Monday, 17 September 2012
ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍
ដោយថ្មីៗមានលេចឮនៅតាមបណ្តាខេត្ត ខ្លះថា មានជនខិលខូចមួយចំនួនបានលួចប្រើឈ្មោះជាបុគ្គលិកកាសែត ភ្នំពេញ ប៉ុស្តិ៍ ទៅប្រព្រឹត្តអំពើល្មើសច្បាប់ ដូចជាជំរិតទារប្រាក់ និងតាមកាក់រថយន្តទារប្រាក់ ...ជាដើម ដែលជាទង្វើប្រាសចាកពីក្រមវិជ្ជាជីវៈអ្នកសារព័ត៌មាន និងច្បាប់ស្តីពីរបបសារព័ត៌មាន ដែលជាមូលដ្ឋានគ្រឹះរបស់កាសែត ភ្នំពេញ ប៉ុស្តិ៍ បានប្រកាន់យកក្នុងការប្រកបវិជ្ជាជីវៈសារព័ត៌មានសេរី ឯករាជ្យ និងមិនលម្អៀងនោះ ភ្នំពេញ ប៉ុស្តិ៍ សូមជម្រាបជូនដំណឹងដល់សាធារណជន មេត្តាជ្រាបថា ៖ ប្រសិន មានជនណាម្នាក់ប្រើឈ្មោះ ថាជាបុគ្គលិក ឬ ភ្នាក់ងាររបស់កាសែត ភ្នំពេញ ប៉ុស្តិ៍ សូមសាធារណជន ពិនិត្យប័ណ្ណសម្គាល់ នាមប័ណ្ណ ឈ្មោះ និងលេខទូរស័ព្ទ ឲ្យបានច្បាស់ ហើយបើមានការសង្ស័យដោយប្រការណាមួយ សូមទាក់ទងមកកាន់អ្នកគ្រប់គ្រង តាមទូរស័ព្ទលេខៈ 012 862 612, 012 921 053 ឬ 012 517 949 ។
ជនណាដែលបង្ខូចកេរ្តិ៍ឈ្មោះ ភ្នំពេញ ប៉ុស្តិ៍ ចាំបាច់ត្រូវតែទទួលទោសតាមច្បាប់ជាធរមាន៕
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Showing posts with label Phnom Penh Post. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Phnom Penh Post. Show all posts
Monday, September 17, 2012
Monday, August 08, 2011
Geckos on the Ceiling
Observations from Asia
JOHN ANTHONY
Taranaki Daily News (New Zealand)
Visiting a foreign culture for the first time has to be one of life's greatest thrills. It evokes a feeling of trepidation, isolation and freedom. There is also a great sense of accomplishment in finally reaching your destination. Today, after months of waiting in anticipation, I touch down in Cambodia. For the next two months I will be living in the capital of Cambodia, Phnom Penh while reporting for the Phnom Penh Post, a daily newspaper printed in English and Khmer.
It will most likely be a time of stomach bugs, fleecings, harassment from beggars and mosquito bites. But it will also be a time to make new friends, learn new customs and grow as a person as I experience a country which has suffered and overcome some of the most horrific atrocities in recent history. The opportunity for this adventure was made possible by the Asia New Zealand Foundation, which awarded me a scholarship while I was studying at Massey University last year. AsiaNZ works to give kiwis the chance to foster relations in business, culture, education, media and research between Asian countries and New Zealand. I am also grateful to the Taranaki Daily News for giving the time to embark on this journey. Also a big thanks to my colleagues for looking after my round while I'm away. I will be keeping my eye out for stories to send home and if any breaking news with New Zealand relevance comes up I will be on the scene to report for Fairfax. If anyone knows any interesting stories or people to contact in South East Asia either
email me at john.anthony@dailynews.co.nz or tweet me @john_anthony_nz
Tweets will be posted regularly once I have connected to a local network. Following my stint in Cambodia I will travel for another six weeks through bordering countries before finishing up in India.
Wish me luck.
Thursday, June 09, 2011
Congratulations to the Phnom Penh Post English Edition and its Reporters for winning the 2011 SOPA awards
The Phnom Penh Post wins at 2011 SOPA awards
Thursday, 09 June 2011
Post Staff
The Phnom Penh Post
Thursday, 09 June 2011
Post Staff
The Phnom Penh Post
The Phnom Penh Post is proud to have won the 2011 Society of Publishers in Asia awards for Breaking News and Multimedia, as well as receiving second place for business reporting.
The Phnom Penh Post is proud to have won the 2011 Society of Publishers in Asia awards for Breaking News and Multimedia, as well as receiving second place for business reporting.
The Post’s coverage of the Diamond Island tragedy, in which 353 people were killed in a stampede on the final day of Cambodia’s annual water festival, received first place for Excellence in reporting breaking news.
The Verdict , our extensive interactive online package covering of the trial of the first suspect tried for the crimes committed by the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime, Kaing Guek Eav alias Duch, was awarded first prize for Excellence in Multimedia News Presentation.
Saturday, January 15, 2011
Friday, January 14, 2011
Photographer roughed up
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Security guards employed by the Shukaku Inc development company pull down a barrier erected by residents to block the destruction of their homes in Village 24 in Srah Chak commune, Daun Penh district on Friday. (Photo by: Sovan Philong) |
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| Police protecting the Boeung Kak development for Shukaku Inc. (Photo: The Phnom Penh Post) |
Khouth Sophak Chakrya
The Phnom Penh Post
A photographer from The Phnom Penh Post was manhandled and briefly detained by district police at the Boeung Kak lakeside in Phnom Penh this morning, as he attempted to photograph the demolition of homes for a controversial housing project.
Sovan Philong, an award-winning Post photographer, said he arrived at the lakeside as police and construction workers began dismantling the dwellings of around 20 families.
As he was taking pictures of the stand-off between residents and police, Sovan Philong said he was blocked by a group of uniformed riot police officers and had his camera equipment seized.
“Four or five of them ran to block me – they tried to get the camera from me,” he said.
Sovan Philong said that even after showing the police his press identification – issued by the Ministry of Information – the police treated him “like a robber”, grabbing him by the scruff of the next and pinning his arms behind his back.
“They didn’t care. They just wanted one thing: to get the camera,” he added.
Wednesday, August 19, 2009
More than words
Friday, 14 August
Jean Montago
Dear Editor,
In reference to your article "EU condemns government crackdown" (August 10 2009), it was truly disappointing to read that high-ranking representatives of the EU and its member states, such as British Ambassador Andrew Mace and German Ambassador Frank Marcus Mann, have nothing more to offer than a "very clear statement to the Cambodian government".
I am sure that no one has ever made the effort to count all such very clear statements to the Cambodian government that have been made during the last year - or probably decades. However, everyone who has been following the development of Cambodian politics in recent times will certainly be well aware of the fact that all these very clear statements to the Cambodian government have done nothing, absolutely nothing at all, to improve the situation here in this beautiful but suffering country. Corruption is still endemic, critics of the government are still living in fear for their security, and the elites are still getting richer and more powerful each day, while the poor members of society have, if at all, only made much smaller progress in their personal welfare than they could have done in a just and truly democratic environment with equal opportunities for all.
The EU represents 500 million people and generates a GDP that is larger than that of the US. Moreover, the EU member states have given countless millions of dollars of what they call development aid to the Cambodian government in the past few years, and they have promised to continue funding for years to come.
Considering all this, one might be tempted to think that the Cambodian government could easily be influenced by the EU in such a way that they finally start working towards a fair and democratic society. However, as can be seen each and every day in today's Cambodia, this is not at all the case, which leaves only two possible explanations: either the EU is in reality just a weak and meaningless political entity, or it simply lacks the political will to change anything to the good here. Either way, being a European myself, I feel truly ashamed by the political role that the EU is playing here in Cambodia.
Jean Montago
Siem Reap
Jean Montago
Considering all this, one might be tempted to think that the Cambodian government could easily be influenced by the EU in such a way that they finally start working towards a fair and democratic society. However, as can be seen each and every day in today's Cambodia, this is not at all the case, which leaves only two possible explanations: either the EU is in reality just a weak and meaningless political entity, or it simply lacks the political will to change anything to the good here. Either way, being a European myself, I feel truly ashamed by the political role that the EU is playing here in Cambodia.The Phnom Penh Post
Dear Editor,
Photo by: AFP
Police officers grapple with hundreds of Mu Sochua supporters as they march en masse through the streets of Phnom Penh after the opposition lawmaker was found guilty of defaming Prime Minister Hun Sen earlier this month.In reference to your article "EU condemns government crackdown" (August 10 2009), it was truly disappointing to read that high-ranking representatives of the EU and its member states, such as British Ambassador Andrew Mace and German Ambassador Frank Marcus Mann, have nothing more to offer than a "very clear statement to the Cambodian government".
I am sure that no one has ever made the effort to count all such very clear statements to the Cambodian government that have been made during the last year - or probably decades. However, everyone who has been following the development of Cambodian politics in recent times will certainly be well aware of the fact that all these very clear statements to the Cambodian government have done nothing, absolutely nothing at all, to improve the situation here in this beautiful but suffering country. Corruption is still endemic, critics of the government are still living in fear for their security, and the elites are still getting richer and more powerful each day, while the poor members of society have, if at all, only made much smaller progress in their personal welfare than they could have done in a just and truly democratic environment with equal opportunities for all.
The EU represents 500 million people and generates a GDP that is larger than that of the US. Moreover, the EU member states have given countless millions of dollars of what they call development aid to the Cambodian government in the past few years, and they have promised to continue funding for years to come.
Considering all this, one might be tempted to think that the Cambodian government could easily be influenced by the EU in such a way that they finally start working towards a fair and democratic society. However, as can be seen each and every day in today's Cambodia, this is not at all the case, which leaves only two possible explanations: either the EU is in reality just a weak and meaningless political entity, or it simply lacks the political will to change anything to the good here. Either way, being a European myself, I feel truly ashamed by the political role that the EU is playing here in Cambodia.
Jean Montago
Siem Reap
Sunday, December 07, 2008
Cambodia and Thailand must use the 1904-1907 maps
Dear readers,
I just received a letter to the Phnom Penh Post from Mr. Chan Veasna concerning about the use of maps for border settlements between Cambodia and Thailand. I think it is worth reading, so I decided to published it in this blog.Khmerization
----------------------------------------
Letter to the editor
Phnom Penh Post
6th December, 2008
newsroom@phnompenhpost.com
Dear Sir,
Nobert Klein’s letter (Cambodia must use its own maps too, 25 Nov.) has totally missed the points of my previous letter (Thailand must use Cambodian maps, 14 Nov.). While Mr. Klein might be correct in his views, his letter certainly has confused your readers of the points I was trying to make in my letter.
While I was talking about the maps of the 1904-1907 Khmer-Thai Border Treaty, Mr Klein was talking about the maps of the 2008 Joint Communique or the agreement to list the Preah Vihear temple. There is no comparison between these two agreements because one is a border treaty and the other is an agreement to list the temple on the world heritage list.
While Mr. Klein was correct to spell out the details of the 2008 Joint Communique, he is incorrect in drawing its connections to the issue of the border demarcations between Thailand and Cambodia. The distinction between these two agreements must be made:
1) The maps of the 2008 Joint Communique are for the purpose of inscribing the Preah Vihear temple on the world heritage list, not for the purpose of border demarcations as has been the point of my letter.
2) The maps attached to the 2008 Joint Communique will only supersede other maps concerning the zonage/zoning of the Preah Vihear temple boundary, not superseding the maps concerning the demarcations of territorial borders between Thailand and Cambodia.
The 2008 Joint Communique, of which Mr. Klein was talking about, spelled out that the border demarcations will only be carried out pending the results of the Joint Commission for Land Boundary which in turn, according to previous agreements, will use the Memorandum of Understanding signed in 2000 which both Thailand and Cambodia recognised to use the 1904-1907 Treaty as a base for their border resolution.
The 2008 Joint Communique stated that “the inscription of the Preah Vihear temple on the World Heritage List shall be without prejudice to the rights of the Kingdom of Cambodia and the Kingdom of Thailand on the demarcations work of the Joint Commission of Land Boundary of the two countries.”
With the provisions in the 2000 Memorandum of Understanding, signed between Cambodia and Thailand, recognising the 1904-1907 Treaty, there is no doubt that the maps of the 1904-1907 treaty must be used by the Joint Commission of Land Boundary for the border settlements, not the Preah Vihear zoning maps that Mr Klein was talking about.
Yours sincerely,
signed
Chan Veasna
Cabramatta, NSW, Australia
Monday, May 05, 2008
A camp called Boeng Trabek
January 19-February 1, 2001
The Phnom Penh Post
The Senate debate's most moving and controversial moments came when septuagenarian Funcinpec Senator Keo Bunthouk, a survivor of the Khmer Rouge's Boeng Trabek "re-education camp", reiterated Foreign Minister Hor Namhong's involvement in the camp's administration.
Phelim Kyne and Vong Sokheng spoke to Senator Bunthouk about life and death in Boeng Trabek.
In early 1976, Keo Bunthouk followed her husband, Paris-based Cambodian UNESCO delegate Ieng Kounsaky, in answering the invitation of leaders of the Khmer Rouge's Democratic Kampuchea to return to Cambodia to assist in the country's rebuilding.
Instead, Bunthouk, her husband and fellow members of GRUNK, the France-based Royalist anti-Lon Nol opposition front, found themselves confined in the Phnom Penh "re-education camp" of Boeng Trabek.
Established in early 1976 to "re-educate" government officials of the Lon Nol and Sihanouk regimes, Boeng Trabek was divided into a youth section of approximately 150 people and a section in which approximately 50 returned diplomats and former government officials were confined. At least twenty of Boeng Trabek's inmates died of overwork or after being transferred to the nearby Toul Sleng torture center.
In 1991, Bunthouk was the only one of three witnesses who testified in a Paris court on behalf of then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk in a civil suit filed by Foreign Minister Hor Namhong. The suit was in response to the King's assertions in an interview that Hor Namhong had "...commanded a Khmer Rouge concentration camp ... [and was] responsible for the death and torture of many former members of the anti-American resistance, notably Prince Sisowath Metheavi." The case was decided in favor of Hor Namhong.
Q: What do you remember of your return to Cambodia in 1976?
A: It was very sad...we arrived at the airport and the people who knew us didn't dare say hello.
They were all dressed in black and didn't say anything. [The Khmer Rouge] made us work. We stayed two weeks in Phnom Penh and then they sent us to Battambang. We worked there for five or six months in the fields, then they brought me join my husband in Phnom Penh. We worked very hard...certain diplomats were with us including Hor Namhong..."
Q: What was life like at Boeng Trabek?
A: We worked hard and didn't eat well. We were there with the Princess [Nanette Metheavi, sister of Queen Monineath] and others. There were daily sessions of criticism and self criticism.
Q: Were you aware of the deaths and disappearances of people at Boeng Trabek?
A: We didn't know the people who were taken away were killed. I thought maybe they were taken to another camp. Only after 1981 [did I learn that] people taken from the camp were taken to Toul Sleng and lived only about one month. I didn't know they went to their deaths. I thought they maybe went to a more difficult camp because I noticed [those taken away] had committed minor faults. I don't understand [their deaths]...if it was people who had done grave faults I could understand, but it wasn't, it was people who'd just done minor things...that's what preoccupies me, that's why I think in all this country [during the KR regime] people were killed for nothing. I think a lot about this because I pity the people who were killed [who] used to live and work with me. I know that they did not commit any mistake, so why did they take them all to kill them...why were children killed as well?"
Q: What do you remember about Hor Namhong's role at Boeng Trabek?
A: He was with us...Hor Namhong was the Director...he made his wife director of women [prisoners] and his son chief of youth [prisoners]. Hor Namhong criticized people [at the daily criticism/self-criticism sessions], but we could also criticize him. I once criticized him for making his wife chief of women and his son chief of youth. The whole family went to Angka Leu (met with KR party leaders) and the rest of the camp didn't know [anything]. I realized we didn't know whom he talked to, who Angka Leu (the KR leaders who Hor Namhong met) was. I have never found out who Angka Leu was...I imagine it might have been Son Sen or Ieng Sary [but] I don't know.
Q: Who should be held responsible for the murders of Boeng Trabek inmates?
A: Now you repeat this question and maybe Hor Namhong will want to assassinate me, what will happen to me? I've heard that Hor Namhong wants to sue...the newspaper that said he was Khmer Rouge. For me, I don't know whether Hor Namhong was Khmer Rouge or not. I don't know if he chose people [sent to] Toul Sleng, but I noticed that when there was even minor criticism of someone [by Hor Namhong], two days after this person [was taken away] and we didn't know where he went. Hor Namhong says that it was not him [who ordered inmates taken to Toul Sleng], but how could it be? Who could have taken all those people to be killed? He was director of the camp...why did [the Khmer Rouge] take [Boeng Trabek inmates] awav to be killed?
Q: What was your involvement in the 1991 civil suit initiated by Hor Namhong against King Sihanouk?
A: I was a witness for King Sihanouk when he said in the [Paris] newspaper that Hor Namhong was an assassin. Hor Namhong brought two communist lawyers [to the court] ... the King didn't have a lawyer so the court appointed a lawyer for the King who knew nothing of the King or Boeng Trabek ... he just listened. The other witnesses [Princess Sisowath Ayravady and Sao Kim Hong] didn't dare show up. The King lost the case because we were called in last [to give testimony]. Hor Namhong brought in false witnesses...those who were not in the camp or people who came ...when things were okay and everybody ate well [in the last four months before the collapse of the Khmer Rouge regime]. [Those] other witnesses, if they accused me of not having proved [the King's case], they should bring in the children of the victims [to testify].
Q: Do you believe the KR Tribunal law will be able to deliver real justice?
A: This is a good law to find out who killed people. [Former Khmer Rouge leaders] have to come and tell us what happened, why it happened. We all want to know why they took people to be killed. I expect that the trial will be good if it has good international judges [and because] the international community is watching us. If the court asks me to testify I will go as I did for the King's case, but there will be a question whether I have any proof. But there are children whose parents died in the camp who may know more details than me.
The Phnom Penh Post
"...Hor Namhong was the Director...he made his wife director of women [prisoners] and his son chief of youth [prisoners]. Hor Namhong criticized people [at the daily criticism/self-criticism sessions], but we could also criticize him. I once criticized him for making his wife chief of women and his son chief of youth" - Mrs. Keo Bunthouk, Former Funcinpec SenatorOn Jan 15, the Cambodian Senate approved the Khmer Rouge tribunal law, passing it on to the Constitutional Council for final consideration prior to a formal passage of the law by King Norodom Sihanouk. In stark contrast to the passive assent given the law in the National Assembly, the two days of Senate consideration provoked thoughtful and often emotional debate of the law and its implications.
The Senate debate's most moving and controversial moments came when septuagenarian Funcinpec Senator Keo Bunthouk, a survivor of the Khmer Rouge's Boeng Trabek "re-education camp", reiterated Foreign Minister Hor Namhong's involvement in the camp's administration.
Phelim Kyne and Vong Sokheng spoke to Senator Bunthouk about life and death in Boeng Trabek.
In early 1976, Keo Bunthouk followed her husband, Paris-based Cambodian UNESCO delegate Ieng Kounsaky, in answering the invitation of leaders of the Khmer Rouge's Democratic Kampuchea to return to Cambodia to assist in the country's rebuilding.
Instead, Bunthouk, her husband and fellow members of GRUNK, the France-based Royalist anti-Lon Nol opposition front, found themselves confined in the Phnom Penh "re-education camp" of Boeng Trabek.
Established in early 1976 to "re-educate" government officials of the Lon Nol and Sihanouk regimes, Boeng Trabek was divided into a youth section of approximately 150 people and a section in which approximately 50 returned diplomats and former government officials were confined. At least twenty of Boeng Trabek's inmates died of overwork or after being transferred to the nearby Toul Sleng torture center.
In 1991, Bunthouk was the only one of three witnesses who testified in a Paris court on behalf of then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk in a civil suit filed by Foreign Minister Hor Namhong. The suit was in response to the King's assertions in an interview that Hor Namhong had "...commanded a Khmer Rouge concentration camp ... [and was] responsible for the death and torture of many former members of the anti-American resistance, notably Prince Sisowath Metheavi." The case was decided in favor of Hor Namhong.
Q: What do you remember of your return to Cambodia in 1976?
A: It was very sad...we arrived at the airport and the people who knew us didn't dare say hello.
They were all dressed in black and didn't say anything. [The Khmer Rouge] made us work. We stayed two weeks in Phnom Penh and then they sent us to Battambang. We worked there for five or six months in the fields, then they brought me join my husband in Phnom Penh. We worked very hard...certain diplomats were with us including Hor Namhong..."
Q: What was life like at Boeng Trabek?
A: We worked hard and didn't eat well. We were there with the Princess [Nanette Metheavi, sister of Queen Monineath] and others. There were daily sessions of criticism and self criticism.
Q: Were you aware of the deaths and disappearances of people at Boeng Trabek?
A: We didn't know the people who were taken away were killed. I thought maybe they were taken to another camp. Only after 1981 [did I learn that] people taken from the camp were taken to Toul Sleng and lived only about one month. I didn't know they went to their deaths. I thought they maybe went to a more difficult camp because I noticed [those taken away] had committed minor faults. I don't understand [their deaths]...if it was people who had done grave faults I could understand, but it wasn't, it was people who'd just done minor things...that's what preoccupies me, that's why I think in all this country [during the KR regime] people were killed for nothing. I think a lot about this because I pity the people who were killed [who] used to live and work with me. I know that they did not commit any mistake, so why did they take them all to kill them...why were children killed as well?"
Q: What do you remember about Hor Namhong's role at Boeng Trabek?
A: He was with us...Hor Namhong was the Director...he made his wife director of women [prisoners] and his son chief of youth [prisoners]. Hor Namhong criticized people [at the daily criticism/self-criticism sessions], but we could also criticize him. I once criticized him for making his wife chief of women and his son chief of youth. The whole family went to Angka Leu (met with KR party leaders) and the rest of the camp didn't know [anything]. I realized we didn't know whom he talked to, who Angka Leu (the KR leaders who Hor Namhong met) was. I have never found out who Angka Leu was...I imagine it might have been Son Sen or Ieng Sary [but] I don't know.
Q: Who should be held responsible for the murders of Boeng Trabek inmates?
A: Now you repeat this question and maybe Hor Namhong will want to assassinate me, what will happen to me? I've heard that Hor Namhong wants to sue...the newspaper that said he was Khmer Rouge. For me, I don't know whether Hor Namhong was Khmer Rouge or not. I don't know if he chose people [sent to] Toul Sleng, but I noticed that when there was even minor criticism of someone [by Hor Namhong], two days after this person [was taken away] and we didn't know where he went. Hor Namhong says that it was not him [who ordered inmates taken to Toul Sleng], but how could it be? Who could have taken all those people to be killed? He was director of the camp...why did [the Khmer Rouge] take [Boeng Trabek inmates] awav to be killed?
Q: What was your involvement in the 1991 civil suit initiated by Hor Namhong against King Sihanouk?
A: I was a witness for King Sihanouk when he said in the [Paris] newspaper that Hor Namhong was an assassin. Hor Namhong brought two communist lawyers [to the court] ... the King didn't have a lawyer so the court appointed a lawyer for the King who knew nothing of the King or Boeng Trabek ... he just listened. The other witnesses [Princess Sisowath Ayravady and Sao Kim Hong] didn't dare show up. The King lost the case because we were called in last [to give testimony]. Hor Namhong brought in false witnesses...those who were not in the camp or people who came ...when things were okay and everybody ate well [in the last four months before the collapse of the Khmer Rouge regime]. [Those] other witnesses, if they accused me of not having proved [the King's case], they should bring in the children of the victims [to testify].
Q: Do you believe the KR Tribunal law will be able to deliver real justice?
A: This is a good law to find out who killed people. [Former Khmer Rouge leaders] have to come and tell us what happened, why it happened. We all want to know why they took people to be killed. I expect that the trial will be good if it has good international judges [and because] the international community is watching us. If the court asks me to testify I will go as I did for the King's case, but there will be a question whether I have any proof. But there are children whose parents died in the camp who may know more details than me.
Sunday, March 23, 2008
Friday, January 11, 2008
PPP Publisher Michael Hayes' notice
Notice to readers from the Publisher & Editor-in-Chief
Phnom Penh Post, Issue 17 / 01, January 11 - 23, 2008
Phnom Penh Post, Issue 17 / 01, January 11 - 23, 2008
For a number of years now-too many in fact-I have been looking for investors who could inject some capital in the Phnom Penh Post to help the newspaper become more competitive, expand staffing, upgrade equipment and keep me from having any more sleepless nights worrying about making monthly payroll or finding a computer repairman on a frantic Thursday deadline.
The larger goal has always been to increase the Post's ability to provide news and analysis on events in Cambodia.
In this regard, readers will be interested to learn that I have come to an agreement with a group of investors to do just that.
The three individuals who have agreed to jointly take a majority stake in the Post are: Ross Dunkley, currently chief executive officer of Myanmar Consolidated Media (MCM); Bill Clough, an Australian miner and oil and gas entrepreneur; and, Michel Dauguet, a French businessman with more than a decade's worth of experience involved in media and technology companies in Vietnam and Thailand.
For the immediate future I will remain as editor-in-chief of the Post and have been assured that editorial control of the paper will remain in my hands. In this regard, let me state for the record that I am fully committed to make every effort to retain the standards of journalism excellence that the Post has tried to maintain since its inception back in July, 1992.
For anybody with even the remotest understanding of the near manic process that surrounds the collection of information and subsequent production of a newspaper on a shoe-string budget (which includes managing the attendant cast of unique characters who participate directly in this process), it is all too painfully clear that there are regular hiccups along the road. But the overall intent has been, is and will remain clear: to produce one of the best, most readable and most reliable newspapers in the world. This is the goal and will remain so for as long as I continue to be responsible for the newspaper's content.
When we hit the mark, readers have been generous in their praise; when we miss it, the barbs usually fly rather quickly from numerous quarters. Either way, this is to be encouraged and I hope that those who rely on the Post will continue to share their thoughts with us on the quality of what we publish. Your input is welcomed and most readers know exactly how to find us.
Otherwise, let me extend my sincerest best wishes to all Post readers, advertisers, overseas subscribers, contributors and friends for the coming year. Your on-going support and constructive criticism over the past 16 years has made the continued existence of this paper a reality. And please rest assured that all of us here at the Post are extremely grateful for that.
Michael Hayes
Publisher & Editor-in-Chief
The larger goal has always been to increase the Post's ability to provide news and analysis on events in Cambodia.
In this regard, readers will be interested to learn that I have come to an agreement with a group of investors to do just that.
The three individuals who have agreed to jointly take a majority stake in the Post are: Ross Dunkley, currently chief executive officer of Myanmar Consolidated Media (MCM); Bill Clough, an Australian miner and oil and gas entrepreneur; and, Michel Dauguet, a French businessman with more than a decade's worth of experience involved in media and technology companies in Vietnam and Thailand.
For the immediate future I will remain as editor-in-chief of the Post and have been assured that editorial control of the paper will remain in my hands. In this regard, let me state for the record that I am fully committed to make every effort to retain the standards of journalism excellence that the Post has tried to maintain since its inception back in July, 1992.
For anybody with even the remotest understanding of the near manic process that surrounds the collection of information and subsequent production of a newspaper on a shoe-string budget (which includes managing the attendant cast of unique characters who participate directly in this process), it is all too painfully clear that there are regular hiccups along the road. But the overall intent has been, is and will remain clear: to produce one of the best, most readable and most reliable newspapers in the world. This is the goal and will remain so for as long as I continue to be responsible for the newspaper's content.
When we hit the mark, readers have been generous in their praise; when we miss it, the barbs usually fly rather quickly from numerous quarters. Either way, this is to be encouraged and I hope that those who rely on the Post will continue to share their thoughts with us on the quality of what we publish. Your input is welcomed and most readers know exactly how to find us.
Otherwise, let me extend my sincerest best wishes to all Post readers, advertisers, overseas subscribers, contributors and friends for the coming year. Your on-going support and constructive criticism over the past 16 years has made the continued existence of this paper a reality. And please rest assured that all of us here at the Post are extremely grateful for that.
Michael Hayes
Publisher & Editor-in-Chief
Tuesday, January 08, 2008
Australians buy Cambodian newspaper
January 08, 2008
Mark Dodd
The Australian
Mark Dodd
The Australian
TWO Australian businessmen with media interests in Burma have purchased a controlling interest in Cambodia's Phnom Penh Post.
The Post's new owners are Ross Dunkley, whose company Myanmar Consolidated Media publishes the Burmese government mouthpiece Myanmar Times, Burma's first private newspaper, and mining entrepreneur Bill Clough. They have promised The Post will remain independent and will soon publish weekly.
The current proprietor and editor-in-chief, American Michael Hayes, launched the newspaper on a whim in 1992 in a Phnom Penh bar. He will stay on as editor-in-chief for another 18 months.
The newspaper's launch was timed to coincide with the arrival of the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), heralding a new era for Cambodia as it emerged from more than three decades of war, including the Khmer Rouge “killing fields” reign of terror in which more than 2 million perished.
The Phnom Penh Post - well-known and highly regarded throughout Southeast Asia, although not always well-liked by the Cambodian Government - enjoys a reputation for being fiercely independent.
It was among the world's first media outlets to proclaim the death and cremation of notorious Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot with the headline “Burnt like Old Rubbish”.
The newspaper has helped serve as a career springboard for a generation of journalists interested in reporting from Southeast Asia, in particular Cambodia, including Nate Thayer - who achieved fame with an exclusive 1997 interview with Pol Pot after he was arrested as a result of an internal Khmer Rouge purge.
The Post's new owners are Ross Dunkley, whose company Myanmar Consolidated Media publishes the Burmese government mouthpiece Myanmar Times, Burma's first private newspaper, and mining entrepreneur Bill Clough. They have promised The Post will remain independent and will soon publish weekly.
The current proprietor and editor-in-chief, American Michael Hayes, launched the newspaper on a whim in 1992 in a Phnom Penh bar. He will stay on as editor-in-chief for another 18 months.
The newspaper's launch was timed to coincide with the arrival of the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), heralding a new era for Cambodia as it emerged from more than three decades of war, including the Khmer Rouge “killing fields” reign of terror in which more than 2 million perished.
The Phnom Penh Post - well-known and highly regarded throughout Southeast Asia, although not always well-liked by the Cambodian Government - enjoys a reputation for being fiercely independent.
It was among the world's first media outlets to proclaim the death and cremation of notorious Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot with the headline “Burnt like Old Rubbish”.
The newspaper has helped serve as a career springboard for a generation of journalists interested in reporting from Southeast Asia, in particular Cambodia, including Nate Thayer - who achieved fame with an exclusive 1997 interview with Pol Pot after he was arrested as a result of an internal Khmer Rouge purge.
Two Australian businessmen take over Phnom Penh Post
01.07.08BANGKOK (Thomson Financial) - Two Australian businessmen with stakes in The Myanmar Times weekly announced Monday they have taken a controlling interest in The Phnom Penh Post, a respected Cambodian newspaper.
Ross Dunkley, chief executive officer of Myanmar Consolidated Media, which publishes the Myanmar Times, said he and Bill Clough, an Australian miner and oil and gas entrepreneur, have taken a controlling stake in the paper.
He said the Cambodian paper would be run completely separately from the Myanmar publications, which include English and Myanmar-language weeklies.
The Phnom Penh Post, which publishes every two weeks, was founded by American journalist Michael Hayes 17 years ago.
Hayes will remain as editor in chief, while the project will be managed by Michel Dauguet, a French national with extensive experience working in Vietnam in media and software development, the statement said.
The Myanmar Times began publishing in 2000 as that country's first private newspaper in over three decades. Dunkley also had experience working in tightly-controlled societies as editor of the Vietnam Investment Review.
Ross Dunkley, chief executive officer of Myanmar Consolidated Media, which publishes the Myanmar Times, said he and Bill Clough, an Australian miner and oil and gas entrepreneur, have taken a controlling stake in the paper.
He said the Cambodian paper would be run completely separately from the Myanmar publications, which include English and Myanmar-language weeklies.
The Phnom Penh Post, which publishes every two weeks, was founded by American journalist Michael Hayes 17 years ago.
Hayes will remain as editor in chief, while the project will be managed by Michel Dauguet, a French national with extensive experience working in Vietnam in media and software development, the statement said.
The Myanmar Times began publishing in 2000 as that country's first private newspaper in over three decades. Dunkley also had experience working in tightly-controlled societies as editor of the Vietnam Investment Review.
Saturday, December 01, 2007
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