opposition can play an active role in the governance of the nation.
--
(Lao Mong Hay is a senior researcher at the Asian Human Rights Commission in Hong Kong. He was previously director of the Khmer Institute of Democracy in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, and a visiting professor at the University of Toronto in 2003. In 1997, he received an award from Human Rights Watch and the Nansen Medal in 2000 from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.)

Thursday, December 06, 2007

Sam Rainsy supports sanctions against Burma; Hun Sen doesn't

Left: Sam Rainsy, Aung San Suu Kyi & Democracy; Right: Sein, Sen & Dictatorship

Hun Sen Warns Against Further Burma Sanctions

By Chun Sakada, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
05 December 2007


Following a visit by his Burmese counterpart, Thein Sein, last week, Prime Minister Hun Sen warned against further sanctions against the junta from the international community.

A brutal crackdown in late September that left at least 15 people dead and thousands arrested led to tighter sanctions on the regime, but Hun Sen said Wednesday such sanctions went against the spirit of free trade and globalization.

"How can we talks about globalization when one country puts sanctions on another?" he asked, at a workshop on international trade in Phnom Penh.

And despite the recent crackdown and sanctions, businesses would likely stay, he said.

"Foreign companies will not leave Burma, do not wonder about it," Hun Sen said.

However, opposition leader Sam Rainsy said Wednesday Burma did not participate in global economics.

"If the global economy is to progress, the country should have democracy," he said. "I support sanctions, but only sanctions that affect the interests of individuals like dictators and their families."

Wednesday, October 31, 2007

With a dragon in power and a snake on the throne, Cambodia can expect 20 to 30 years of stability ahead: Hun Sen

PM Thanks King for Country's Stability

Chun Sakada, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
30 October 2007

Stability with "dictator, corruption, a devastated nation, poor citizens" was not the stability his party sought - Opposition leader Sam Rainsy
Cambodia has between 20 to 30 years of stability ahead, thanks in part to King Norodom Sihamoni, Prime Minister Hun Sen said Tuesday, in a nod to the third anniversary of the monarch's coronation.

Hun Sen said that because he was born in the Year of the Dragon and King Sihamoni in the Year of the Snake, the two could provide stability for the nation.

Cambodia's economy has grown since Sihamoni's accession, Hun Sen pointed out.

"Throne stability, this is very important," Hun Sen said. "When a crown crisis happens, Cambodia will have a problem."

"The dragon and the snake are OK, and they have the same elements," he said. "The dragon defends the snake, and the snake defends the dragon," he said. "It is OK, they can co-exist."

Rights activists credited democracy and pluralism for Cambodia's relative stability.

However, Thun Saray, head of the human rights group Adhoc, said that security depends on "strong democratic institutions" not "one individual."

"Speaking frankly, stability in Cambodia is because of the democratic process, and the participation of other parties," Koul Panha, director of the election monitoring group Comfrel, said. "And The international associations have played an important role."

Opposition leader Sam Rainsy said stability with "dictator, corruption, a devastated nation, poor citizens" was not the stability his party sought.

Thursday, September 27, 2007

Myanmar Attacks Protesters, Arresting Monks

September 27, 2007
By SETH MYDANS
The New York Times


BANGKOK, Sept. 26 — The government of Myanmar began a violent crackdown on Wednesday after tolerating more than a month of ever larger protests in cities around the country. Security forces clubbed and tear-gassed protesters, fired shots into the air and arrested hundreds of the monks who are at the heart of the demonstrations.

A government announcement said security forces in Yangon, the country’s main city, fired at demonstrators who failed to disperse, killing one man. Foreign news agencies and exile groups reported death tolls ranging from two to eight people.

Despite threats and warnings by the authorities, and despite the beginnings of a violent response, tens of thousands of chanting, cheering protesters flooded the streets, witnesses reported. Monks were in the lead, like religious storm troopers, as one foreign diplomat described the scene.

In response to the violence, the United Nations Security Council called an emergency meeting on Wednesday to discuss the crisis, but China blocked a Council resolution, backed by the United States and European nations, to condemn the government crackdown.

However, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon announced that the United Nations was “urgently dispatching” a special envoy to Myanmar, formerly known as Burma.

A spokesman for President Bush, in New York City for the opening of the United Nations General Assembly, denounced the crackdown and urged restraint. A day before, White House officials had expressed hope that Mr. Bush’s announcement of new sanctions directed against the military government’s leaders would intensify pressure on them not to use violence against the protesters.

“The United States is very troubled by the action of the junta against the Burmese people,” the spokesman, Gordon D. Johndroe, said Wednesday afternoon. “We call on them to show restraint and to move to a peaceful transition to democracy.”

Though the crowds in Yangon, formerly Rangoon, were large and energetic on Wednesday, they were smaller than on previous days, apparently in part because of the deployment of armed soldiers to prevent monks from leaving some of the main temples.

But it appeared that an attempt by the military to halt the protests through warnings, troop deployments and initial bursts of violence had not succeeded. Political analysts said the next steps in the crackdown might be yet more aggressive and widespread.

The foreign diplomat described an amazing scene on Wednesday as a column of 8,000 to 10,000 people flooded past his embassy following a group of about 800 monks.

They were trailed by four truckloads of military men, watching but not taking action. The diplomat, in keeping with his embassy’s policy, spoke on condition of anonymity.

According to news reports and telephone interviews from Myanmar, which is sealed off to foreign reporters, the day’s activities began with a confrontation at the giant gold-spired Shwedagon Pagoda, which has been one of the focal points of the demonstrations.

In the first reported violence in nine days of demonstrations by monks in Yangon, police officers with riot shields dispersed up to 100 monks who were trying to enter the temple, firing tear gas and warning shots and knocking some monks to the ground. As many as 200 monks were reported to have been arrested at the pagoda.

Several hundred monks then walked through downtown Yangon to the Sule Pagoda, another site of the demonstrations, where truckloads of soldiers were seen arriving Tuesday. A violent confrontation was reported there; more shots were fired and a number of arrests were made.

On a broad avenue near the temple, hundreds of people sat facing a row of soldiers, calling out to them, “The people’s armed forces, our armed forces!” and “The armed forces should not kill their own people!”

In Mandalay, Myanmar’s second largest city, more than 800 monks, nuns and other demonstrators were confronted by some 100 soldiers who tried to stop them from marching from the Mahamuni Paya Pagoda, which they had tried to enter earlier, The Associated Press reported.

The demonstrations in Yangon have grown from several hundred people protesting a fuel price rise in mid-August to as many as 100,000 on Sunday, led by tens of thousands of monks in the largest and most sustained protests since 1988.

That earlier peaceful uprising was crushed by the military, which shot into crowds, killing an estimated 3,000 people. It was during the turmoil that the current military junta took power in Myanmar, and it has maintained its grip by arresting dissidents, quashing political opposition and using force and intimidation to control the population.

Now, emboldened by the presence of the monks, huge crowds have joined the demonstrations in protests that reflect years of discontent over economic hardship and political repression.

At first, the government held back as the protests grew. It issued its first warning on Monday night, when the religious affairs minister said the government was prepared to take action against the protesting monks.

On Tuesday night, the government announced a dusk-to-dawn curfew, banned gatherings of more than five people and placed the cities of Yangon and Mandalay under what amounts to martial law. Troops began taking up positions at strategic locations around Yangon and tried to seal off five of the largest and most active monasteries.

As the protests grew, public figures began to come forward, and on Tuesday the government arrested the first of them, a popular comedian, Zarganar, who had urged people to join the demonstrations. He had irritated the government in the past with his veiled political gibes.

The crackdown on Wednesday came in the face of warnings and pleas to the junta from around the world to refrain from the kind of violence that had made the country’s ruling generals international pariahs.

At the United Nations, President Bush on Tuesday announced a largely symbolic tightening of American sanctions against Myanmar’s government. The European Union threatened to tighten its own sanctions if violence was used. On Wednesday, the British prime minister, Gordon Brown, said the first step after any meeting of the Security Council should be to send a United Nations envoy to Myanmar.

The Dalai Lama, the exiled Tibetan spiritual leader, and Desmond Tutu, the former archbishop of Cape Town and antiapartheid campaigner, have spoken out in support of their fellow Nobel Peace Prize laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese pro-democracy leader, who has been held under house arrest for 12 of the last 18 years.

The junta was also hearing the message directly from diplomats based in Yangon. The British ambassador, Mark Canning, said he met with a government official on Tuesday to urge restraint.

“You need to look very carefully at the underlying political and economic hardships,” he said he told the official. “The government must also understand what this is about — not fuel prices, but decades of dissatisfaction.”

Steven Lee Myers contributed reporting from New York.

Tuesday, September 25, 2007

The Buddhism bomb

Buddhist monks chant during a protest in front of the United Nations, New York. Around 20,000 people led by Buddhist monks launched a new anti-government march Tuesday, despite threats from Myanmar's ruling junta which faces its most potent challenge in nearly two decades (AFP/Emmanuel Dunand)

Burma's leaders know that suppressing protesting monks could blow up in their faces.

September 25, 2007
By David I. Steinberg
Los Angeles Times (California, USA)


The passive, otherworldly image of Buddhism can be misleading. In Burma, where two-thirds of the country is Buddhist, the religion has an overwhelming influence on day-to-day life and plays a continuing political role that makes the current protest marches by tens of thousands of monks through the streets of Yangon especially significant.

Buddhism has long been one of the key ingredients of Burmese nationalism, and it has been used by political leaders of all stripes as a source of legitimacy. To be in the top leadership of the military or the government requires public acceptance of the Buddhist faith. Indeed, the two most volatile elements in Burmese society, from the government's perspective, are the monks and students because they are respected moral forces. If the government represses them, it does so at its peril.

The military junta that runs Burma, known as Myanmar under the regime, is well aware of this, and it has been measured in its response to the protests, so far. The demonstrations began Aug. 19 after the government raised fuel prices, and on Sunday, the largest protests yet were held. About 10,000 monks marched through the streets of Yangon (and other cities across the country), shouting their solidarity with jailed democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and waving banners (including one that read "Love and kindness must win over everything").

There have been few public protests by monks in the last decade and a half. But before that, their protests against various governments go back to colonial times. When the British conquered Burma in the Third Anglo-Burmese War (1885-86), they eliminated the role of the leader of the Buddhist clergy, the Supreme Patriarch, thus destroying the organizational cohesiveness of the faith.

But they couldn't ban the religion itself, and even without an organized leadership, Buddhism remained a powerful force. The inroads of Christianity in administration and education -- a result of the British influence -- caused a Buddhist backlash, and monks became martyrs, dying in British jails for the cause of independence and Buddhism.

Buddhism has been used politically in the civilian and military administrations ever since. Civilian Prime Minister U Nu, a devout Buddhist, used Buddhism to win the 1960 elections by promising to make it the state religion. Every king and every leader (including those in the military) has built pagodas as symbols of faith. U Nu built the Peace Pagoda in the early 1950s; Gen. Ne Win built one in the years that followed, as has every military leader since. Such acts not only indicate personal devotion but add legitimacy for the government.

Devout images of the leadership are ubiquitous. Virtually every day in the official newspaper, a senior military official is depicted making some act of homage to the monks and showing respect for the religion. The military has assiduously attempted to demonstrate its unwavering support of Buddhism. There is certainly some element of belief in all this, but also perhaps a concern about the potential ability of the religious leadership to help stir up dissent.

Since 1988, the Buddhist hierarchy has been strictly controlled by the government, and what is taught in Buddhist schools has been carefully regulated. But such control does not reach down to the individual monasteries or younger monks, many of whom have been demonstrating in the last few days.

The junta recognizes the potential of the monks to inflame popular opinion against the regime. In 1990, the uniformed army brutally suppressed a protest by hundreds of monks in Mandalay, arresting and defrocking some and shutting down monasteries, but the reaction to the most recent events has been notably different. The government has not (at least not yet) directly used military personnel in uniform to suppress the demonstrators, although there are charges it may have used soldiers in mufti and civilian members of the Union Solidarity and Development Assn. (the military's mass mobilization organization) to do so.

The junta could easily suppress these demonstrations by force -- but in doing so it could terribly damage the image of the military, both within Burma and internationally. The government is perfectly aware that the demonstrations, while important, are unlikely to topple the military regime -- unless the government reacts in the wrong way.

The fact is that there will eventually be change in Burma, but when it comes, it likely will emerge from elements within the military worried that the image of the institution will be irrevocably damaged. Years of political and economic frustration have spawned a situation in which even a small event could spark that powder keg.

David I. Steinberg is a professor in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University and a visiting senior research scholar at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore.

Thursday, April 05, 2007

Sam Rainsy on Sultan of Brunei visit: It's a vist of an unimportant dictator of an authoritarian regime

Opposition Dismisses Visit by Sultan of Brunei

Mony, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
04/04/2007

The sultan of Brunei was scheduled to arrive in Cambodia Wednesday night, on a visit the opposition called a bad idea.

Opposition leader Sam Rainsy said Wednesday that the visit of Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu'izzaddin Waddaulah was the visit of an unimportant dictator of an authoritarian regime.

"I don't see a positive point as a model from Brunei," Sam Rainsy said. "The sultan is authoritarian. There is no legislative branch, no Assembly, no power-sharing. It is called an authoritarian monarchy."

The sultan is coming at the behest of King Norodom Sihamoni and over four days will call on Prime Minister Hun Sen, Senate leader Chea Sim and National Assembly President Heng Samrin.

Sunday, March 11, 2007

Burmese days [- A visit to Burma under the dictatorial military junta]

Sun 11 Mar 2007
LIANNE GUTCHER
Living.Scotsman.com (Scotland, UK)


WHILE a trip to Burma doesn't qualify as a holiday in the axis of evil, not everyone will fancy spending their two weeks in the sun in a country run by a heavy-handed dictatorship. Reportedly short of cash, the junta has recently been trying to attract more tourists and is opening up parts of the county previously barred to foreigners. But deciding whether to go poses a dilemma.

Some opponents of the regime, including the elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has spent more than ten out of the past 17 years in some form of detention, have asked visitors to stay away until democracy is restored. In their view, tourists do more harm than good, and the hard currency they spend serves only to swell the government's coffers and bolster its position. But there are others - equally anti-government - who welcome tourists, arguing that their presence will help to erode the regime's authoritarian grip. They ask that visitors be careful where they spend their cash and avoid the government-run hotels, restaurants and trips. Before setting off, I decide this is what I will aim to do throughout my trip.

My arrival in Rangoon, the former capital (now renamed Yangon), couldn't have been easier. I was worried that security would go through my bags with a fine-tooth comb, but in the event I breeze through arrivals and am soon on my way downtown.

My first impressions run counter to what I understand about the Burmese situation. The police presence is much less visible, for example, than it is in the UK, and poverty is much less in evidence here than, say, in Cambodia. Before long, however, my taxi passes a huge red sign at the side of the road. In Burmese and English, it says, 'People's desire: Oppose those relying on external elements, acting as stooges, holding negative views; oppose those trying to jeopardise the stability of the state and progress of the nation; oppose foreign nations interfering in internal affairs of the state; crush all internal and external destructive elements as the common enemy.' I'm starting to get the picture.

Rangoon is a great place to get acclimatised to Burma, and there's a lot to drink in. This is one of the few countries in south-east Asia where everyone continues to wear traditional dress. Men and women both wear sarongs, or longyis, and Mandalay slippers, which are essentially flip-flops with rubber soles and velvet thongs. Everyone looks neat and tidy, and the women are especially elegant and graceful.

Women and children wear thanakha on their faces, a yellow paste made by grinding the bark of the thanakha tree in water. It has a cooling effect on the skin and protects it from the effects of the sun. The men chew on betel nuts, which produce a mild feeling of euphoria but leave their teeth, lips and gums a garish red colour. The people seem friendly and generous to a fault, characteristics demonstrated by the most of the Burmese I meet on my trip.

The city's tourist sights are few, but a visit to the Bogyoke Aung San museum makes for an interesting morning. It was formerly the family home of General Aung San, the leader of Burma's independence movement in the 1940s and father of Aung San Suu Kyi.

Mingling with pilgrims at Burma's most sacred Buddhist temple, the Shwedagon Paya, is great fun, as is a visit to the Bogyoke Aung San market, a key stop on Rangoon's tourist trail, where it is possible to pick up lacquerware, textiles, gems and parasols. Taking afternoon tea in the cool surroundings of the Strand, perhaps south-east Asia's most beautifully preserved colonial-era hotel, is a decadent pleasure - and a bargain, at US17.

Leaving Rangoon, tourists generally head for three main destinations: Mandalay, Bagan and Inle Lake. Regardless of which way you go, however, the journeys are long and uncomfortable. At best, the buses are rickety, and tend to set off at the uncivilised hour of 5am.

Mandalay was Burma's last capital before British rule, and the city remains historically and culturally important. It is teeming with monasteries, many of whose monks are quietly doing what they can to undermine the regime.

On my first day here I climb Mandalay Hill, which has beautiful views across the city. I am keen to race to the top to catch the sunset, but am waylaid by two monks who want to talk politics - something forbidden between Burmese and foreigners. They point out Mandalay's university and the city's main prison, which is situated next door. The proximity is no coincidence, they say - if there is any student unrest, it is easy to sweep the miscreants into jail. During our conversation, the monks keep looking around to check no one is listening in. It's unnerving. They never mention Suu Kyi by name, calling her simply "the lady".

In addition to monks, Mandalay is famous for its performing artists and tea shops, which serve sweet, strong tea and delicious Indian and Chinese snacks. I get a flavour of both at the Shwe Pyi Moe café, where Lu Maw drops by for daily refreshment. He is part of a pwe, or vaudeville troupe, called the Moustache Brothers. They are so famous they get a mention in the Hugh Grant film About a Boy.

The comedian's brother was sentenced to seven years' hard labour for making a joke about Burma's military leaders. He was freed early because of foreign pressure, but the brothers are forbidden from performing outside their home, where they put on a nightly act for tourists.

"People have got to come to Burma," says Lu Maw. "Without them we will starve." He tells me about some of the good that has come from having visitors in the country. Tourists who saw children being forced to work alerted the International Labour Organisation, which put a stop to it - at least in the big tourist centres. There are still large swathes of Burma from which outsiders are barred, areas in which ethnic unrest is widespread and where there are reports of human-rights atrocities on a large scale.

Bagan is an area of some 40km2 dotted with thousands of 800-year-old temple ruins. Alongside Angkor Wat in Cambodia and Borobudur in Indonesia, this ancient city ranks as one of the three most impressive archaeological sites in south-east Asia. Scrambling up the monuments to enjoy the views across the plain, I feel very much as if I'm in an Indiana Jones film.

The country's best lacquerware comes from Bagan, and the best in the area can be found in the Art Gallery of Bagan. Curators at the British Museum considered the gallery's owner, Maung Aung Myin, to be such a master craftsman that they commissioned a piece from him, which you can see in London.

One of the highlights of Inle is visiting the markets, where hill tribes come to trade. Inle Lake is set in breathtakingly beautiful countryside and is famous for its fishermen, who practise a distinctive rowing style - they stand at the stern on one leg and wrap the other leg around the oar. The lake is covered by reeds and floating plants, making it difficult to see above them while sitting.

My day's boat trip on the lake proves to be a lot of fun, with a two-hour excursion around the backwaters and canals, but my pleas for more scenery and fewer stops for shopping are steadfastly ignored by my guide.

In all, I spend three weeks in Burma, but I have still only managed to see a fraction of the places I wanted to visit. At the top of my list of targets if I return is Putao, which nestles at the foot of the Himalayas and welcomed only 43 foreign tourists last year. And the next time I go, I plan to bring a bundle of magazines and books. Many Burmese are desperate for news from the outside world, which they are certainly not going to get from copies of Reader's Digest circa 1964 - the only publication in English that I have seen for sale.

Shortly after leaving Burma, I pick up a copy of the Bangkok Post in Thailand and read a story about a massacre in Burma by government troops. It is very sobering to realise this happened while I was there, blissfully unaware.

A friend I met while travelling perfectly sums up the dilemma of visiting repressive regimes. "I don't know whether to be happy about my trip or sorry for the people. A bit of both, I guess."

Tuesday, February 27, 2007

Land of the all-night gas line

Women sit on an old bus converted to run on natural gas at rush hour last week in Yangon, Myanmar.

February 26, 2007

YANGON, Myanmar (Reuters) -- By the standards of the late dictator Ne Win, who decreed on the advice of an astrologer in 1970 that all traffic should switch to the right side of the road, it is not such a crazy plan.

To cut down on costly imports of petroleum, of which Myanmar does not have much, its ruling generals want every vehicle in the country to run on natural gas, of which it has plenty.

However, early signs suggest the scheme is every bit as ill-conceived as Ne Win's whimsical stand against former colonial master Britain, which drives on the left.

Since 2005, the junta has managed to get around 11,000 taxis and buses in Yangon -- most of them decades-old jalopies held together by bits of wire and the ingenuity of their owners -- to convert to compressed natural gas (CNG).

Unfortunately, during this time it has installed only 20 filling stations for a city of 5 million people.

More unfortunately, the CNG pumps they have installed are so archaic they can take 30 minutes to fill up one vehicle.

Even more unfortunately, every time a power blackout strikes -- which is at least once a day -- the pumps grind to a halt.

The result? Buses and taxis are spending longer queuing for fuel than ferrying around passengers. Waits of up to 10 hours are not uncommon, leaving the city's public transport system in disarray.

"If you queue late in the afternoon, you get your gas the next morning. If you queue in the morning, you get it late in the afternoon or early in the evening but you can't run during the peak hours," bus owner Ko Kyaw Lin said.

"I'm lucky enough to have two brothers who help me taking turns queuing at night and driving the next day," he said while playing checkers with his friends beside the road.

After four decades of military rule and economic mismanagement that have seen the former Burma slide from one of southeast Asia's richest nations to an international basket case, Yangon's residents are used to taking it on the chin.

"I spend at least three hours every day at bus stops and on the buses," Internet cafe worker Ma Thein Thein said of her 10-kilometer (6 mile) journey to work.

The long delays are also causing fearful women to stop work or cancel evening classes to avoid being out late at night.

"We can't stand the looks we get at the bus stop in the evening. Some people look at us as if we're prostitutes," her friend Moe Moe said.

The truth is that people have few other travel options.

In most other low-income parts of southeast Asia, motorbikes are what keep populations moving, with drivers in cities such as Phnom Penh able to carry a family of four on two wheels.

In Yangon, however, motorbikes have been banned since 2001. No explanation was given, although the main theories were the junta trying to reduce motorbike traffic accidents or make life difficult for two-wheeled gunmen or students agitators.

New cars are also impossible to find, because of a virtual ban on private citizens importing cars. Only a few hundred import permits are issued each year and go to the military or their business associates.

As result, one of the poorest nations in Asia has some of the most expensive second-hand cars in the world -- a 1980s Nissan Sunny that would hardly be sold for scrap in Bangkok fetches more than $20,000 in the second-hand car bazaars of Yangon.

Myanmar ranks as one of the world's least motorized nations, with two cars for every 1,000 people, according to figures for 2000 from the Population Reference Bureau, a Washington research institute. By contrast, Rwanda had four and Cambodia 47.

According to government data for 2006, there were only 196,000 registered cars, 54,000 trucks and 18,000 buses in the entire country of 52 million.

Not everybody, however, is complaining about Yangon's faltering "dash for gas".

The long queues of bored, hungry and thirsty drivers are a captive market for snack vendors -- and the bigger the queue, the richer the pickings.

They have also created a unique job opportunity for insomniacs.

"I wait in line for people who don't want to stay up all night," said professional queuer Ko Min Aung, who says he can make 2,500 kyat -- around $2 at black market rates -- a night.

"My only sacrifice is a good night's sleep. Right now, I'm queuing for a neighbor who needs to get enough sleep to drive his bus tomorrow morning."

Sunday, February 18, 2007

Dictators' cult of personality: Kimjongilia North Korea, and Hunsenian Cambodia

North Korean female soldiers chat each other as they visit the Kimjongilia Flower Exhibition in Pyongyang, North Korea, Wednesday, Feb. 14, 2007 in this image made from television. The special flower exhibition was held to celebrate the 65th birthday of North leader Kim Jong Il on Friday. (AP Photo/APTN)

Hun Sen inspecting the construction ground of the Memot Bun Rany Hun Sen high school, one of the myriad of schools bearing the names of Hun Sen and that of his wife. (Photo: CPP)

Another Hun Sen Bun Rany high school, allegedly funded by the infinite funds of the first couple (Photo: Phnom Penh municipality)