Showing posts with label DK regime. Show all posts
Showing posts with label DK regime. Show all posts

Saturday, February 18, 2012

Fate of Comrade Sihanouk under his protégé's DK regime

ការពិត សីហនុ ជា ខ្លា សង្គម នៅ តែស្បែក និង ឆ្អឹង អត់ចង្កូម។ រោមមាត់ ក៏ត្រូវ ដកអស់ទៀត។ ដូច្នេះ ចាំតែ ថ្ងៃស្លាប់់។

ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ បើលែង ខ្លា ចាស់នេះ ឱយ ដើរទៅ តាមផ្លូវ ក្មេងៗ ច្បាស់ ជាខ្លាច។ មនុស្សចាស់ ខ្លះ ដែលពុំស្គាល់ ថាជាខ្លាស្គម ក៏ខ្លាចដែរ។

យើងមិន កាប់សម្លាប់ គាត់ទេ។ តែចំពោះ ប្រជាជាតិ និង ប្រជាជន គាត់ក៏ មានទោស ធ្ងន់ ក្នុងថានៈ ជាអ្នក កាប់សម្លាប់ ប្រជាជន

In reality, Sihanouk is a skinny tiger with only his skin left to cover his bones and he has no more fangs. His beard was pulled out. Therefore he only waits for the day he will die.

However, if this older tiger is released, then he will surely scare children along the roads. Some adults who do not know that he is merely a skinny tiger will also be scared as well.

We will not kill him. But, to the nation and the people, he carry a heavy charge in his position as the killer of the people.
Gentlemen,

Hou Youn was killed sometime in late 1975 and Hu Nim in May 1977. I have Hu Nim confessions (he wrote his confessions, in part, in poetic, phonoaesthetic form). Nim was implicated by previous Tuol Sleng victims. His death had nothing to do with HRH Sihanouk. Youn's death is still rather controversial. In my "chats" with Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea in 2005, both suggested he was not killed by Angkar. Both suggested that his bodyguards killed him. Of note, after his death, official documents still referred to him in friendly comradeship terms, suggesting that he was not regarded as a traitor to the revolution. You would have heard contemptible references such Ah Hu Nim, Ah Sao phim, after they were killed. These guys were "traitors" to the revolution.

Of note, HM had already resigned in March 1976, over a year before Hu Nim was arrested and killed. Talks/decision by the CPK Standing Committee/Politburo about what to do with the Prince, including killing Prince Sihanouk took place 11-13 March 1976 in the Meeting of the Committee in which Kheiu samphorn (Hem) attended and discussed about the issue (first and last pages of the Minute is attached).

Nuon Chea, when asked about Youn's death, recently stated in court that Hou Youn had "problems with his bodyguards".

Regards,

Bora Touch


http://www.box.com/s/2k7vpdu0qf46r16t9zeo

Thursday, February 09, 2012

Trial Chamber Concludes Examination of Accused Nuon Chea in Case 002

February 08, 2012
By Randle DeFalco, J.D. Rutgers School of Law – Newark, Legal Advisor, Documentation Center of Cambodia
“People needed to be controlled, conquered; the more the better.” - Nuon Chea
On Wednesday, February 8, 2012, the Trial Chamber of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) resumed hearing substantive evidence in Case 002 following three days of testimony by Youk Chhang, director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam), regarding the Center’s process of collecting and cataloguing documents related to the Democratic Kampuchea (DK) period (1975-1979). The accused in Case 002 are Nuon Chea, Ieng Sary and Khieu Samphan.

Ieng Sary Retires Earlier than Usual

Before the day’s proceedings could begin, national counsel for Ieng Sary, Ang Udom, rose and informed the Chamber that Ieng Sary was experiencing “swelling in his feet” and back pain. As a result, Ieng Sary wished to retire to the holding cell for the entire day’s proceedings to participate via audio-visual link. This request was early, even for Ieng Sary, who recently has adopted the custom of requesting to be excused prior to the morning session break at 10:30 a.m. Chamber President Nil Nonn granted this request and reminded Ang Udom of the need to submit a written waiver signed by Ieng Sary.

Nuon Chea Defense Rebuked for Bringing up Prime Minister Hun Sen’s Statement Again

Next, the floor was turned to Michiel Pestman, international counsel for Nuon Chea, who made some procedural submissions to the Chamber prior to questioning. He informed the Chamber that the Nuon Chea defense planned on calling additional witnesses relevant to the current topic of the historical background of the DK period, arguing that the witnesses heard thus far had not been able to provide sufficient information. Next, Mr. Pestman stated that “reluctantly” the defense had to revisit the remarks of Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen.[1]

This prefatory statement triggered an immediate interjection from the Chamber President, who chastised Mr. Pestman for using questioning time to make statements and reminded him that the defense can appeal the Trial Chamber’s decision regarding Hun Sen’s statements following ECCC procedures.

Mr. Pestman responded by stating that the Nuon Chea defense cannot immediately appeal any Trial Chamber decision and began to argue that the statement made by the Trial Chamber regarding Hun Sen’s statements was not a “decision” at all.

President Nil Nonn then cut off Mr. Pestman again and stated that the Chamber had been clear on the topic and forbade Mr. Pestman from discussing the topic further. At this point, the President appeared frustrated by Mr. Pestman’s persistence and referred to him with less formal language than is typically used at the ECCC. The President further warned Mr. Pestman that the defense would forfeit its remaining questioning time if it continued to push the issue.

Wednesday, February 01, 2012

Nuon Chea hints that Heng Xamrin and Chea Xim were Khmer Rouge also!!!

Donning a pair of dark glasses, Nuon Chea continues his testimony at the ECCC on Tuesday.

Nuon Chea Names Cambodian Politicians as Former Khmer Rouge Associates as Evidentiary Hearings Continue at the ECCC

January 31, 2012
By Randle DeFalco, J.D. Rutgers School of Law – Newark, DC-Cam Legal Advisor
Source: Cambodian Tribunal
  • peasants in Cambodia being “treated like animals” by those in power
  • Sihanouk was actually named President of the State Presidium, the most powerful position in the country
  • Heng Samrin eventually became a military leader in the CPK
  • he is unsure what role Chea Sim assumed during the DK period
  • He stated that even today many Vietnamese people are entering Cambodian territory, suggesting that the Vietnamese may harbor continuing designs to annex Cambodian lands.
 On Tuesday, January 31, 2012, the Trial Chamber of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) continued hearing evidence in Case 002 against accused Nuon Chea, Ieng Sary and Khieu Samphan. Scheduled for the day was the continued testimony of accused Nuon Chea regarding the topic of the historical background of the Democratic Kampuchea (DK) period.

Chamber President Nil Nonn began the day’s proceedings by informing the parties of the schedule for the rest of the week. The President stated that beginning the following day, the Chamber would hear the testimony of Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) director Youk Chhang.

Civil Party Questioning of Nuon Chea

Following some discussion concerning the allocation of time to put questions to Mr. Chhang, the floor was turned over to the civil parties to put questions to Nuon Chea. Civil Party counsel Sim Sivorn then began questioning Nuon Chea. When counsel asked Nuon Chea some preliminary questions for the day, she initially spoke in a slow, simple and measured manner. This apparently offended Nuon Chea, who responded in the same tone and was clearly annoyed at being spoken to in such a simple manner. Nuon Chea’s mockery of the Sim Sivorn’s tone drew laughs among the crowd in the courtroom viewing gallery.

Following this initial difficulty, Sim Sivorn gained better footing and took up questioning of Nuon Chea in earnest. Upon questioning concerning his educational period in Thailand, Nuon Chea testified that a monk gave him a Thai name, which was required to register at Thai schools and that he quit his studies after one year of university in order to join the communist struggle. He explained that if he completed his studies, he would have had to serve the authorities in power and he chose therefore to quit his studies and become a revolutionary.

Nuon Chea next explained that the seeds of his revolutionary fervor were sewn when he was 14-15 years old and witnessed peasants in Cambodia being “treated like animals” by those in power, including French colonial authorities. He then went to study the “Thai way” and became interested in how communism sought to help the poor and disenfranchised.

Wednesday, November 23, 2011

Nuon Chea: Only the croc’s body is brought to trial, not its head and tail

Nuon Chea, also known as Brother No. 2, the former deputy leader of the Khmer Rouge regime, attends the second day of a trial of the former Khmer Rouge top leaders in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Tuesday. (Mark Peters/Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia/AP)
22 Nov 2011
By S. Botum
Free Press Magazine Online
Translated from Khmer by Soy
Click here to read the original article in Khmer

Without any fear, Brother No. 2 sternly attacked the KR Tribunal (KRT), saying that the KRT only brought in the body of the crocodile to try, but it left out the head and the tail of the croc, i.e. the KRT only arrested his group and brought them to try without paying any attention to the genesis of the KR regime itself.

Starting with his greetings to the monks, to the nationalists from all eras who lost their lives to defend and preserve Cambodian land up until now, Nuon Chea, the former president of the National Assembly of the Democratic Kampuchea (DK) regime, clearly stated that: “If my health allows me, I will try to provide clarifications to a just history, not a political history. I think that this tribunal is not fair to me ever since from the beginning because it only brings to trial some of the problems. [What] I am saying is that, for an entire crocodile, it [KRT] only talks about the [croc’s] body, but it left out the head and the tail which play an important role in the [croc’s] daily activities, or to say it differently: the root [cause] and the consequence … this court will not reflect about them.”

At the same time, 86-year-old Brother No. 2 rejected all the crime against humanity accusations leveled by the prosecutors [against him], saying that it is not true and, in turns, he blamed the responsibility to foreigners, in particular, he stressed that Vietnam [is to be blamed].

Khmer Rouge Defendant Blames Vietnam for Cambodia’s Turmoil

November 22, 2011
By SETH MYDANS
The New York Times
“We didn’t kill many... We only killed the bad people, not the good” - Nuon Chea
PHNOM PENH, Cambodia — The highest-ranking surviving Khmer Rouge leader, accused in the deaths of 1.7 million people, defended himself on Tuesday by casting his actions as part of a patriotic struggle to keep Vietnam from annexing Cambodia and exterminating ethnic Cambodians.

Presenting what could have been the condensed version of a political address from his days as the Khmer Rouge’s chief ideologue in the 1970s, the defendant, Nuon Chea, 85, spoke of threats from Vietnamese agents as a justification for the purges that led to the torture and killings that defined the Khmer Rouge regime.

It was the first time a Khmer Rouge leader offered a detailed defense in court for the atrocities committed by the radical Communist regime from 1975 to 1979.

“I have been given an opportunity today that I have been waiting for for so long, and that is to explain to my beloved Cambodian people and their Khmer children the events that occurred in Cambodian history,” Mr. Nuon Chea said.

Placing himself in the heroic company of Cambodian patriots, he said, “I would like to pay my respects to our ancestors who sacrificed their flesh, blood, bone and life to defend our motherland.”

Friday, September 09, 2011

Pol Pot’s biography under the Democratic Kampuchea regime

08 Sept 2011
By Seng Dyna
Radio France Internationale

After the KR took over power in Phnom Penh, Salot Sar became the prime minister, but he chose to use the surname “Pol Pot”. At first, nobody knew that Pol Pot was no other than Salot Sar because Pol Pot is a man who likes to lead a mysterious life. Very few records can be found on his biography during his tenure.

Click the control below to listen to the audio program in Khmer:

សាឡុត ស ហៅ ប៉ុល ពត លេខា​បក្ស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត និង​ជា​នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី​នៃ​កម្ពុជា​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ
(រូបថតឯកសារ)

ជីវិត​​ ប៉ុល ពត ក្នុង​របប​កម្ពុជា​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ

​ថ្ងៃ ព្រហស្បតិ៍ 08 កញ្ញា 2011
ដោយ សេង ឌីណា

ក្រោយ​ពី​ខ្មែរក្រហម​ដណ្តើម​កាន់កាប់​ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ សាឡុត ស បាន​ឡើង​កាន់តំណែង​ជា​នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ ប្រើឈ្មោះ​ថា “ប៉ុល ពត”។ ពីដំបូង គេមិនដឹង​ទេ​ថា ប៉ុល ពត នេះ គឺ​ជា​សាឡុត ស។ ដោយសារ​តែ​ ប៉ុល ពត ជា​មនុស្ស​ចូលចិត្ត​រស់​នៅ​ក្នុង​ភាព​អាថ៌កំបាំង​ផងនោះ គេកម្រ​ឃើញ​មាន​ឯកសារ ដែល​សរសេរ​អំពី​ប្រវត្តិ​របស់គាត់ ក្នុង​អំឡុង​ពេល​​គាត់​កាន់អំណាច​ណាស់។

នៅថ្ងៃទី១៧ ខែ​មេសា ឆ្នាំ​១៩៧៥ កងទ័ព​ខ្មែរក្រហម​ដណ្តើម​កាន់កាប់​ក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ ហើយ​ផ្តួលរំលំ​ជា​ស្ថាពរ​នូវ​របប​សាធារណរដ្ឋ​ខ្មែរ របស់​ លន់ នល់។ ​រាល់​អំណាច​ទាំងអស់​ក៏ធ្លាក់​ក្នុងដៃ​ពួក​ខ្មែរក្រហម ដែល​មាន សាឡុត ស ជា​មេដឹកនាំ។ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ ទោះជា​ក្រោយពី​ទទួលបាន​ជោគជ័យ​ហើយ​ក៏ដោយ ក៏ សាឡុត ស នៅតែ​បន្ត​លាក់បាំង​អត្តសញ្ញាណ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ដដែល។

Sunday, November 07, 2010

"Thailand’s Kampuchea Incidents Territorial Disputes and Armed Confrontation along the Thai-kampuchean Frontier" By Larry Palmer

KI-Media Note: We would like to thank Mr. Bora Touch, Esq. for pointing out this paper.

THAILAND’S KAMPUCHEA INCIDENTS TERRITORIAL DISPUTES AND ARMED CONFRONTATION ALONG THE THAI-KAMPUCHEAN FRONTIER.
(with special reference to the Prachinburi-Battambang border).
News From Kampuchea, Vol. 1(4) October 1977.

By Larry Palmer.
I never cease to be amazed by the unshakable skepticism of the Anglo-Americans when the expansionism of their protégés in Bangkok is pointed out to them…The Anglo-Americans are without doubt the only people in the world who refuse to take account of this continuity in Thai policy”: Norodom Sihanouk
On the night of 28 January 1977, a violent incident occurred along the Thai-Kampuchean border near the frontier towns of Aranyaprathet (in Thailand’s Prachinburi province) and Poipet (in Kampuchea’s Battambang province). This incident was widely, although tardily reported in the western press . In general the gist of this reportage was as follows: Kampuchean troops in an unprovoked and coordinated surprise attack, crossed the border into Thailand and massacred the unarmed civilian inhabitants of three Thai villages. Some hypothesized that the Kampucheans were foraging for food; others claimed that “informed sources” had told them that the Kampucheans were upset because the villagers in question had double-crossed them in a business deal . Most reporters did not bother to delve into the circumstances surrounding the incident and when the Kampucheans, after a lengthy investigation, released their version of events two weeks later, it was treated with derision or simply not reported at all. Yet the bulk of the available evidence, most of which comes from Thai sources, indicates that the Kampuchean version is more credible than that of the Thai government.

The key to the Kampuchean account is the claim that the villages involved are on Kampuchean territory. The villages, the Kampucheans say, were established during the tenure of Lon Nol’s Khmer Republic, which was too weak to protest such Thai encroachments. To evaluate this Kampuchean claim, it is necessary to look at the history of the Thai-Kampuchean boarder in this area in some detail.

Friday, November 05, 2010

China Forgives $4 Million in Khmer Rouge-era Debt

Kiss and beg? Hun Sen embracing and kissing Wu Bangguo (Photo: CEN)
Chun Sakada, VOA Khmer
Phnom Penh Thursday, 04 November 2010

China announced Thursday it would forgive Cambodia more than $4 million in debt owed by the government of the Khmer Rouge.

In an agreement signed between Prime Minister Hun Sen and China’s top legislator, Wu Bangguo, the two sides said Cambodia’s debt would be transferred into development projects, a government spokesman said.

The debt cancellations comes after the visit of US Secretary of Stat Hillary Clinton, who discussed the possibility of addressing more than $400 million owed by Cambodia to the US.


Thursday’s announcement signaled a second round by China, who in 2002 announced undisclosed debt cancellation estimated at the time to be between $60 million and $1 billion.

In 2005, the International Monetary Fund forgave $82 million in debt. Over the years, Russia, too, canceled $1.5 billion in Cambodian debt.

Hun Sen and other officials say they should not be held liable for the US loan, which was given to the beleaguered Lon Nol regime in the 1970s. That regime, which ousted then-prince Norodom Sihanouk in a coup, fell to the Khmer Rouge.

Sunday, September 26, 2010

Response to '75 ship crisis focused on US prestige

FILE - In this May 1975 file photo, the destroyer escort USS Harold E. Holt prepares to tow the United States owned cargo vessel SS Mayaguez on May 1975. When the merchant ship Mayaguez and its American crew were seized by communist forces off the coast of Cambodia in 1975, the Ford administration was determined to craft a muscular response in hope of limiting damage to U.S. prestige, according to newly declassified documents published by the State Department. (AP Photo/ U.S. Navy, File)
Saturday, September 25, 2010
By ROBERT BURNS (AP)

WASHINGTON — When the merchant ship Mayaguez and its American crew were seized by communist forces off the coast of Cambodia in 1975, the Ford administration was determined to craft a muscular response in hope of limiting damage to U.S. prestige, according to newly declassified documents published by the State Department.

U.S. Marines regained control of the ship three days after its seizure, and the 40 civilian members of the crew were safely returned. But three helicopters ferrying Marines to a nearby island defended by Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge forces were lost to hostile fire, and 18 U.S. servicemen died. Decades later the U.S. was still recovering their remains.

Washington's initial response illustrated how, just weeks after the fall of Saigon, U.S. leaders were eager to put the Vietnam debacle behind them, erase the U.S. image as a helpless giant, and dissuade provocative action by other U.S. adversaries. A non-military response, such as freezing Cambodian assets, was raised and quickly rejected as ineffectual.


When Secretary of State Henry Kissinger was informed of the ship's seizure May 12, he was flabbergasted.

"How can that be?" he asked an aide.

"Now, goddam it: We are not going to sit here and let an American merchant ship be captured at sea and let it go into the harbor without doing a bloody thing about it," Kissinger said. "We are going to protest."

Judging by their remarks, Kissinger and other senior administration officials seemed chiefly concerned that the United States, whose prestige had taken a beating in failing to stop a communist takeover of Vietnam, not allow the Cambodia incident to further undermine U.S. standing.

"I know you damned well cannot let Cambodia capture a ship a hundred miles at sea and do nothing," Kissinger said, according to declassified minutes of a May 12 meeting of his senior staff.

A few hours later, after informing President Gerald R. Ford, Kissinger suggested at a National Security Council meeting headed by Ford that the U.S. could seize a Cambodian ship on the high seas to demonstrate U.S. resolve.

"Can we find out where Cambodian ships are around the world?" he asked. Answer: the Pentagon wasn't sure there were any.

Vice President Nelson Rockefeller joined Kissinger in advocating a strong response to avoid the impression of U.S. weakness.

"I think this will be seen as a test case," Rockefeller said. "I think a violent response is in order. The world should know that we will act and that we will act quickly."

Later the vice president added: "We have to show that we will not tolerate this kind of thing. It is a pattern. If we do not respond violently, we will get nibbled to death."

The White House meeting transcripts show that Washington was unsure what motive lay behind the ship's seizure.

William Clements, the deputy secretary of defense, said at the May 12 National Security Council meeting that the incident might not be intended as a challenge to the U.S. but rather a misstep linked to a dispute over oil resources in the region.

"We should not forget that there is a real chance that this is an in-house spat," Clements said.

"That is interesting, but it does not solve our problem," Ford responded. He called for a U.S. Navy aircraft carrier to head toward the scene and for plans to be drawn up for laying mines in the waters around the seized ship.

In the early hours of the crisis, top U.S. officials debated the tone and content of an initial public statement.

Donald H. Rumsfeld, the White House chief of staff who later that year became Ford's secretary of defense, suggested a public statement declaring the ship's seizure an act of piracy and saying the U.S. expects the crew's release. He argued against demanding their release — because, he said, that would "activate the Congress" and "seems weaker."

Robert T. Hartmann, counsellor to the president, told Ford at a National Security Council meeting on May 13: "This crisis, like the Cuban missile crisis, is the first real test of your leadership. What you decide is not as important as what the public perceives."

The documents portraying the Ford administration's response to the Mayaguez seizure are among thousands of pages of documents published in a new State Department volume of "Foreign Relations of the United States," covering the period January 1973 to July 1975. It focuses on U.S. policy toward Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.

Friday, July 30, 2010

Shame on the UN

Friday, 30 July 2010
Savun Neang
Letter to The Phnom Penh Post


Dear Editor,
"But it is forgetting or ignoring a key player, former Khmer Rouge head of state Norodom Sihanouk ... The Vietnamese installed the same Khmer Rouge cadres as puppet leaders, and about 85 percent are still ruling Cambodia today."
I was one of the victims of the Khmer Rouge regime. I really want justice for 73 members of my family, the majority of them executed without evidence of wrongdoing.

But personally, I don’t have faith, and I don’t believe or count on the United Nations’ tribunals obtaining justice for Cambodian victims.

The tribunal is focusing on Tuol Sleng prison (S-21) for the majority of the evidence to prosecute former Khmer Rouge leaders, including Duch, Ieng Sary, Kieu Samphan, Ieng Thirith and Nuon Chea.

But it is forgetting or ignoring a key player, former Khmer Rouge head of state Norodom Sihanouk.

Shame on the UN for wrongly focusing on S21, which was a prison for higher-ranking cadres of the Khmer Rouge’s revolution members. It had little to do with the real victims of the Khmer Rouge regime. S21 prison spilled only a little innocent Cambodian blood.

Again, shame on the UN. In 1979 there were at least a million Cambodians, I and my family included, who fled Cambodia after the Vietnamese invasion.

Many refugees had told the UN that the Khmer Rouge regime was a killing machine. But the UN ignored them and instead harboured the Khmer Rouge by allowing them to retain a seat at the UN from 1979 through 1991, even though they were no longer in power.

Justice has yet to be served 31 years after the collapse of the Khmer Rouge regime.

The Vietnamese installed the same Khmer Rouge cadres as puppet leaders, and about 85 percent are still ruling Cambodia today.

Savun Neang
Seattle, Washington

Tuesday, November 20, 2007

FACTBOX-Khmer Rouge casts lingering shadow over Cambodia

Nov 20 (Reuters) - Chief Khmer Rouge interrogator Duch stood before the U.N.-backed "Killing Fields" tribunal on Tuesday, the first public appearance by a senior Pol Pot cadre at the court investigating Cambodia's genocide.

Here are some facts about the Khmer Rouge and how Cambodia is dealing with its legacy:

THE KILLING FIELDS:

- Pol Pot's ultra-Maoist Khmer Rouge guerrillas launched a bloody agrarian revolution in 1975, five years after King Norodom Sihanouk was overthrown in a right-wing coup.

- An estimated 1.7 million people -- 21 percent of the population -- were executed or died of disease, starvation or overwork over the next four years in rural labour camps that became known as the "Killing Fields".
THE FALL OF THE KHMER ROUGE:

- Vietnamese troops invaded in late 1978 and installed a communist government made up mostly of former Khmer Rouge cadres, including current Prime Minister Hun Sen. Hanoi withdrew in 1989.

- Fighting continued between the government and Khmer Rouge remnants based in Thailand between 1979 and 1991. Millions of Cambodians remained in refugee camps during the unrest.

SLOW ROAD TO JUSTICE:

- A 1991 U.N.-brokered peace pact led to elections in 1993 and the restoration of Sihanouk as a constitutional monarch.

- In August 1999, two years after Cambodia asked the United Nations and the international community to help set up a Khmer Rouge genocide tribunal, the government said it wanted to maintain overall control of the court.

- The plan languished for years. Draft laws flew back and forth between Cambodia and the United Nations. The tribunal's legitimacy was questioned in Cambodia and there were calls for world leaders -- from former U.N. secretary generals to Jimmy Carter, Margaret Thatcher and Henry Kissinger -- to be subpoenaed over their support for Pol Pot's regime.
CRUNCH-TIME:

- The United Nations gave the go-ahead for a $56.3 million, three-year trial in April 2005, but officials disagreed over the legalities of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, as the joint tribunal is known.

They finally agreed on the basic rules of the court in June 2007, allowing the tribunal to proceed in earnest. Full trials are expected to start next year, but prosecutors say they need more time and cash.

EXPECTED TO GO ON TRIAL:

- Five senior Khmer Rouge cadres have been arrested and charged variously with crimes against humanity and war crimes.

They are ex-president Khieu Samphan, former foreign minister Ieng Sary and his wife Khieu Thirith, "Brother Number Two" Nuon Chea, and Duch, who ran Phnom Penh's "S-21" torture and interrogation centre.

- Pol Pot, architect of the Khmer Rouge's "Year Zero" peasant revolution, was captured in 1997 and died in April 1998. The one-legged military chief Ta Mok died last year.

LIVING LEGACY:

- Almost 30 years after the regime fell, more than 20,000 ex-Khmer Rouge soldiers and workers live freely in the country.

- Prime Minister Hun Sen supports the tribunal. While there is no evidence linking him to any atrocities, his government includes many former cadres.

Sources: Reuters, Cambodian Genocide Project (www.yale.edu/cgp/chron_v3.html) (Writing by Gill Murdoch; editing by Darren Schuettler and Roger Crabb)

Cambodia Diary 7: The Making of a Mass Murderer

Left: An undated picture of Kang Kek Ieu, known as "Duch', former director of the Tuol Sleng prison and, right, a photo taken in the military prison in Phnom Penh, on July 30, 2007. (Photo: AFP)

2007.11.19
By Dan Southerland
Radio Free Asia


Phnom Penh, Cambodia

Try to imagine the top student in your class, the most conscientious student you ever met, the guy who became a caring teacher.

Then try to imagine that same person turning into a mass murderer.

That’s the mind game that you play as you attempt to understand Kang Kech Eav, widely known as Duch, the first Khmer Rouge official who will go on trial in Cambodia for crimes against humanity.

As a reporter in Cambodia during the war there from 1970 to 1975, I rarely saw the face of the Khmer Rouge.

I heard Khmer Rouge rockets whistling overhead. I saw the damage they caused.

I once came upon a small group of Khmer Rouge defectors and on another occasion I took a photo of a single Khmer Rouge prisoner with his arms tied behind his back.

But none of us who witnessed the war, as well as the majority of Cambodians, ever knew who the secretive top Khmer Rouge leaders were until after they came to power.

Search for justice

Though they now know these leaders’ names, many Cambodians would probably prefer not to relive that painful period after the Khmer Rouge took power. Under Khmer Rouge rule, up to 2 million people perished from starvation, overwork, torture, and executions.

But the much-delayed Khmer Rouge tribunal should at last give a sense of justice to many of those who survived.

And Duch, now 66 years old, seems the right choice to go to trial first. Though he is not the highest-ranking of the four Khmer Rouge officials so far to be charged and detained, Duch was the chief of the notorious torture center known as S-21.

He took orders from top leaders and he kept meticulous records.

Equally important, Duch seems to be the only one of the four officials indicted so far to come close to telling the truth about what happened.

While the other three have denied any knowledge or responsibility for the killings that occurred throughout Cambodia during Khmer Rouge rule, Duch openly admitted to two journalists that he had overseen torture and mass executions at S-21

Understanding Duch

It’s not easy to understand how Duch transformed himself from diligent student and kindly teacher into the chief executioner at S-21, where at least 14,000 Cambodians died.

“Duch was a very smart student,” said Leam Sarun, 68, who met and befriended Duch in 1962 when Sarun served as a monk in a pagoda in Phnom Penh. Sarun considered Duch to be an idealist.

He felt for poor people,” Sarun told RFA’s Khmer service director Kem Sos. “He would tell others not to hurt the poor.”

But, of course, many of those who ended up at S-21 were very poor. They included both men and women who fought for the Khmer Rouge but were then deemed to be traitors. Most had no idea why they had been imprisoned and tortured. Hundreds were children.

Thanks to two books published in recent years –The Gate by Francois Bizot and The Lost Executioner by Nic Dunlop--we can begin to understand Duch’s transformation into a killer.

But both authors seem to struggle and agonize over the question.

Ruled by fear

Bizot, a French expert on Buddhism and Khmer pottery who was held prisoner by Duch during the war, began to see Duch himself as a prisoner “inside a large machine from which he could no longer escape.”

“And so he like everyone from his fellow (Khmer Rouge) leaders to the humblest conscripts, was ruled by fear….,” writes Bizot, who was the only one of 30 foreigners captured by the Khmer Rouge who managed to survive.

Dunlop’s book describes his post-war quest to find Duch, who he discovers converted to Christianity after fleeing Phnom Penh and his life with the Khmer Rouge.

Duch is quietly working for a U.S. aid organization in the provinces when Dunlop identifies him from an old photograph. He finds Duch is the same punctual, disciplined man who carried out his torture center duties “by the book.” On the basis of this discovery, Duch’s conversations with Dunlop and journalist Nate Thayer, and his well-documented role at S-21, Duch was jailed by the Cambodian government. In July of this year, the government handed him over to a United Nations-supported tribunal comprising both Cambodian and international judges.

Duch’s trial could begin as early as the spring of 2008, according to tribunal officials.

In the meanwhile, S-21, now known as the Tuol Sleng genocide museum, has become a destination for thousands of foreign tourists and groups of Cambodians still struggling to understand what happened to them and their country.

Monday, November 19, 2007

How could Sar Kheng know so much about the DK regime secret ... unless he was a high-ranking KR official himself?

Khieu Samphan was the instigator for the formation of cooperatives

Monday, November 19, 2007
Everyday.com.kh
Translated from Khmer by Socheata

Sar Kheng, vice-prime minister and minister of Interior, declared that Khieu Samphan, who holds a Ph.D. degree, was the instigator of the cooperative system. It was under this instigation that Pol Pot, the leader of the Democratic Kampuchea regime, put this system into use and it led to the killings and the genocide of Cambodian people. In a speech given at the opening ceremony of a bridge construction site in Battambang province last week, Sar Kheng said that Hou Yon and Hu Nim, two high-ranking Khmer Rouge officials, were the first ones to be killed by Pol Pot because the pair opposes the prevention of the use of money and the setup of a market system, they also oppose the cooperative system instigated by Khieu Samphan. Sar Kheng added that, based on his thinking, Khieu Samphan survived because Pol Pot was pleased with Khieu Samphan’s policy since his Ph.D. thesis talked only about cooperative, that was why all of us (Cambodians) started to set up cooperatives. Therefore, the communal eating, the communal work, and all other communal activities were undertaken because of Khieu Samphan’s instigation.

Thursday, November 15, 2007

Pre-Stroke Khieu Samphan Defends Role in KR

By Heng Reaksmey, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
14 November 2007



[Editor's note: Three hours before he suffered an apparent stroke Tuesday, Khieu Samphan gave a 20-minute phone interview to VOA Khmer. He was taken to a Phnom Penh hospital Wednesday, and has not talked to the media since his arrival. What follows is part two of a four-part series detailing Tuesday's interview.]


Khieu Samphan confirmed Monday he had hired French attorney Jacques Verges and said he was unaware of the activities of Nuon Chea and Ieng Sary, who both now face atrocity crimes charges and are in tribunal detention.

Asked what he thought of the arrests of Ieng Sary and Ieng Thirith, Khieu Samphan declined to comment, but elaborated on their roles during Democratic Kampuchea.

"Ieng Sary was responsible for the regime's foreign affairs, dealing with both the party and foreign countries," Khieu Samphan said. "As for me, I worked as the head of state and my first responsibility in the regime was to deal with local and international trade, such as pricing goods or produce made by the community, the sale and the distribution of those products.

"My second responsibility was to work with the king and some other officials joining the regime since 1970 coup," he said, referring to then king Norodom Sihanouk. "That was stated very clearly in the job description back then."

Khieu Samphan also said Monday he traveled little under the regime, and most of the regime's work was undertaken by others in Department 870.

The department planned daily activities, handled political affairs and investigated front-line Khmer Rouge cadre.

His section was under Department 870, but he only knew about his job, trade and commerce, he said.

"You can investigate that among the Khmer Rouge leaders," he said. "Did I ever travel anywhere from 1975 to 1979? As I told you, Ieng Sary was responsible for foreign affairs, and I was the head of state, but the daily work [of others] was at Department 870. The department had its own policy. In 1979, the policy was broader, and [the department] joined with Democratic Kampuchea and the king. From 1975 they established a communist regime for whatever benefits I don't want to mention; you can read my book."